Download CC Equity SDS- An Urban Perspective Forthcoming

“A new urban agenda? What is it and where is it in the post-2015 Sustainable Development
Goals?”
Corresponding author:
Dr. Diana Reckien, Assistant Professor for Climate Change, University of Twente,
Department of Urban and Regional Planning and Geo-Information Management;
Faculty of Geo-Information Science and Earth Observation (ITC);
P +31 (0)534874525; E: [email protected]; [email protected]
Authors:
Diana Reckien, Felix Creutzig, Blanca Fernandez, Shuaib Lwasa, Marcela Tovar- Restrepo,
Darryn McEvoy, David Sattherthwaite
Abstract
Climate change matters because it impacts livelihoods. In this century of urbanization
the focus shifts naturally to who in cities will be affected how by climate change. Or, in
other words, the urban equity question is at the forefront of climate change impact
concerns. Equity is also the unifying tenor across the suggested UN Sustainable
Development Goals (SDGs). We here argue that reducing unequal impacts of climate
change, adaptation and mitigation in cities—and particularly on women and the poor—
might lead to substantial progress of a number of SDGs, as these are related. We
provide evidence by way of a comprehensive assessment of how climate hazards
impact different population groups in cities. We find that heat waves, but also flooding,
landslides, and even mitigation and adaptation measures affects specific vulnerable
population groups more than others. As underlying risk factors we consistently identify
socio-economic status and gender. We summarize the findings by formulating policy
recommendations that help to address the (in-)equities of climate change and conclude
that these measures would co-align surprisingly well with a set of key Sustainable
Development Goals.
Keywords
Equity, Environmental Justice, Equality, Climate Change, Impacts, Adaptation,
Assessment, Gender, Women, Socio-economic, Poverty, Low-income
Mitigation,
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I.
INTRODUCTION
Cities are melting pots of people, boast diverse populations inhibiting wide range of positions
within social and economic networks. In addition to these intra-city diversities, cities are also
strikingly different between each other, displaying a variety of political and economic functions
in different climates, geographies and development stages. As climate change becomes an
increasingly pressing issue, the question of how these urban diversities interact and cities
react to climate change becomes an increasingly important issue demanding systematic
investigations [2-4]. Arguably, the most important issue deals with the question of W-H-O will
be impacted by climate change, and H-O-W to address co-occurring injustices and underlying
equity concerns.
WHO: There are two main distributional categories of climate change and cities. First, a
number of climate hazards, from heat waves, to flooding, landslides, and droughts impact
urban populations differently, depending on a number of economic, social and individual
factors. Second, while high-income cities, mostly in the North, have contributed most to climate
change, it will be cities in the low-income countries, mostly in the South, that might be
impacted most. HOW: Climate change-related impacts and risks affect urban populations
differently, and so do measures to mitigation and adapt to climate change. This is especially
pronounced in cities where people of different abilities, resources and coping capacities
concentrate. Adaptation and mitigation policies may affect vulnerable populations
proportionately stronger if not properly designed and therefore manifest inequities and
inequalities in cities. However, if properly designed—addressing the concerns of the most
vulnerable urban populations—policy measures may alleviate burden and reduce equity
concerns of climate change.
Concerns on equity and equality cover a large part of the debate around the currently
developed Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which will succeed the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs). In the year 2000, 8 MDGs were set out as goals for universal
global development to reduce extreme poverty, hunger, illiteracy and disease, reached by the
end of 2015. Whereas the MDGs were strongly related to the eradication of poverty, the SDGs
put a much stronger weight on equality, equity and sustainable growth.
The new focus is reasoned by the observation that the achieved progress— which is
substantial in terms of the fight against poverty, the goal of universal primary education, cutting
deaths from malaria and infections with HIV/AIDS—“is not universal, nor are the benefits
evenly shared” [5]. Whereas poverty reduction has been achieved in a number of countries
and the goal of halving the proportion of people whose income is less than $1.25/day between
1990 and 2015 will most likely be met, this has not been achieved without an increase in social
inequality and inequity [5, 7]. Even in countries where poverty was already low in 2000,
inequality in incomes, assets, access and power has increased [5, 7, 8]. Important, the goal of
empowering women and girls and of promoting environmental sustainability will most likely not
be met [7]. Following the job losses in 2008 and 2009, the growth in employment during the
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economic recovery in 2010, especially in the low-income countries, was lower for women than
for men [5]. To improve this dismal situation, efforts need to be intensified especially with
respect to the wide gaps remaining in women’s access to paid work in at least half of all world
regions. Or in Ban Ki Moon’s words: ”Now is the time for equity, inclusion, sustainability and
women’s empowerment” [5].
