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Masteruppsats i offentlig förvaltning [VT10] Förvaltningshögskolan, Göteborgs universitet Elin Jakobsson Handledare: Åsa Boholm Examinatorer: Patrik Zapata, Björn Rombach Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees - What is the problem? Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees Abstract This study starts out on the premise that, due to globalization, national politics of today live an international life to an increasingly greater extent. Policy of today are often created within a paradox where decisions are and need to be made at a supranational level while they cannot be concretized or implemented without the political will at the national level. However, most policy literature and policy analysis of today still concentrate on national policy making. Considering the shift of policy making from the national to the global level, more insight is needed on how the policy process works in the global policy arena. The first phase of the policy process is where the policy problem is defined. This phase is thought to have strong implications for the continuation of the policy process. Therefore, this study focuses on the problem definition phase in a global context. The purpose is to identify and explain the salient characteristics of a global policy problem and to characterize the global problem definition phase. The study is a qualitative text analysis, building on theories of policy problem definition related to the policy case of climate refugees. Twelve policy documents from different global policy actors are used to withdraw information on two questions: “What is the problem?” and “How should the problem be addressed?”. The result is a number of dimensions that represent different angles of the problem definition. The dimensions are then analyzed according to Peters & Hornbeeks’ (2005) seven characteristics of policy problems. The study concludes that the problem definition is surprisingly congruent between the policy actors, that the policy making on climate refugees faces great and difficult challenges and that the multidimensional approach to problem definition is fruitful to use when analyzing global policy problems. Keywords: global policy making, climate refugees, climate migration, policy analysis, problem definition, qualitative text analysis. 2 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees Abbreviations CARE - Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere CCEMA – the Climate Change, Environment and Migration Alliance EACH-FOR - Environmental Change and Forced Migration Scenarios EM-DAT – Emergency Events Database EU – European Union Greens/EFA – the Greens/European Free Alliance IASC – Inter-Agency Standing Committe ICRC – International Committee of the Red Cross IDP – Internally Displaced Persons IOM – International Organization for Migration IPCC – Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change NGO – Non-Governmental Organization NRC – Norwegian Refugee Council OHCHR – Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights PACE – the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe RSG on the HR of IDPs – Representative of the Secretary-General on the human rights of internally displaced persons UN – United Nations UNEP – United Nations Environment Programme UNFCCC – United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change UNHCR – the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNISDR – United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction UNU – United Nations University UNU-EHS – United Nations University, Institute for Environment and Human Security WBGU – German Advisory Council on Global Change 3 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees Acknowledgements I would like to give my regards to my supervisor, Professor Åsa Boholm, for helping me to put the pieces together, to move the process forward and for patiently repeating her advices until I would understand. I would also like to thank Jörgen Ödalen at Uppsala University, project-leader for the research project “Climate Migration and the Obligations of the Rich World”, for taking the time to discuss, read and give useful comments on my work. 4 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees Table of contents 1 PUBLIC POLICY IN A GLOBALIZED WORLD .................................................................................................................... 6 1.1 Research problem .................................................................................................................................................. 6 1.2 Purpose and research questions ............................................................................................................................ 7 1.3 General outline ...................................................................................................................................................... 8 2 PROBLEM DEFINITION IN THEORY.............................................................................................................................. 9 2.1 Stages of a policy process ...................................................................................................................................... 9 2.2 What is a policy problem?.................................................................................................................................... 10 2.3 What happens at the problem definition phase? ................................................................................................ 10 2.4 Analytical framework ........................................................................................................................................... 13 3 METHOD AND MATERIAL ...................................................................................................................................... 14 3.1 Choice of case ...................................................................................................................................................... 14 3.2 Choice of method................................................................................................................................................. 15 3.3 Choice of material ................................................................................................................................................ 15 3.4 Analyzing the results ............................................................................................................................................ 16 3.5 Limitations ........................................................................................................................................................... 16 4 THE CASE OF CLIMATE REFUGEES ............................................................................................................................ 18 4.1 Recognizing the Issue of Climate Migration ......................................................................................................... 18 4.2 Climate refugees in existing frameworks ............................................................................................................. 19 4.3 Estimates on numbers and future scenarios........................................................................................................ 20 4.4 Hot-spots ............................................................................................................................................................. 21 4.5 A shattered definition of climate refugees .......................................................................................................... 22 5 DEFINING THE PROBLEM OF CLIMATE REFUGEES – WHAT IS THE PROBLEM? ................................................................... 24 5.1 Dimensions of definition I .................................................................................................................................... 24 5.2 Solubility, complexity and the question of scale .................................................................................................. 28 6 DEFINING THE PROBLEM OF CLIMATE REFUGEES - HOW SHOULD THE PROBLEM BE ADDRESSED? ......................................... 31 6.1 Dimensions of definition II ................................................................................................................................... 31 6.2 Divisibility, monetarization, scope of activity and interdependencies................................................................. 34 7 CONCLUSIONS .................................................................................................................................................... 36 8 REFERENCES....................................................................................................................................................... 40 8.1 Books, reports and articles .................................................................................................................................. 40 8.2 Internet sources ................................................................................................................................................... 43 APPENDIX 1 – TABLE OF SAMPLED DOCUMENTS........................................................................................................... 44 APPENDIX 2 – DIMENSIONS DETECTED IN EACH DOCUMENT ........................................................................................... 45 5 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees 1 Public policy in a globalized world Globalization as a phenomenon is now widely recognized in the academic as well as in the political world. The world is geographically and politically becoming increasingly regionalized and globalized. The scale, the speed and the depth of political, economic and social flow and interaction between distant communities is expanding. Globalists mean that the current globalization process has reached unprecedented levels. In the context of globalization, the sovereignty of states and national policy is declining. Policy decisions on a global level have strong implications for national policy and for many contemporary policy problems a global approach is needed for a substantial addressing of the problem. To be added, an increasing amount of national policies have their origins in the global policy arena and the distinction between international and national affairs is blurred (Held & McGrew 2003:4, 122; Reinecke 1998:52). The global policy arena presents different conditions and assets to policy making than does the national one. The challenges facing global policy making are many. The domain of global policy problems are far away from their origin and score high on dimensions of time, distance and resources (Morgan et al. 1999:272). There is also a different set of actors with mainly different mandates. Even though states have a say in the global policy arena; NGOs, international organizations and business companies are also important policy actors (Held & McGrew 2003:12, Reinecke 1998:52, Soroos 1986:78-87). Policy procedures are another challenge since they are not as specified on the global level as they are within states. For each new global policy process decisions have to be made about the structure and routines for meetings, discussions and voting (Soroos 1986:90f). Global policy problems mainly distinguish from national ones in two ways. One is that it is subject for concern throughout much of the world. The other is that it has been taken up by at least one of the international institutions, such as the United Nations (Soroos 1991:4). A policy domain that has been given much attention on the global policy arena in the last decade is climate change and its effects. One of its possibly most serious effects is thought to be the one on human migration. Due to sudden and slow environmental degradation, people will be forced to leave their homes. Some of them will have to cross international borders. Currently, they are faced with an uncertain future not being a defined category of migrants. This phenomenon is already a fact and is also expected to grow substantially in the future. (See for example Myers 1997) However, as a policy problem climate migration is still relatively new on the international agenda and the policy process on the so called issue of climate refugees has just begun. 1.1 Research problem The global policy arena is paradoxical: at the same time as major policy problems are approached on the global level the international community relies on the political will of single states in order to effectively address an issue. 6 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees An illustrative way to see the differences between policy making on the global and the national level is Morgan et al.s’ (1999:272) three dimensions. One is the time required to implement or reverse choice. This dimension ranges from the time period of a political election cycle to a generation to the lifetime of a nation or culture. Another dimension is the cultural and political distance between parties. This can be everything from a family or a nation to cultural blocks and beyond. The third and last dimension is resources required or at stake. This dimension encompasses all from resources of an individual to resources of nations or cultures. Most global policy problem score high on all these dimensions. National policy problems have lower scores, that is they are much closer to their origin. The dimensions of executing and change or reverse the policy are smaller in national policy. With global policy problems though, the time needed to implement a decided policy is often long. The cultural and political variety is much larger in the global policy arena than in the national one. And finally, the resources at stake with most global policy problems are immense compared to on the national level. Most policy literature and policy analysis of today still concentrate on national policy making (Nagel 1991:xiv). Considering the shift of policy making from the national to the global level, more insight is needed on how the policy process works in the global policy arena. Many writers (for example Dery 1984, Premfors 1989, Wildavsky 1979) argue that the way in which a policy problem is defined is crucial for how the problem is addressed. The problem definition sets the frames and the directions for the rest of the policy process. Since the problem definition phase of a policy process have such strong implications for the rest of the policy making process it is motivated to look into how problem definition functions in different contexts, in this case the global policy arena. The relevance of the problem definition phase together with the different conditions that characterizes the global policy arena makes it a challenging research gap to investigate. To do this I will use the empirical case of climate refugees. The policy issue of climate refugees is a case in point since it is relatively new on the global agenda and so the definition of the problem is vivid and not yet settled. This study contributes to knowledge of global policy problems and to future policy analysis on problem definition. As for the case of climate refugees, this study contributes with a clarification on what the problem is actually defined as which can be useful for the following policy stages. 1.2 Purpose and research questions The purpose of this master thesis is twofold: • • To identify and explain the salient characteristics of a global policy problem To characterize the global problem definition phase In particular I will make a policy analysis of the problem definition stage of global policy making on climate refugees. The questions I seek to answer are: - How is the problem of climate refugees defined? 7 Elin Jakobsson - Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees What are the salient characteristics of the problem of climate refugees as a policy problem in the global policy arena? What does this mean for problem definition in a global context? 1.3 General outline In this chapter I have given a general introduction to the field of global policy making, the issue of problem definition and the case of climate refugees. I have also argued for why this is an intriguing research problem and presented the purpose of this master thesis. In the next chapter I sketch my theoretical framework. First I briefly discuss the sequences of the policy process. I then move on to investigating what a policy problem is and what happens at the stage of problem definition. I conclude this chapter by presenting my analytical framework. In chapter three I will describe and discuss my research design and methodological approach. I will present the material upon which I have built this study and how I have processed this to answer my purpose. The empirical case of global policy making on climate refugees will be further presented in chapter four. In chapter five and six I present and analyze the empirical findings from the case data. The findings are classified in respect to two theoretically derived questions that I have posed to the material. In the last and seventh chapter I elaborate on the conclusions and look forward. 8 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees 2 Problem definition in theory In this chapter I look into the previous research on policy problems and problem definition and derive this into my analytical framework. But to put the problem definition stage in a context, I will first give a short introduction of the stages model of the policy process. 2.1 Stages of a policy process When analyzing policy it is common to regard it as a developing process. The process consists of different steps. How the steps are characterized varies among researchers but the first phase is generally recognized as some kind of problem formulation phase. I will soon return to the discussion of why this initial phase can be considered the most important one and how it can be understood to determine the development of the policy process. Before that, I will give an overview of the stages model in policy analysis. Premfors (1989:9f) approaches the concept of policy neither as a limited intervention nor as a single decision, but as a chain of decisions. There are several different parts that constitute a policy. On the concept of analysis Premfors accentuates that the method is not just about how to dissect a subject and divide it into smaller parts. It is just as important to be able to use the parts to see the bigger picture, which should be able to say something more than just the sum of the different parts. Policy analysis should therefore be holistic. Simon (1958:39, 61-109) presents two models of the policy process: the model of rationality and the model of bounded rationality. The rational model stems from the theory of the “economic man” and supposes that there is complete information about all means and alternatives and their consequences. Since this is more or less impossible in public administration, the model of bounded rationality is considered a more feasible alternative. Instead of choosing the optimal option, “the administrative man” chooses a satisfying option that reaches at least a minimum standard of goal achievement. The incremental model lacks precise goals and chooses only from a few known alternatives that differ marginally from the existing situation (Also described in Premfors 1989:41ff). Many writers on policy analysis use a sequenced model with different stages that illustrates the decision process or the policy process (See for example Lasswell 1971:28, Premfors 1989:44, Quade 1989:226). With slight alterations, a general model consists of problem, alternatives, recommendation, decision, implementation, evaluation and feed-back (Premfors 1989:44). In the problem phase, the problem is identified and structured (Premfors 1989:44, Quade 1989:229ff). There are different views on what a policy problem is and what the activity of problem definition contains. I will discuss this further below. In the second phase, possible alternatives for action is investigated and considered. The pros and cons of different alternatives are weighed against each other. The best alternative or alternatives are selected and communicated in the recommendation phase. At this stage, goals and values for the policy is also considered. Possible values can be efficiency and equity or political and administrative feasibility. Having investigated and evaluated different alternatives, there is a formal decision to proceed with one of the alternatives. This choice of a 9 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees certain policy is made at the decision phase. The implementation phase is characterized by action and the execution of the policy. The policy is evaluated in the evaluation phase upon which lessons are learned in the last phase – the feed-back (Premfors 1989:44, 89-94, 98f, Quade 1989:231-241) 2.2 What is a policy problem? Premfors (1989:48) defines a policy problem as a private or social state that an actor considers unsatisfying and that should be dealt with through official means. How and by whom the problem is identified has significance on what is recognized and how it is addressed on a public policy level. Problems are not neutral, they are constructs and the problem definitions give (possibly competing) answers to questions of alternatives, means and ends (Dery 2000:40; Portz 1996:371f; Weiss 1989:97). If a problem is “incorrectly” defined, it is likely that it is not coherent with the actual situation which will put off an adequate solution (Peters & Hornbeek 2005:82, Premfors 1989:51). Dery (1984:7, 21-27) presents four different views on what a policy problem is. Firstly, problems can be viewed as (undesirable) situations. Describing the problem then is to describe a situation and to describe a situation often contains a description of the roots or causes of the problem. Secondly, problems can be viewed as discrepancies between “what is” and “what ought to be”. Thirdly, problems can be viewed as bridgeable discrepancies. That is, discrepancies are policy problems first when they are solvable, when there is a way to erase the discrepancy. Finally, problems can be viewed as opportunities. This view is not focused on if something is thought to be a problem, but rather how a problem is defined. Dery argues that problems should be viewed as opportunities for improvement rather than discrepancies or something that necessarily can be solved. 2.3 What happens at the problem definition phase? The policy problem formulation phase can be considered the most crucial one since it sets the premises for the rest of the process. First and foremost, until a a sufficient number of powerful actors issue have identified an issue as a problem by or at least as unsatisfying and in need of change, it is not really a policy problem at all. Hence, without the problem identification phase, an issue cannot be subject to policy (Peters & Hornbeek 2005:84, Premfors 1989:48, Weiss 1989:97). So what is actually analyzed at the problem definition phase? In general, a division can be made between three views on what the activity of problem definition entails: To identify problems, to define problems and to construct problems. To identify a problem is simply to establish that there is a problem, or an undesirable situation. Bacchi (1999:20) call those engaged in problem identification “comprehensive rationalists”. They are not especially interested in the nature of the problem and consider the problem phase of policy analysis a rather uncomplicated phase where values and goals are 10 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees clarified. They believe that the real work lies in finding solutions. So, they consider problem and solution to be two separate things. However, most policy theorists view the problem phase as something more complicated than that. Another view is that policy problems are something that are not identified, but defined. This view also engages in the solution of the problem but see the problem phase as a much more complicated process with stronger implications for the outcome of the policy. They do an indepth analysis of the problem definition with the imbedded normative decisions that policy makers and analysts must confront. The political rationalist also tries to come up with suggestions on how the problem definition could be done in a better and more constructive way (Bacchi 1999:20). According to Weiss (1989:97f), the problem definition is more than just a label. It is a package of information on causes and consequences, and ideas about how the problem may be handled. The problem definition also determines the construction of policy since it brings forth some aspects of the situation and some possible solutions while neglecting others. Weiss therefore argues that the problem definition is “the heart of the action”, not just a prelude to the policy making. Policy problems can also be viewed as analytical constructs. They are not given and not meaningful in themselves. They are also more than just packages of information of causes, goals and values. They are something highly subjective (Quade 1989:231). Bacchi’s (1999:21, 37, 48) approach emphasizes that problem definition cannot be separated from the solution. The Policy problem is constantly defined throughout the whole policy process and represents different things at different stages. Her analysis focuses on the discursive construction of policy problems and the effects of the subsequent policies. Stone (2002:133f) agrees with Bacchi that the problem definition is about representing a situation, it is not about a neutral definition of goals and their achievements. There is therefore no general or objective method of problem definition in politics, one that automatically generates the right answers. Instead there are many methods or languages as Stone calls them, which each holds their own moral conflicts and values. Wildavsky (1979:388f) argues that the policy analyst creates policy problems in two parallel ways. One is to create problems that are actually worth solving and possible to solve with the resources at hand. The other is to construct solutions that fit the problem being created. Similarly, Dery (1984:4, 6, 27; 2000:40) considers the problem definition phase as more complex than just establishing that a problem exists. To him, problems are analytical constructs and the problem definition phase contains search, creation and initial examination of ideas for solution. The problem definition sets the stage for the rest of the policy process and without it the following activities and actions would not make much sense. Peters & Hornbeek (2005:82, 84f) see problem-defining as a two way process, where the first is to label the problem so as to belong to a certain area of politics, for example if a problem is one of healthcare, education or security. The second stage is to find a way to understand the problem in a more multifaceted way in order to find an applicable solution. Peters & Hornbeek do this by using seven characteristics that enlightens different dimensions of the problem. The first three problem characteristics focus on the nature of the problem while the 11 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees last four are directed at the problem in relation to choice of instrument (Peters & Hornbeek 2005: 87-98). The solubility of a problem is the most fundamental characteristic and refers to whether the problem can in fact be solved at all. Even if there is an adequate solution it might not be politically feasible. Without a durable solution, a certain problem can repeatedly rise on to the political agenda without ever really being properly solved. Indicators that a problem is likely to be insolvable are dissension on values within the policy area or if the issue touches on fundamental moral or political values of the target group. The issue’s dependency on external factors is also of importance. The more dissension on political or fundamental moral values and the more dependant the issues will be on external factors: the less the solubility (Peters & Hornbeek 2007:87-90). Peters & Hornbeek (2005:90ff) divide the problem of complexity into political complexity and programmatic complexity. The political complexity refers to the numbers and diversity of actors, the interests involved and the possibilities of negotiating agreements. The programmatic complexity concerns to what extent the average citizen can understand and take part in the policy process and especially its technical content. It also concerns the level of multi-causality of the problem and the amount of agreement on the causes. The scale of the problem refers to the severity and range of effects produced by the problem. It also refers to whether the problem can or must be addressed all at once or if it can be divided into smaller parts (Peters & Hornbeek 2005:93f). It is easier to solve problems where individuals can see the effects of their own actions and are instantly rewarded with its benefits. On the opposite, problems where the benefits are unclear and that demands collective action are more difficult to find a proper solution for. Where a problem is placed on such a scale represent the characteristic of divisibility (Peters & Hornbeek 2005:94f). To define the level of monetarization of a problem is to define whether money and funds can be part of solving the problem or not (Peters & Hornbeek 2005:95f). Another important characteristic is the activities that must be controlled or changed to address the problem. If the activities are many and very different from each other it will put much higher demands on governing than if the number of activities are small and well defined. This characteristic is named the scope of activity (Peters & Hornbeek 2005:96f). The final characteristic is interdependency. That is, if the policy problem is concentrated to one specific policy domain or if there are several policy domains involved. This will have implications for the possibility to solve the problem and the policy instruments that are applicable (Peters & Hornbeek 2005:98f). 