Essentially, extreme poverty and gender issues remain topics of concern [9, 10] and have
been proposed as new goals within the SDGs, next to the broader goals of equity and
environmental justice. Out of a total of 17 proposed SDGs 4 clearly point towards issues of
equity and equality (Fig.1).
In this paper we argue that reaching a number of the newly proposed 17 SDGs closely
interacts with climate change and our response to it, particularly in cities. Cities are home to
half of the world’s population, with differing projections of climate change impacts, and large
potentials for adaptation and mitigation. Moreover, climate change will at least to some degree
increase in the future [11, 12] (see Figure 2) and might therefore threaten reaching the SDGs
in the future, even if preliminary progress has been achieved. As we will show climate change
impacts differ widely across socio-economic groups in cities and across countries, and
particularly between men and women. Reducing climate change and its impacts on the most
vulnerable and on women, as well as potential unjust burdens of adaptation and mitigation
policies will therefore most substantially lead to progress of a number of SDGs, including
poverty eradication (SDG#1), gender equality (SDG#5), equality within and among countries
(SDG#10), inclusive, safe and resilient cities (SDG#11), reduce climate change and its impacts
(SDG#15), and justice for all (SDG#16).
<Figure 1>
It is this interface of climate change and cities with equity and equality that we examine, by
focusing on the unequal impacts of climate change, adaptation and mitigation on people in
poverty and on women. We proceed as follows: We first provide crucial background by
disentangling various equity perspectives and introducing climate change and equity concerns
in cities (Section II). We then shortly explain the type of research and assessment done
(Section III). We then systematically summarize differential impacts of a number of climate
hazards on urban populations, as well as the differential outcomes of mitigation and adaptation
policies on certain groups, and particularly on women and the poor (Section IV). We finally
summarize our findings for the SDGs and highlight policy implications for addressing climate
change in cities (Section V).
II. BACKGROUND
Equity types, principles and domains
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Promoting equity is an implicit (and sometimes explicit) goal of many local and regional climate
initiatives [13]. However, it is often unclear which aspects of equity are being referred to.
Commonly three aspects are identified:
1) Outcome-based/ distributive/ consequential equity, relating to the consequences of a
policy, action or developmental trend; e.g. equity in the distribution of costs and benefits
or in privileges and burdens; between women and men or between households;
between urban districts (including peri-urban districts), or generations of urban
residents;
2) Process-oriented/ procedural equity, referring to the impartiality and fairness in the
process of delivering and administering the justice, such access to decision making
processes [14, 15];
3) Contextual equity, linking the first two dimensions by taking into account pre-existing
political, economic and social conditions [13].
To operationalize equity concerns McDermott, Mahanty and Schreckenberg [15] relate the
three content- related dimensions to three parameters: the targets (and scale) of equity, the
goals of equity, and the process of setting targets and goals. Operationalization is further
based on principles and indicators, of which a large number have been proposed [14, 16, 17],
particularly arising from discussions on international climate agreements. The large number of
principles converge to a limited set of equity domains (Table 1, based on [18]).
<Table 1>
Support for equity domains, principles and operational indicators differ particularly between the
low- and high-income countries [18, 19]—and potentially even more on a sub-national and
local level. Among delegates to the UNFCCC climate change negotiations the ‘polluter pays’
principle (example of I) had most support in a short- term perspective, i.e. ≤ 20 years. This was
followed by ‘the exemption of the poorest’ (II) and ‘ability to pay’ (II). An ‘egalitarian’ principle
(equal mitigation pledges) was not supported by many delegates and even more objected to
the ‘sovereignty’ principle, i.e. the full right and power to decide on its mitigation pledges
(based on [18, 20]). Interestingly, women have made important contributions to the UNFCCC
including several decisions stating the need of women’s participation in almost every UNFCCC
thematic area, including their right to decide on mitigation, adaptation, climate change finance,
technology and capacity-building. Even within the UNFCC, gender balance and women’s
participation on boards and bodies is highly unequal. Adaptation is so far the area in which the
most robust gender-sensitive language has been integrated, while mitigation has the lowest
number of decisions that reference gender, with no guiding mandate for gender-sensitive
mitigation actions (see [21]).