12 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees 2.4 Analytical framework My analytical framework builds on the characteristics that Peters & Hornbeek (2005) presents as a typology to analyze policy problems. The problem characteristics are divided into two sets following the division made by Peters & Hornbeek, those that concern the nature of the problem and those who concern the problem in relation to possible instruments. I have approached the material with two relatively wide questions, representing the aim of each set of characteristics. The questions are posed in order to attain a multifaceted view of the problem. I have then used the indicators on each characteristic to further analyze the results. The framework will help to disaggregate the problem definition and clarify its features. What is the problem? - Solubility o Dissension of values in the policy area. o The degree to which the issue touches on fundamental moral or political values. o Dependence upon external factors. - Complexity o Number of political actors and political interests involved. o The degree of technical content. o The degree of multiple causation. - The question of scale o Can the problem be disaggregated into smaller parts? How should the problem be addressed? - Divisibility o The degree to which the problem demands collective action. o The degree to which there are instant and individual benefits. - Monetarization o If money can be used to solve or ameliorate the problem. - Scope of activity o If there are many very different forms of activity that must be controlled or changed. - Interdependencies o The extent to which the problem is or can be confined to a single policy domain. 13 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees 3 Method and material The analytical framework leads in to the realization of the study. Considering the immense scope of global politics, I have chosen one recent global policy issue as my case. From that case I have gathered written material in the form of reports and policy documents. The documents have been chosen to represent different policy actors on the global level. The texts have been qualitatively analyzed. Questions have been posed to the material which has been categorized accordingly. For a theoretical analysis I have used an analytical framework derived from theories of problem definition. The methodological choices of the study will be discussed below. 3.1 Choice of case For this study I have chosen one single case of policy making on a global level. Alternatively, I could have chosen several policy cases to attain different examples of the problem definition phase. In this study however, I strive for an in depth analysis rather than for a broader perspective. Since I also aim for a holistic picture of the different actors and their way of defining the problem it is more fruitful to concentrate on just one case. There is not room for an in-depth analysis on several cases within the scope of this master thesis. The policy case I have selected concerns climate refugees. The term “climate refugees” and the definition of the phenomenon is part of the problem and I will discuss this in detail in section 4.5. In short, the policy problem of climate refugees refers to people who are displaced because of some sort of environmental degradation, possibly caused by (human induced) climate change. The case of climate refugees is a challenging policy case for numerous reasons. It is general and extraordinary at the same time. It is a phenomenon that is in need of a global approach, possibly more so than many other policy problems on the global agenda. This is because there are no instant benefits for states themselves to take on the issue at the same time as the situation is dire for those who are and will be affected. In addition to this there is the aspect of the moral responsibility, especially if this is considered a problem caused by human induced climate change. The case is also suitable for studying problem definition since it is relatively new as a policy issue. It has been increasingly recognized by global actors that strategies of some kind must be developed to cope with the present as well as the future situation. However, while a more established policy problem might have settled on the problem definition, a novel problem is expected to offer a greater spread and dynamic around alternatives of problem definition. All policy problems have their own characteristics and so do the case of climate refugees. I argue though that it also has fundamental qualities that make it generalizable and comparable to other global policy problems. It is a large-scale, complex problem and is addressed by the same number and kinds of actors that usually act on the policy arena. 14 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees 3.2 Choice of method Empirically, the study builds on qualitative text analysis. I have selected different kinds of policy documents from actors that represent different parts of the global policy arena. I will discuss my choice of material more specifically under the next section. To attain an in depth and multifaceted understanding of how the actors define the problem of climate refugees, I have posed two questions to the texts. The questions represent the two sets of characteristics used in the analytical framework and are used as a way to withdraw information to answer my purpose. a) What is the problem? b) How should the problem be addressed? The first question is clearly the most direct and explicit answer to how the problem is defined. However, I see this question as containing more than just the immediate answer what the problem is. This question gives an understanding of in which policy field the problem is placed, the nature of the problem and why this phenomenon is considered a problem at all. It also gives some idea of what is understood to be the cause of the problem. By the second question I aim to investigate what the actors believe should be done to solve, or at least address the problem. In some way this question belongs to later stages of the policy process, for example in what is called “alternative searching” and possibly also “goal conception” (see 2.1 and Premfors 1989:63ff, 89). However, what the actors conceive as the proper or most pressing way to address a problem is also part of how they define and identify the problem. It gives information on in which policy field they place the issue, how they structure the problem and how they relate the problem to possible instruments. When processing my material, I have systematically gone through the documents and classified fragments of text according to the two questions. At the end of the process I had gathered information from all documents under the two questions “What is the problem?” and “How should the problem be addressed?” respectively. In that way I attained an overview of the material. I could see patterns and identify different themes that rose within the scope of each question. Possible methodological problems with this lie in my interpretation of the texts and that I equate the documents with each other. I decide which parts of the texts belong to which question, I also reject parts of the text that I did not think qualified as answers. It can also be problematic that the material consists of different kinds of documents that might have different levels of importance and formality. I argue though, that I have selected documents that represent the points of the various actors. Since the issue has not yet been formally decided upon, the possible different statuses of the documents are of minor importance. 3.3 Choice of material Given that the study is based on a qualitative text analysis, I have selected appropriate texts from the case to analyze. I have chosen policy documents from different actors where they express their view on the issue of climate refugees. I started the research process by 15 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees identifying actors that have approached the issue. My aim was to identify key actors within a broad range of policy actors. I have put together a collection of documents where UN agencies, EU agencies, NGOs, national actors and composed groups of different kinds of actors are represented. I have deliberately chosen to include NGOs because their apprehension of an issue has a strong influence on the global policy discourse (see for example Held & McGrew 2003:11; Soroos 1986:84-87). From the material, I have also found that “traditional” policy actors refers to and cooperates with well established NGOs to a considerable extent. In Appendix 1, the documents are listed with organization, title & year, what term they use for “climate refugees” and what kind of document it is. 3.4 Analyzing the results Going through the material I found that it was problematic to settle on one problem definition alone. Therefore statements on problem definitions have been categorized according to different dimensions that capture the complexity of the policy problem and its solutions. I have applied an analytical framework built upon Peters & Hornbeeks’ (2005) seven characteristics of a policy problem. The framework is presented in section 2.4. The framework enlightened the problem definition from different angles and showed its salient characteristics. The weakness of my analytical framework is that it is developed primarily for national policy problems. However, I find it applicable also to global policy problems. Firstly, the characteristics entailed in the framework are significant no matter on which level; local, national or global, the policy problem is handled. Secondly, there is no, at least not to my findings, framework specifically for global policy problems. This is part of the motivation for this study. Kellow (1999:615) and Morgan et al. (1999:278f) writes that policy making on the global level can be investigated using frameworks from national policy. However, they must be used consciously and carefully, and the global policy analyst must be aware of the conditions that prevails the global policy arena. The writers suggest that we must use global policy analysis as a way to better recognize the limitations of current tools and from which we can develop theories and analytical methods. 3.5 Limitations I have limited the study in the following ways: I concentrated on documents and policy discussions intended for a global or at least regional (in the case of some EU documents) level. I have excluded documents or statements referring to a national policy level. For example in case of the document from the German Advisory Council, I selected it as a national document addressing the global level. Further, I focused on forced, cross-border migration. Undoubtedly, many people affected by climate change and environmental degradation will migrate within the country they live. Most people will not have the means to cross international borders (IOM 2009). However, even though it is arguable that the international community has a moral responsibility also for internally displaced persons 16 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees (IDPs), it is when displaced persons begin to cross international borders that the issue becomes of global policy concern. 17 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees 4 The case of climate refugees In this chapter I give the background of the case of climate refugees. I will give an overview of how the issue has appeared on the global policy agenda, present academic views on the relation between climate refugees and existing policy frameworks. I will discuss estimates on numbers and future scenarios as well as regions where environmental degradation is most likely to lead to migration. Finally, I will conclude the chapter by discussing the problematic task of defining climate refugees. 4.1 Recognizing the Issue of Climate Migration Already in 1985 Essam El-Hinnawi stated, in his report for the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), that the group “environmental refugees” existed (Biermann & Boas 2009:5), and in 1990 the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) (UNHCR et al. 2009:1)1 pointed out that: “The gravest effects of climate change may be those on human migration.” Since then, the discourse on climate change has grown extensively and its effects on migration and displacement have been recognized by several actors. The Swedish Member of Parliament, Tina Acketoft, presented a report on the subject on behalf of the Parliamentary Assembly of the European Council’s of the Committee on Migration, Refugees and Population in 2008. In the report Acketoft calls the phenomenon a “new challenge of the 21st century” and establishes that 30 million people every year are already victims of environmental catastrophes, outnumbering refugees from war or violence. The report also argues that the protection frameworks concerning migrants and refugees are inadequate for the protection of environmentally caused refugees and migrants. She calls upon the member states of the European Union to, among other things, investigate these gaps in law and protection mechanisms and to elaborate national legislation to recognize environmentally induced migrants (Acketoft 2008). The Institute for Environment and Human Security (UN-EHS), a part of the United Nations University, has held no less than three conferences on the subject of environmentally forced migration in 2008. The attempt was to bring together academics, policy makers and practitioners under a common research agenda. The research brief that summarizes these conferences says that climate change and environmental migration will become the main policy concern of the 21st century. The brief also states that there is a pressing need for a common academic and practical framework and that the research should be policy-oriented to facilitate integration between research and policy (Wrathall & Morris 2009:1ff, 9). The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) has published three quite comprehensive reports on climate displacement since 2008, one of them together with The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). The reports conclude that there has been a 1 For the IPCC report as well as the report from El-Hinnawi (1985) I am forced to refer to documents different than the original ones. Despite repeated attempts at libraries as well as the internet, I have not been able to retrieve the original documents. 18 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees significant increase in natural hazards, such as storms, floods and drought, over the past two decades and that at least 20 million people has been displaced due to climate-related disasters in 2008. The NRC also urges the need to address the gaps in policy and protection frameworks concerning this issue (NRC 2008:25-32; NRC 2009:5ff, 10-21, 36; OCHAIDMC 2009:4, 8, 15). Another organization that has identified climate migration as a growing problem is the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The IOM (2009:9, 385-434) mention the lack of precise figures but estimate that between 25 million to one billion people could be displaced during the next 40 years as a result of climate change. IOM analyzes the possibilities that these groups of migrants have to benefit from existing protection frameworks, but concludes that many issues remain unsolved and that more information and policy research is needed. These organizations together with numerous academics (see for example Biermann & Boas 2009; Myers 1997; 2002; Myers & Kent 1995; Renaud 2007; Williams 2008) conclude that this existing problem will grow, that existing policy and protection frameworks are insufficient and that new supranational agreements (as well as national policy) will most probably be needed. 4.2 Climate refugees in existing frameworks Those who have investigated existing protection for environmental refugees are mainly concentrating on two frameworks: The 1951 Refugee Convention and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Naturally, the first existing protection framework that most writers refer to is the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (from here on referred to as the “Refugee Convention”). This convention rests upon two main requirements: the one of “persecution” and the “for reasons of…”. That means that to acquire status as a refugee the individual needs to experience a well founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion (Cooper 1998:480-483). Some writers argue that the Refugee Convention is applicable in its original form. Cooper (1998:528) accentuates that the Convention was created in 1951, for conditions that differ from the case of international migration today. To work as an effective policy framework, the convention must be responsive to new demands. Hence, Cooper argues that environmental refugees are entitled to refugee status as they are members of a particular social group. Most writers disagree though and argue that the Refugee Convention as it is today is not applicable to environmental refugees. IOM (2009:406), for example, means that climate change can reasonably not be conceived as a persecutory agent. For the same reasons, Docherty & Giannini (2009:358) exclude climate refugees from falling within the scope of the Refugee Convention and state that climate refugees, unlike “traditional” refugees, have the possibility of turning to their home states for protection. Renaud et al. (2007:13) rule out the 19 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees Refugee Convention in this matter mainly because the convention requires the person to be outside their country. Since the reasons for displacement is the same for climate refugees whether she migrates within her country (which would make her an Internally Displaced Person, IDP) or internationally, there should be no division between those two groups in legislation. Biermann & Boas (2009:13f) find that the Refugee convention offers only marginal protection for climate refugees and can hardly see that the UN donor countries would agree to a refugee convention that covers a possibly twenty-times larger group than it does today. Biermann & Boas argue against the necessity of categorize climate refugees specifically as “refugees” since there are other ways of offering migrants protection but especially since climate refugees needs a different kind of protection. In sum, because of the very different contexts in which climate migration occurs, even if some refugees fall within the scope of the refugee convention there will always be climate migrants that do not. And without new or expanded policy frameworks, they will remain unprotected. The other main framework that could provide protection for climate refugees is the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Rights such as the right to life, the right to development, the right to property, the rights of indigenous peoples, the right to health, the right to food and the right to water could all be considered applicable to the issue of climate refugees (IOM 2009:406ff). According to IOM (2009:408f) it can be problematic however, to let protection for climate refugees rely mainly on the Declaration of Human Rights since climate change can weaken already fragile states and prevent them from protecting the rights of individuals. 4.3 Estimates on numbers and future scenarios How one defines climate refugees and the causes of climate-related displacement affects estimates on how many people are and could be victims of the phenomenon. The OCHA & IDMC have carried out a detailed study on the number of people affected by different kinds of climate and environmental phenomena. According to their figures more than 20 million persons were displaced by sudden climate-related disasters in 2008. That is meteorological (i.e. storms), hydrological (i.e. floods and wet mass movement) and climatological (i.e. extreme temperature, wildfire and drought2) events. Also including geophysical (i.e. earthquakes, volcano-eruptions and dry mass movement) disasters, that figure rises to 36 million persons. The disaster types that, without comparison, have caused the highest amounts of displaced persons are earthquakes, floods and storms. The region that, without comparison, has the highest amounts of displaced persons is Asia. When it comes to other types of driving factors, the numbers are more uncertain. For slow onset disasters there are no proper estimates but there are some suggestions that about 26 million people were affected by drought in 2008. However, it is not clear how many of these were actually displaced. When it comes to losses of state territory resulting from sea level rise the numbers are still quite small with 2 400 inhabitants displaced from the Carteret islands in Papua New Guinea in 2008. This type of displacement is expected to accelerate substantially in the future. In addition to this are the large amount of people (unclear exactly how many) that are displaced every year by 2 In the figures on the climatological events, drought is not included. 20 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees cause of armed conflict and violence over shrinking natural resources (OCHA-IDMC 2009:6, 8-12). According to Myers (1997:167f; 2002:609ff) there were 25 million environmental refugees compared to 22 million “traditional” refugees in the end of the 1990s. Before the year 2050 he predicts that 200 million will be at risk of displacement because of global warming and climate change. Climate change is causing and will most probably cause sea-level rise, flooding, droughts and disruption of rainfall regimes. Other causes of environmental displacement will be soil erosion, desertification, deforestation together with accelerating population pressure and profound poverty. Decreasing resources will have to support more people in for example sub-Saharan Africa. The amount of people in absolute poverty, affected by severe desertification and populations in water-short countries has increased and is expected to continue to do so in the future. Other significant driving factors for increasing vulnerability are political, economic, social, cultural, legal and institutional development processes. Myers (1997:172f) looks towards the year 2025 and foresees growing pressure on grain lands and population growth in water-short countries, developing countries and areas affected by severe desertification. Deforestation will cause a near extinction of rainforests which will lead to degradation of watershed systems and disruption of rainfall regimes, wind patterns and convention currents. The destruction of rainforest will also lead to a significant loss of the forests’ carbon-sink function. Predictions and estimates on numbers are affected by the lack of a proper definition and methodological problems (Biermann & Boas 2009:9). Neither do estimates of persons who will be at risk mean that it is known how many of these will actually migrate. Nonetheless the estimates and predictions give indications of the severity of the problem. 4.4 Hot-spots There are a few regions in the world where environmentally induced migration is especially thought to be or become a substantial consequence of environmental change. These regions are in the literature referred to as “hot-spots”. Some of the most frequently occurring hot-spots are islands in the South Pacific, northern Africa, Asia and the Caribbean. In the South Pacific Ocean, there are several low-lying islands which will be likely to entirely disappear should the sea level rise. Such islands are the Carteret islands of Papua New Guinea and the Maldives. This will be a unique situation in history where whole states might literarily cease to exist. In northern Africa, drought is the biggest peril. Countries like Egypt, Sudan and Somalia are highly dependent on the small water resources that they have. With a warmer climate, the desert will expand, leaving some place inhabitable and making resources scarcer. In the Darfur region of Sudan for example, this is already happening with horrific conflict as a consequence. 21 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees The delta regions of Asia are other hotspots. A country like Bangladesh is both low-lying and penetrated by large deltas, making it exposed to extensive flooding. Countries in central Asia, like Pakistan, have vast deserts instead and face the danger of drought. Asia is especially likely to be a source of climate migration because of its large population figures. Suddenonset disasters such as storms and floods are thought to increase in south-east Asia, and when hitting countries like India or China, a large number of people will be affected. The Caribbean is also at risk of being subject to an increasing amount of sudden-onset disasters, but with a smaller number of affected people (Myers 2002:609-612; NRC 2008:23f). 4.5 A shattered definition of climate refugees There is no generally accepted term or definition regarding the phenomenon of climate refugees. “Environmental refugees”, “environmentally displaced persons”, “climate change refugees” and “environmentally induced migrants” all refer to more or less the same thing but also reveal slightly different views on the issue. First of all, even though the term “refugee” might be used referring to immigrants, it legally refers strictly to individuals who falls within the scope of the Refugee Convention3. For this reason some might find the terms “migrant” and “displaced person” more appealing. The term “refugee” also has some connection to whether the migration is actually “forced” or only “motivated” or “induced”. The level of voluntariness is in all very problematic in the debate on climate refugees. This is the very reason for why it might be difficult to grant protection under existing frameworks. The causality between the environmental change and the displacement might be hard to prove, and it might also be just one of multiple factors that drive an individual to move or flee. Concerning gradual environmental disasters, like drought, it is very hard to define when the migration is forced, induced or even voluntary (Acketoft 2008:5,8; Biermann & Boas 2009:5-9; Docherty & Giannini 2009:364,367-372; NRC 2008:8f; UNHCR 2009:8). UNHCR (2009:5) even argues that the element of voluntariness is not the most relevant element with significance to international law. They mean that the most important element is if the person in question is in need of international protection or not and if so on what grounds, that is what their status will be. There is also a debate on whether the discussion of protection concerns refugees from all kinds of environmental factors or if it only concerns displacement by phenomena thought to be caused by climate change. This might be a scientifically difficult distinction to make, and to those who are forced to migrate it may be of little importance. The NRC (2008:8) argues, however, that this may be a useful distinction for research and policy purposes. The NRC also suggests a typology of environmental-related phenomena that may lead to migration: 3 Migrants can be granted asylum on several legal grounds, gaining refugee status being only one of them. For example, in Sweden only about one third of those who are granted asylum attain refugee status. Others who are granted protection get “subsidiary protection status” or “status as a person otherwise in need of protection” (Internet 2a, b: Swedish Migration Board). 22 Elin Jakobsson 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees Natural disasters/sudden disasters Gradual environmental degradation/slow-onset disasters Environmental conflicts Environmental destruction as a consequence of or as a weapon in conflicts Environment conservation Development projects (such as dam construction) Industrial accidents (such as Bhopal4 and Chernobyl) These are divided into the following sub-categories: A. B. C. D. E. Human-made or natural change Climate change-induced or all environmental change Temporary or permanent environmental change Temporary or permanent migration Internal or international/cross-border migration Many academics as well as organizations and policy actors have presented definitions of what constitutes this group of migrants: “Environmental refugees are persons who can no longer gain a secure livelihood in their traditional homelands because of environmental factors of unusual scope, notably drought, desertification, deforestation, soil erosion, water shortages and climate change, also natural disasters such as cyclones, storm surges and floods. In face of these environmental threats, people feel they have no alternative but to seek sustenance elsewhere, whether within their own countries or beyond and whether on a semi-permanent or permanent basis.” (Myers & Kent 1995:18f) “(We) define “climate refugees” as people who have to leave their habitats, immediately or in the near future, because of sudden or gradual alterations in their natural environment related to at least one of three impacts of climate change: sea-level rise, extreme weather events, and drought and water scarcity.” (Biermann & Boas 2009) “Environmental migrants are persons or groups of persons who, for compelling reasons of sudden or progressive change in the environment that adversely affects their lives or living conditions, are obliged to leave their habitual homes, or choose to do so, either temporarily or permanently, and who move either within their country or abroad” (IOM 2009:19) In this thesis I use the term “climate refugees”. It might be misleading in some sense but gives an instant understanding of what the issue is about at large. It is unnecessary and unproductive for me to define exactly what should constitute a climate refugee since I study what social and political actors say on the matter and how they define the phenomena is part of that. 4 The Bhopal disaster in 1984 has been called one of the worst industrial accidents in history. Methyl isocyanate, a highly toxic gas, leaked from an insecticide plant killing approximately 15 000 to 20 000 people (Internet 1: Encyclopædia Britannica). 23 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees 5 Defining the problem of Climate Refugees – What is the problem? In this chapter I present the results from the first question posed to the material: What is the problem? I will present themes withdrawn from the material and relate these to the theoretical framework of problem definition. 5.1 Dimensions of definition I From the documents I have detected eight (a-h) dimensions on how the actors define “the problem” of climate refugees. Some are more or less general for all the studied documents and some are only mentioned in one or a few of them. I will here develop the discussion on each dimension and give examples on how they are expressed in the documents. I will then relate my results to the first three of Peters & Hornbeeks’ (2005) characteristics (see section 2.3-2.4), those who concerns the nature of the problem: solubility, complexity and the question of scale. Which dimensions that are detected in each document are presented in Appendix 2. Before I discuss the dimensions of problem definition I briefly mention a dimension “x” that describes climate migration not as a problem but as a possibility: x) Climate migration as a positive phenomenon. To define a problem as something positive might be to withdraw the problem aspect of the definition altogether. As one among the other dimensions I still consider it worth mentioning since it certainly has implications for how the issue could be approached. This definition is found in the PACE, IOM and NRC reports and implies that climate refugees should not be seen as something negative but as a viable adaptation strategy and as a way to ameliorate the pressure on degrading areas. Acketoft (2008:10) writes: “Not all consequences of environmentally induced migration are negative. Leaving environmentally degraded and agriculturally unsustainable regions can be seen as a legitimate coping strategy for affected populations. In addition, migration could potentially help slow the process of environmental degradation” IOM calls for some shift in the discussion to not only regard climate migration as something negative: “There is also a tendency to focus on the inadequacy of policies and legal frameworks to assist those displaced due to extreme environmental events, with much less discussion of how migration could help some countries adapt to climate change.” (IOM 2009:10) Below I present the eight dimensions elicited from the material. a) Insufficient, legal and policy-related, protection mechanisms for cross-border migration. “environmental migrants are currently not provided for in international law” (WBGU 2007:5) 24 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees This theme is one of the most frequently used problem definitions. Most documents agree that this is a fundamental dilemma. Most of those who cross international borders have no ground for asylum or legal right to resettle in another country. They are forced to leave but as migrants, they are legally unprotected. The Committee on Migration, Refugees and Population of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) (Acketoft 2008) brings up concern about that the lack of consensus within the international community and the varied terminology used on the issue hinders the progress on the legal protection of environmental migrants. IOM (2009) discusses the lack of coherent policies to address potential future migration flows. Without such policies, countries will tend to base their admission of persons on their own national interests, like economic growth, instead of their personal protection needs. This means that there has to be action from the international community for destination countries to take their responsibilities. The documents are all quite similar in emphasis on this dimension. The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe and the IOM are the two actors that handle this in more detail and extent than do the others, possibly because these are two of the most exhaustive documents in the material. b) The problem of lost territory - particularly in the case of sinking island states. “It is possible that certain low-lying Small Island Developing States (Tuvalu, Kiribati) may disappear altogether, raising difficult questions of statelessness.” (Acketoft 2008:10) This dimension is not nearly as widely discussed as the first one, possibly because it in some ways is part of the first dimension. Gaps in protection and policy mechanisms are also a concern with the problem of lost territory. If the sea-level continues to rise, people in lowlying islands will be forced to leave. This is a unique situation in history. The problem seems to be the uncertain legal status of those whose nation state could physically cease to exist. Will they have to become refugees in another country, or can a whole state move to another territory? Do the existing laws on statelessness apply to these people? c) Climate migration as a security issue and a possible seedbed for conflict. “competition over natural resources may lead to conflict and in turn displacement” (IOM 2009:15) This problem dimension is mainly focused on how decreasing natural resources and hence increasing competition over them will trigger new conflicts and fuel existing ones. This relates to migration in two ways: firstly, because the conflict is a cause for displacement. 25 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees Secondly, because climate migration brings peoples to new places which intensifies the pressure on resources at the destination which in turn might lead to conflict. They also lift the political aspect of conflict. It is very possible that if the effects of climate change, such as migration, are not properly addressed it may intensify pressure on international relations. Especially since those most responsible for climate change are not the ones most affected by it (European Commission & High Representative 2008). The German Advisory Council on Global Change (2007) writes that there is conflict potential also in the question of how the costs of climate migration are divided between states. Some states or organizations might take on a larger responsibility than others which is likely to cause discussion and even conflict. d) The lack of knowledge of the scale and complexity of the issue. “A persistent lack of data is one of the primary challenges to measuring the migration and environment nexus, while data collection on migration and the environment represents a challenge in itself.” (IOM 2009:19) Several documents identify lack of knowledge and reliable data as a problem. They call for more research in order to apprehend the scale and the impact of climate migration. There is a pressing need of monitoring and collecting data on ongoing migration processes and environmental degradation as well as analysis of the features of this kind of migration. This would be fundamental to be able to address the problem properly and to have a fruitful policy debate. e) Environmental degradation and migration as a two-way process. “The interaction between the environment and migration is a two-way process: besides sudden or slow on-set disasters leading to both internal and cross-border movements of people, massive migration for environmental reasons may in turn affect environmental conditions both in areas of origin and destination and the transit routes in between, notably when large concentrations of people are forced to seek refuge in other ecologically fragile areas.” (Acketoft 2008:2) This problem dimension is only found in one of the documents, the report from the Committee of Migration, Refugees and Population, PACE. Still, it is an important view of the issue. Environmental degradation leads to migration in a pendulum movement which in turn causes environmental degradation at the destination and hence another migration wave. 26 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees f) Climate migration causes serious violations of human rights. “Climate change and disasters have negative effects on the realization of several human rights.” (NRC 2009:19) The human rights that the NRC and the IOM (2009) among others, refer to are numerous. First and foremost, it is the non-refoulment principle. According to this principle, a person cannot be sent back to a place where her life is in danger. Other human rights that could be violated by climate change and hence be a ground for protection are for example the right to food, the right to water, the right to health and the right to adequate housing. The wordings on this subject are not very sharp though. It seems as though in the dimension where the problem is implications on human rights is more of a way to investigate the possibilities of using the human rights framework, where other protection frameworks fails. g) Climate change and climate migration will mostly affect the already most vulnerable. “Those parts of the populations that already suffer from poor health conditions, unemployment or social exclusion are rendered more vulnerable to the effects of climate change, which could amplify or trigger migration” (European Commission & High Representative 2008:4) This dimension implies that the most vulnerable people will be least able to cope with and adapt to the effects of climate change and hence are more likely to be forced to leave their habitats. This is especially serious since environmental degradation seems to be striking developing countries the hardest. On top of that, they will be even more vulnerable when displaced and their voice on the global policy arena is relatively weak. It also indirectly implies that it is an issue of responsibility and possibly even guilt, which is intertwined with the next and last dimension. h) Climate change and global warming are causing climate migration. “Global warming and the ensuing changes of climate as such do not trigger movement of persons; however, its effects, such as natural disasters, environmental degradation or sea-level rise, have the potential to do so.” (UNHCR 2009:3) In all documents studied, it is to a smaller or larger extent brought up that it is the effects of global warming and climate change, not just of environmental degradation “in general” (even though it might be scientifically difficult to distinguish between the two) that are causing climate migration. The terms global warming and climate change implies that the reasons for climate migration are human-induced, and most probably by the richer countries of the world. As with the previous theme, this means that the international community has a very high responsibility of addressing this policy problem in an appropriate way. 27 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees 5.2 Solubility, complexity and the question of scale I have now gone through the eight different dimension of problem definition on climate refugees that I elicited from the material. In this section I will apply my analytical framework (see section 2.4) and look into what this means in terms of Peters & Hornbeeks’ characteristics of the problem’s solubility, complexity and scale. The criterion of solubility refers to if the problem is by its nature “solvable”. That is if the nature of the problem is such that it can be solved once and for all or if it is going to be a chronic problem that stays or reoccurs on the political agenda. With the case of climate refugees one has to ask whether the problem is that climate refugees exist or that there does not exist a way to properly handle them. Looking at the dimensions of the problem I can divide them into two sets. The first set (a-e) concerning the consequences and the problem of how to cope with these while the second set (f-h) are more directed towards the problem in terms of morality or responsibility. According to Peters & Hornbeek (2005:88,90), the variables that determine whether a problem is acute or chronic are if there is a consensus of values in the policy area and the degree to which the issue touches on fundamental moral or political values. It is also mentioned that chronic problems are often heavily dependent upon external factors. So how is this reflected in the problem dimensions of climate refugees? Given that there is such a wide range of dimensions mentioned to this policy problem and in some sense also a wide range of definitions, it is possible to say that there is lack of consensus on what values are at risk with this problem. Even within the same document, i.e. the same actor, there are several different dimensions on what the problem is. At the same time, since the same dimensions keep occurring also in documents from different kinds of actors, that could indicate and overall consensus on the dimensions. So does the issue touch on fundamental moral or political values? If we look to the second set of dimensions they touch on political values such as human rights and moral values such as fairness. It is unfair that those who are most vulnerable will have to suffer for what those who are least vulnerable have caused. So yes, the issue of climate refugees certainly relates to fundamental values. However, there seems to be consensus on these values. It is possible though that there will be a dissension on fundamental values, such as responsibility, when the responsibility for the individual states needs to be agreed upon. The issue and its future development are also very much dependent on external factors. The scope of the issue depends on what kind of environmental degradation that climate change brings with it, something that is impossible for politicians to predict and influence. Some dimensions of the issue are certainly solvable given political will. However, since there might be a dissention on moral and political values and that it is very much dependent upon external factors, the issue of climate refugees could easily become an unsolvable policy problem. That is that its nature is such that it is probable to stay on the political agenda. 28 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees The criterion of complexity concerns the problem’s political complexity in terms of the number of political actors and interests involved and the programmatic complexity in terms of technical content and multiple causation. The number of political actors involved in policy making on climate refugees, are numerous. Only within the material used for this study I count four UN agencies, four EU actors and at least three NGOs. A look at the eight dimensions of problem definition on the subject indicates that there are also several political interests at stake. There is the interest of legitimacy incorporated in the moral dimensions such as to take responsibility for what one has caused and to protect human rights. There is the political interest of security and all the interests that is incorporated in a possible conflict. Then there is the, in itself very complex, issue of migration and the politically delicate question of how to handle migrants and their rights at the destination. The technical content of the problem of climate refugees is not necessarily very complex. Most of the eight dimensions are quite easily grasped by the average citizen. The technicality of legal protection for refugees and other cross-border migrates might need some knowledge of migration law in order to be fully understood. Since the problem of climate refugees is quite new to both policy makers and citizens it can seem a bit difficult to understand what the issue holds at first. However, the implications of the dimensions are in themselves not difficult to comprehend. Multiple causation is also a type of policy problem complexity. That is, if there are competing models of causation and disagreement among experts (Peters & Hornbeek 2005:91). For the case of climate refugees the model of causation is in a way surprisingly similar among the studied documents and the different actors. The experts that they refer to are also more or less the same. Usually the IPCC is referred or experts such as Myers or to empirical findings and estimates like the ones from EM-DAT. Even though there doesn’t seem to be competing models of causation, there are several ways to apprehend the implications of the problem. For example if the problem is primarily one of security or of legal protection or if it is climate change or natural environmental change that causes the migration. But the fundamental causation of the problem, that environmental degradation causes displacement, is agreed upon. In sum, the political complexity of the problem of climate refugees is high while the programmatic complexities exist but are considerably lower. The scale of the problem concerns the magnitude of the problem and its effects. More specifically that is whether a problem can be approached in an incremental way or if it requires a comprehensive approach or none at all (Peters & Hornbeek 2005:93f). The problem of climate refugees is undoubtedly very large in scale and in the range of effect that it produces. The number of found dimensions of the problem is an indication of this. However, the dimensions also indicate that the problem is divisible and cumulative in nature. To do something about the problem of refugees is therefore not pointless. To approach one of the dimensions is better than none at all. The dimensions are also intertwined so that if something is done to address one of the dimensions it also indirectly affects the other ones. This means 29 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees that on the surface, the problem of climate refugees is a large scale problem. It can however be disaggregated into several smaller-scale problems. In this way, the problem of climate refugees is in fact not one problem, but many. 30 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees 6 Defining the problem of climate refugees - How should the problem be addressed? In this chapter, I present the results and analysis from question two: How should the problem be addressed? 6.1 Dimensions of definition II In the documents I have detected eight dimensions of what the actors suggest to address the problem of climate refugees. Most actors point out several of the dimensions and some of the dimensions are sometimes integrated. The detected dimensions follow quite naturally on the dimensions in the first question. Some of them concerns the same aspect but are here stated from an angle of solutions and addressing the problem. I will now go through each dimension to explain how they are expressed in the material. I will then analyze my findings according to the last four of Peters & Hornbeeks’ (2005) characteristics, those who concern the problem in relation to possible instruments: divisibility, monetarization, scope of activity and interdependencies. a) Develop existing or create new policies, particularly regarding legal protection. “States should consider establishing alternative forms of protection for those who do not qualify as refugees and ensure that migration management systems provide for the needs of such persons.” (UNHCR et al. 2009:2) This dimension is stated in some way in each of the documents studied, which indicates that this dimension is one of the more fundamental parts of the problem. The actors points this out as a, if not the, fundamental way to address the problem. This can be done in different ways. One is to create new declarations and jurisdiction that will attend to the specific protection needs of climate refugees. Another is to integrate these needs into already existing frameworks on displacement and migration. It is also of significance to investigate how already existing frameworks may be used. The NRC (2009) for example, means that this is important since it might take time to develop new legal and governance solutions. b) Enhanced dialogue and cooperation between all concerned actors and parties. “a co-ordinating commission for environmental migration to be created with a mission to co-ordinate the work of international organizations that focus on different aspects of the problem of environmentally induced migration” (Acketoft 2008:4) This dimension is repeatedly brought up in the documents to emphasize the need for dialogue, coordination and cooperation between all kinds of parties. To strengthen existing networks as well as developing new forms of cooperation are highlighted. The dialogues, coordination and cooperation efforts should for example be between state - state, states - UN bodies and experts 31 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees – other stakeholders. Cooperation is pointed out as crucial for a comprehensive approach to the problem. The UNHCR (2009) views cooperation as the base upon which new frameworks are built and the platform for solidarity and sharing responsibility. EACH-FOR (2009) promotes international dialogue as a way to share experiences and learning between different regions. c) Migration needs to be incorporated into climate change adaptation strategies. ”adaptation measures must therefore also cover protection of and assistance for the displaced” (UNHCR et al. 2009:5) For this dimension it is evident that the problem of climate refugees is also part of the more general policy making on climate change. Adaptation strategies must include the issue of displacement and how people displaced as well as destination spots can adapt to the new situation. Migration is also in itself a way to adapt to the changes that climate change brings with it. This dimension is not very well elaborated but is mentioned in the way that adaptation strategies should be supported and that adaptive capacities of vulnerable people should be strengthened. d) More research, knowledge and monitoring is necessary to better understand the scope and the mechanisms of the phenomenon. “Develop research programmes concerning the quantitative and qualitative study of the human impacts of disruptions of the climate and of their corollaries in terms of forced migrations” (Greens/EFA 2008:4) This dimension does not really address the problem in itself but emphasizes more preparation to find the best way to address the problem. Suggested ways to gather adequate information on the climate refugee complexity is to intensify capacities for research, analysis and monitoring (European Commission & High Representative 2008, NRC 2009:36), develop research programs and multi-disciplinary research (Acketoft 2008, Greens/EFA 2008), collect data (Acketoft 2008), encourage the raising of awareness of populations and their authorities (Greens/EFA 2008) and investigate existing gaps in law and protection mechanisms (Acketoft 2008, IOM 2009, NRC 2009:36). e) Funds and financing are needed. “UNHCR is convinced that additional international funding will not only be needed to help states mitigate the impact of climate change, but also to bolster adaptation, disaster preparedness and risk reduction, and humanitarian response at the international level” (UNHCR 2009) 32 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees Several of the documents lift the necessity of substantial funding in order to address the problem of climate refugees. There are some different suggestions for how this should be aimed and organized. Some of the actors think that an international fund should be created and some discuss responsibility and burden-sharing. The German Advisory Council on Global Change (2007) suggests that the costs should be shared according to the “polluter pays”- and the “ability-to-pay”-principle. That is, how much financing a country should contribute with is linked to its greenhouse gas emissions and its gross domestic product. The funding is supposed to compensate those affected but also to manage the population movements as well as to support prevention and adaptation (Acketoft 2008, Greens/EFA 2008, UNHCR 2009, UNU 2009:34). f) The resilience of communities as well as other preventive measures needs to be strengthened. “Increase people’s resilience to the impacts of climate change so that fewer are forced to migrate” (UNU 2009:34) Since the most vulnerable persons are also the ones most likely to be victims to the effects of climate change and hence climate migration, this dimension is aimed at trying to decrease the vulnerability of those affected. It also includes education and spreading of information in order to strengthen people’s resilience by strengthening their knowledge. g) Resettlement processes and integration on the new location. “More participatory resettlement processes that include suggestions for alternative and sustainable livelihoods for those households or individuals who are resettled would lead to better integration of migrants in resettlement locations.” (EACH-FOR 2009:5) People are already forced to migrate due to environmental reasons, and it will be unavoidable also for the future. Efforts to address climate change must therefore also be aimed at the process of resettlement in a new location as well as strategies for integration. h) Vulnerable or exposed groups need to be supported by humanitarian aid. “when people cannot migrate because they have neither the money nor the networks to do so, they will suffer as a result of environmental changes and hazards, so the EU must be prepared to help them with humanitarian aid.” (EACH-FOR 2009:75) This last dimension concerns how humanitarian aid can assist those who are exposed to climate change effects. It seems as if this aid should be more directed towards preventive measures for those who would otherwise be forced to migrate. Not as much for those who have already fled, even though this might be part of it as well. 33 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees 6.2 Divisibility, monetarization, scope of activity and interdependencies I will now use my results from the question of how the problem should be addressed to analyze the problem according to the second set of Peters & Hornbeeks’ (2005) characteristics. What does this mean in terms of the problem’s divisibility, monetarization, scope of activity and interdependencies? If addressing a policy problem properly demands collective action and the benefits are unclear for the individual, the divisibility of the problem is low (Peters & Hornbeek 2005). Addressing the problem of climate refugees has unclear and indirect benefits for the individual person or the individual state. Those who will benefit most are not the same as those who are responsible and most capable of doing something about the issue. If we in this case translate the theoretical individual as being a state within the international community there are not really any instant benefits with addressing the problem of climate refugees. Going through the dimensions of how to address the problem of climate refugees, it is also clear that all of them demand collective action to be effective. There is little point of strengthening the legal protection in one destination country, if no other countries do the same thing. Of course, it is helpful for the displaced persons who have the possibility of making it to that particular country but it will not solve or ameliorate the problem in a more general sense. In addition to that, the political will to enhance the protection is not likely to be very high if other countries fail to do the same. Furthermore, it is of little point to engage in dialogue and cooperation unless more than one actor is involved. In the same way is there little incentive to contribute to funds and financing unless other actors contribute too, and the same kind of argumentation is applicable also on the other dimensions. Together, this indicates that the policy problem of climate refugees has a very low divisibility. It seems to rely completely on the moral and responsibility dimensions discussed in section 5.1. This characteristic also says something important of why the policy problem of climate refugees most certainly is a global policy problem and why it has to be addressed on a global level. Because if it would rely solely on the good will of individual states, it is not very likely that it ever would be properly addressed. The characteristic of monetarization is simply if money can be used to solve or ameliorate the problem. One of the dimensions that obviously relates to this is that “funds and financing are needed”. This indicates a degree of monetarization but is just one of eight dimensions. However, without it the other dimensions would not be feasible. Money will be needed for research, preventive measures, resettlement processes and humanitarian aid. But also dimensions that are more directed towards political processes, such as adaptation strategies and jurisdiction, will indirectly need financing to function. Money cannot solve the problem of climate refugees without structuring, political will and social approval and recognition. On the other hand, the problem cannot be addressed without funds, and money definitely ameliorates the problem. Hence, the degree of monetarization of the problem is substantial. 34 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees The scope of activity entails the number and variety of activities that must be controlled or changed in order to solve the problem (Peters & Hornbeek 2005). The dimensions of how the problem of climate refugees should be addressed are both numerous and diverse. Creating new legislation, strengthen resilience and enhance humanitarian aid are examples of dimensions that demands different kinds of efforts from different kinds of policy actors. According to Peters & Hornbeek (2005:96f) a problem with a wide scope of activity is not very suitable for direct regulation. Instead, this kind of approach places very high demands on governing capacity which decreases its likelihood of success. For a global case that raises the issue of weak governing structures on a global level. The studied documents only vaguely indicate who could be responsible for taking the lead in addressing the problem of climate refugees, and when they do this is usually discussed in terms of responsibilities for the own organization, for example UNHCR and the EU. However, relating to the discussion of the question of scale above, it does not seem as though the problem necessarily needs to be addressed by the whole scope of activities. Even addressing just one of the activities will ameliorate the problem at least to some extent. But of course, the more dimensions addressed, the more effective the interventions will be. The scope of activity of the problem of climate refugees is consequently wide. The characteristic of interdependencies follow on the previous discussion on the scope of activity. The degree of interdependency is the extent to which a policy problem is or can be confined to a single policy domain (Peters & Hornbeek 2005:98f). Again, the problem of climate refugees contains several dimensions, touching on different policy areas and different kinds of instruments. The problem is part of the policy domain of migration as well as climate change, environment, security and humanitarian aid. All actors mention more than one dimension in defining the problem of climate refugees. This implies that a comprehensive approach is needed. As concluded above, if the problem is addressed within one of the policy areas it is confined to, this is better than not addressing it at all. But it is unavoidable that successfully addressing the problem of climate refugees requires efforts from more than one policy domain. Progression in one policy domain is also likely to have positive effects on the parts of the problem that belongs to other domains. The problem of climate refugees is therefore highly interdependent. 35 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees 7 Conclusions So what does this analysis tell us about the policy problem of climate refugees in particular and of problem definition in a global context in general? Despite the seemingly good intentions from the studies actors, the policy making on climate refugees faces many difficulties. According to Peters & Hornbeeks’ (2005) theory, the issue of climate refugees might even be an unsolvable policy problem in the way that it is probable to stay on the political agenda. The incentives to deal with the issue are small considering the diffuse and indirect benefits that addressing it holds for the individual state. Instead, the political future of the issue rests heavily upon moral values of responsibility upon which there is likely to be a dissention as they are concretized into action. The large number of actors and interests involved contributes to this likelihood. To comprehensively address the issue, coordination of a large number of varied activities from different policy areas is needed. This is something that places high demands on global governance. Bearing in mind the lack of structure on the global policy arena that Soroos (1986) mentions, that indicates that to govern such a complicated intervention is going to be a major challenge for the international community. The definition of the problem of climate refugees is dynamic and offers different aspects. Surprisingly though, I have found no evident correlation between type of actor and the dimensions into which I divided the problem definition. Neither have I found any correlation between actor and type of dimension, such as moral dimensions or the ones aimed at handling the problem. Instead, most actors mention several of the dimensions and the dimensions discussed are in general surprisingly similar between actors from the UN, the EU and NGOs. One reason for this could be that the actors seem to be cooperating on writing reports. The first document is a cooperation between UN actors and the NRC, which is a NGO. The submission to the UNFCCC conference is submitted by the UNU, but they have cooperated with CARE (NGO), Columbia university, UNHCR and the World Bank. The EACH-FOR report and the IOM report are other examples of where an EU initiative and a NGO have cooperated with an UN institution. Another reason could be the still limited knowledge on the implications and complexity of the phenomenon. It is possible that most global actors rely on the same reports and information when trying to outline the issue. Nevertheless, it seems as even though this problem is relatively new on the global agenda, there is close to global consensus on the problem definition. However, it is possible that this consensus might break up as the issue is negotiated and nation states need to formally bind themselves to an agreement. Wildavsky (1979) argues that policy problems are created in two simultaneous processes: one being to create problems that are actually worth and possible to solve with the resources at hand. The other being to construct solutions that fit the problem being created. Dery (1984) is another writer who includes both creation of problems and examination of solutions in to the problem definition phase. This could be applied to problem definition of climate refugees. The dimensions of the first question, “What is the problem?” could be seen as the actors’ attempt at creating a feasible problem. Considering that the dimensions of the second question, “How should the problem be addressed?”, follow naturally on the dimensions from 36 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees the first question that could be seen as the parallel process of constructing solutions. In fact, it is hard to see how the definition of the problem could be separated from the solution since the dimensions mirror each other. In this way the problem of climate refugees is an analytical construct as discussed by Bacchi (1999), Dery (1984), Quade (1989), Stone (2002) and Wildavsky (1979). Referring to Dery’s (1984) views on what a policy problem is, the problem of climate refugees can be principally viewed as an opportunity. It is an opportunity in the way that it is not very fruitful to regard the problem of climate refugees only as a problem in itself, the definition is rewarding when regarding the problem in terms of how the problem is defined. The dimensions indicate that the problem is more than just a bridgeable discrepancy, it is not only defined in terms of how to erase this discrepancy but also in terms of an opportunity to improve a situation. This study started out on the premise that national politics of today live an international life to an increasingly greater extent. Policy of today are often created within a paradox where decisions are and need to be made at a supranational level while they cannot be concretized or implemented without the political will at the national level. What can this analysis contribute with to our knowledge of global policy problems and to policy analysis on problem definition on a global level? I can establish that the policy problem of climate refugees has the founding features that most global policy problems have. In accordance with Soroos’s (1991) theory on what is significant for global policy problems, it has produced concern throughout much of the world, at least among policymakers. It has also been taken up by international institutions, for example the United Nations. The problem also scores high on the dimensions mentioned by Morgan et al.’ (1999) as being typical for most global policy problems. First, the problem of climate refugees scores high on the dimension of time to implement or reverse choice. Considering that the issue was brought up by the UNEP already in 1985 (Biermann & Boas 2009:5) and the policy process is still just beginning, it has and will certainly have taken some time to implement. And if, for example, the declaration on refugees or migration policies are altered, that will also be a very difficult decision to reverse. Second, the issue of global refugees scores high on the dimension of cultural and political distance between parties. Since most of the actors considered in the material of this study are global policy actors, they are not very culturally and politically far from each other, the similarity in problem definition indicates that. However, for executive decisions and implementation, nation states have to be involved and they can be culturally and politically distant from each other. Perhaps more importantly, there is a considerable distance between those who are most powerful on the global policy arena and those who the policy actually concerns, the vulnerable people who are and will be forced to migrate. Third, the issue of climate refugees also scores high on the dimension of resources required or at stake. In this study I have found that the monetarization of the problem is high. To handle the problem of probably millions of “new” refugees will take a substantial amount of financial and administrative resources. These features indicate that the findings from this study would generally be true also for many if not most other global policy problems. 37 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees The main conclusion of this study is that the definition of global problems should be viewed in a multidimensional way, not as different and competing definitions. When posing the two questions to the text I found that each actor presented several aspects of how the problem could be defined. In this way I was able to achieve a more multifaceted picture of the problem. This allowed for a deeper understanding and a more dimensional analysis and I argue that this is my most substantial contribution to problem definition in a global context. The results from “The question of scale” and “Divisibility” are well suited to illustrate the benefits of the multidimensional view. The question of scale showed that the magnitude of policy problems of global change is such that it is multidimensional and in fact not one problem but many. This is not the same as the problem being defined differently by different actors. Here, the problem is defined quite similarly by the different actors but it has several approach angles. I prefer to look at this as different dimensions rather than different definitions. Several definitions of one problem is problematic, it hinders the continuation of the policy process. Several dimensions of one problem is an opportunity, it means that the actors have recognized its complexity. They are dimensions in the way that they are pieces of the same puzzle, not different problems. However, they are definitions in the way that several of the dimensions need to be approached as problems of their own. As for the stage of problem definition, this means that the policy analyst has to dig deeper. To ask oneself “what is the problem?” will merely scrape the surface. This would be to identify the problem without interest in its nature or possible solutions, not to actually define or construct the problem (see Bacchi 1999). Instead, that question will have to be followed by “what is the problem with the problem?”, which for these kinds of problems is probable to give several answers and hence open the door to the multidimensional approach. To fully understand the problem and the possible set of instruments that can be used, one would need to use the characteristics approach (or a similar analytical framework) to analyze the different dimensions on their own. The multidimensional approach also allows for the analyst to see to what extent the problem is defined in terms of morality and responsibility or in practical ways of how to handle the problem. This is of certain importance with global policy problems as they seem to have low divisibility, they are lacking in clear, instant and individual benefits. That a problem to a relatively high extent is defined in moral dimensions means that it rests upon a fragile base. With unclear structures of the global policy process, global policy problems is dependent upon that one actor “voluntarily” take the lead. Without clear benefits, this can be difficult. The importance of the unstable moral dimensions becomes crucial and therefore important to investigate already in the problem definition. If nothing else, the moral dimensions means that there is at least some incentive for the global community to do something about the issue. With the case of climate refugees, the dimensions of the problem definition are surprisingly congruent between the actors. Still, the multidimensional approach is useful for structuring and clarifying different aspects of the problem. For a problem where the definition differs more though, the multidimensional view is helpful also with identifying exactly in which ways the definitions are different and on what points they agree. To disaggregate the problem definition into different dimensions is also make it easier to comprehend for the average 38 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees individual. This decreases the programmatic complexity of the policy problem (Peters & Hornbeek 2005). Most global policy problems score high on dimensions of time, distance and resources (Morgan et al. 1999). A multidimensional approach to the problem definition, instead of competing definitions, is helpful to fully grasp the parts that make the problem puzzle and how it can be properly addressed. With a comprehensive and structured approach of the problem definition also on a global level it is easier to focus on the unique possibilities of impact, change and cooperation that the global policy arena offers. In future research it would be fruitful to analyze more global policy problems with the multidimensional view, also with comparative aims. How to dig deeper once having established the dimensions would also be of interest. Are there other characteristics better suitable to analyze dimensions, especially the ones that are not exactly problems in themselves? It would be intriguing to look into the power relations of the global policy arena and further investigate cooperation between different actors as well as who have the privilege of defining these kinds of problems. As for the case of climate refugees, it would be fascinating to follow the development of the policy process, especially on how moral values might change as nation states get more involved and the policy needs to be concretized into action. 39 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees 8 References 8.1 Books, reports and articles Acketoft, Tina (2008) Environmentally induced migration and displacement: a 21st century challenge. Doc. 11785. Report from Committee on Migration, Refugees and Population, Parliamentary Assembly of Council of Europe (PACE). Bacchi, Carol Lee (1999) Women, Policy and Politics. The Construction of Policy Problems. Sage Publications. Los Angeles, London, New Delhi, Singapore. Biermann, Frank & Boas, Ingrid (2009) Preparing for a Warmer World. Towards a Global Governance System to Protect Climate Refugees. Paper presented at 2009 Annual Convention of the International Studies Association 15-18 February 2009. New York, USA. Cooper, Jessica B. (1998) “Environmental refugees: meeting the requirements of the refugee convention” in New York University Environmental Law Journal. vol. 6, pp. 480–529. Dery, David (1984) Problem Definition in Policy Analysis. University Press of Kansas. Dery, David (2000) “Agenda Setting and Problem Definition” in Policy Studies, Vol. 21, No. 1, 2000. Carfax Publishing. Docherty, Bonnie & Giannini, Tyler (2009) ”Confronting a Rising Tide: a Proposal for a Convention on Climate Change Refugees” in Harvard Environmental Law Review Vol. 33, p. 349-403. EACH-FOR (2009) Environmental Change and Forced Migration Scenarios. Synthesis report. European Commission & High Representative (2008) Climate Change and International Security. Report. 7249/08. Council of the European Union. Brussels, 3 March 2008. German Advisory Council on Global Change (2007) World in Transition: Climate Change as a Security Risk. Report summary for policy makers. Secretariat WBGU. 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(1999) ”Why Conventional Tools for Policy Analysis are Often Inadequate for Problems of Global Change” in Climatic Change 41, pp. 271281. Editorial Essay. Myers, Norman & Kent, Jennifer (1995) Environmental Exodus. An Emergent Crisis in the Global Arena. Climate Institute, Washington DC. Myers, Norman (1997) “Environmental Refugees” in Population and Environment, Vol. 19, No. 22, Nov. 1997, pp. 167-182. Myers, Norman (2002) “Environmental refugees: a growing phenomenon of the 21st century” in Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society Lond. B 2002, 357, pp. 609613. Nagel, Stuart S. (ed.) (1991) Global Policy Studies. International Interaction toward Improving Public Policy. Macmillan Academic and Professional ltd. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire and London. NRC (2008) Future Floods of Refugees. A comment on climate change, conflict and forced migration. Norwegian Refugee Council. NRC (2009) Climate Changed: People Displaced. Report. Norwegian Refugee Council. OCHA-IDMC (2009) Monitoring disaster displacement in the context of climate change. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre of the Norwegian Refugee Council. OHCHR (2009) Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on the relationship between climate change and human rights. A/HRC/10/61 Peters, B. Guy & Hoornbeek, John A. (2005) “The Problem of Policy Problems” in Eliadis, Pearl et al. (2005) Designing Government. From Instruments to Governance. McGill-Queen’s University Press. Montreal & Kingston, London, Ithaca. Premfors, Rune (1989) Policyanalys. Kunskap, praktik och etik i offentlig verksamhet. Studentlitteratur, Lund. Portz, John (1996). “Problem Definitions and Policy Agendas: Shaping the Educational Agenda in Boston”. Policy Studies Journal, Vol 24. Nr.3, 1996, pp. 371-368 41 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees Quade, Edward S. 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The Challenge of Global Policy. University of South Carolina Press. Columbia, South Carolina. Soroos, Marvin S. (1991) “A Theoretical Framework for Global Policy Studies” in Nagel, Stuart S. (ed.) (1991) Global Policy Studies. International Interaction toward Improving Public Policy. Macmillan Academic and Professional ltd. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire and London. Stone, Deborah (2002) Policy Paradox: The Art of Political Decision Making. Revised Edition. W.W. Norton & Company, New York, London. Weiss, Janet A. (1989) “The powers of problem definition: The case of government paperwork” in Policy Sciences 22: 97-121, 1989. KluwerAcademic Publishers. Wildavsky, Aaron (1979) The Art and Craft of Policy Analysis. The Macmillan Press LTD, London and Basingstoke. Williams, Angela (2008) “Turning the Tide: Recognizing Climate Change Refugees in International Law” in Law & Policy, Vol. 30, No. 4, October 2008. 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Paper submitted to the UNFCCC for the 6th session of the Ad Hoc Working Group on Long-Term Cooperative Action under the Convention (AWG-LCA 6) from 1 until 12 June in Bonn. 8.2 Internet sources Internet 1: Encyclopædia Britannica Bhopal disaster http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/1257131/Bhopal-disaster, retrieved on 17 February 2010. Internet 2: a) Swedish Migration Board Protection status http://www.migrationsverket.se/info/1813_en.html, retrieved on 11 February 2010. b) Swedish Migration Board Uppehållstillstånd och uppehållsrätter 2008 http://www.migrationsverket.se/info/479.html, retrieved on 11 February 2010. 43 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees Appendix 1 – Table of sampled documents 1 Organization UNHCR, NRC, RSG on the HR of IDPs, UNU Title & Year Forced displacement in the context of climate change (2009) Term Forced displacement in the context of climate change 2 UNHCR Human displacement 3 OHCHR Climate change, natural disasters and human displacement (2009) Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on the relationship between climate change and human rights (2009) 4 RSG on the HR of IDPs Displacement Caused by the Effects of Climate Change 5 UNU in cooperation with CARE International and Columbia University, and in collaboration with the UNHCR and the World Bank European Commission and High Representative EACH-FOR: several partners including the UNU (supported by the European Commission) Greens/EFA group of the European Parliament German Advisory Council on Global Change Committee on Migration, Refugees and Population of the Parliamentary Assembly of the council of Europe (PACE)5 IOM (collaboration with UNU-EHS and ccema with support from the Rockefeller foundation) NRC Displacement Caused by the Effects of Climate Change: Who will be affected and what are the gaps in the normative frameworks for their protection? (2008) In Search of Shelter: Mapping the Effects of Climate Change on Human Migration and Displacement (2009) the Effects of Climate Change on Human Migration and Displacement Submission to UNFCCC conference Climate change and international security (2008) Environmentallyinduced migration Report to the European council EACH-FOR Environmental Change and Forced Migration Scenarios (2009) Declaration on climate migrations (2008) Environmentally displaced persons Specific Targeted Project Scientific support to policies Climate migrations Declaration World in Transition: Climate Change as a Security Risk (2007) Environmentally induced migration and displacement: a 21st century challenge (2008) Environmentallyinduced migration/ environmental migrants Environmentally induced migration Report summary for policymakers Migration, environment and climate change: assessing the evidence (2009) Impacts/consequences of climate/env. change on migration/human mobility Displacement Report 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 5 Climate changed: People displaced (2009) Climate-change induced displacement Type Submission to the 6th session of the Ad Hoc Working Group on LongTerm Cooperative Action under the Convention (AWGLCA 6) Policy paper Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and reports of the Office of the High Commissioner and the Secretary-General Background paper Report with draft resolution Thematic report Listed in references as Acketoft (2008) 44 Elin Jakobsson Global Policy Making on Climate Refugees Appendix 2 – Dimensions detected in each document 2 Organization UNHCR, NRC, RSG on the HR of IDPs, UNU UNHCR 3 OHCHR 4 RSG on the HR of IDPs 5 UNU in cooperation with CARE International and Columbia University, and in collaboration with the UNHCR and the World Bank European Commission and High Representative EACH-FOR: several partners including the UNU (supported by the European Commission) Greens/EFA group of the European Parliament German Advisory Council on Global Change Committee on Migration, Refugees and Population of the Parliamentary Assembly of the council of Europe (PACE)6 IOM (collaboration with UNU-EHS and ccema with support from the Rockefeller foundation) NRC 1 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 6 Title & Year Forced displacement in the context of climate change (2009) Climate change, natural disasters and human displacement (2009) Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on the relationship between climate change and human rights (2009) Displacement Caused by the Effects of Climate Change: Who will be affected and what are the gaps in the normative frameworks for their protection? (2008) In Search of Shelter: Mapping the Effects of Climate Change on Human Migration and Displacement (2009) What is the problem? a, c, f, h Problem addressed? a, b, c, e, f, g a, b, c, f, h a, b, d, e, f, h a, b, c, f, g, h a, b a, b, c, f, g, h a b, c, d, g, h a, c, e, f, g Climate change and international security (2008) b, c, g, h a, b, d, f EACH-FOR Environmental Change and Forced Migration Scenarios (2009) b, c, d, g, h a, b, c, d, f, g, h Declaration on climate migrations (2008) a, b, c, d, g, h a, b, c, d, e, f, h World in Transition: Climate Change as a Security Risk (2007) Environmentally induced migration and displacement: a 21st century challenge (2008) a, c, f, g, h a, b, c, e, h a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h x a, b, c, d, e, f, h Migration, environment and climate change: assessing the evidence (2009) a, b, c, d, f, g, h x a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h Climate changed: People displaced (2009) a, b, c, d, f, g, h x a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h Listed in references as Acketoft (2008) 45