Equity and climate change impacts and risk, adaptation and mitigation
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Equity, equality and environmental justice issues first entered the debate on climate change
when it was recognized that countries that historically have contributed least to global warming
might be impacted the most by climate change in the future [11, 22]—although it is now
recognized that impacts are also increasing in high-income countries due to, e.g., supply chain
interdependencies [23]. Consequently, initial discussions revolved around mitigation
responsibility and pledges. However, Metz [14] stresses that the equity discussions around
climate change should not only consider mitigation, but also explicitly take account of impact
and adaptation. This is of particular importance for urban areas, as it is at local and regional
scales where differential impacts and adaptation needs will unfold. Impacts of climate change
and risks are reduced by adaptation and mitigation, hence all three dimensions play a role.
Impacts of climate change differ across people, because of a number of relevant (interacting)
conditions, such as low income, limited assets, discrimination on the basis of minority status,
race or ethnicity, as well as sex and gender (see Box 1 for explanation of important genderrelated terms), age (infants and young children are especially affected), poor health, and
impaired mobility. These social characteristics influence where people live and how sensitive
they are to climate change impacts—i.e. how severely they are affected. However, it is not just
the most susceptible that are impacted: regularly occurring events can also gradually
undermine the resource base of more resilient groups in society, ultimately leading to
increases in the scale and depth of urban poverty overall [24, 25].
High exposure and sensitivity to climate impacts often coincide with low adaptive capacity [26].
In that respect, it is important to recognize the limited capacity of many cities in low- and
middle-income nations and their inhabitants to adapt to a changing climate, and their current
vulnerability [11]. Such differential vulnerability can often be attributed to deficiencies with
respect to the quality and location of infrastructure and housing, availability of social services
and facilities, opportunities and access to education, effectiveness of planning systems; as well
as lack of resources and low levels of community and individual adaptive capacity [11, 27, 28].
Adaptive capacity is also eroded over time through repeated coping and ‘risk accumulation
processes’ [29, 30], with knock-on effects for chronic poverty [31].
Mitigation issues are a concern of contemporary urban planning, too, as the contribution of
GHG emission of urban areas to the global total is estimated at between 37% to 49% [32]—
although principally from cities in middle and high-income nations. Some cities have shown
farsighted leadership in setting targets and devising and implementing plans to reduce GHG
emissions [2] but it is important to evaluate such commitments with respect to the distribution
of the benefits and burdens. Curbing GHG emissions should be central for high-income
residents; whereas greater, sustained and affordable access to energy and electricity are often
of key importance for low-income residents. In order to ensure the resilience of communities in
the future, considerations of equity need to be central to all three domains—impacts and risks,
adaptation, and mitigation—of the contemporary urban climate change debate.
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<Box 1>
III. RESEARCH STUDY
This paper draws from the main findings of an international assessment on climate change and
cities–the Assessment Report for Climate Change in Cities 2 (ARC3.2)–and its chapter 4
„Climate Change Interactions with Equity and Environmental Justice“ [4]. We summarize
crucial aspects of this assessment, focusing on climate change impacts, adaptation and
mitigation policies in relation to the equality of gender and distribution of poverty in cities. For a
more elaborate description of findings please see Reckien et al. 2015.
In this paper, we highlight two factors that contribute to distributional inequality with respect to
climate hazards: intrinsic person-specific factors, and extrinsic factors, especially socioeconomic and related locational underpinnings. We also call at procedural equity concerns, in
particular when assessing adaptation policies. We try to maintain a balance in looking at cities
in low-, medium- and high-income countries, although the assessment style varies from
structural comparison to case study analysis.
IV. FINDINGS
a) Equity in relation to Urban Climate Change Impacts
Common equity concerns related to CC impacts
Climate change or extreme weather events pose risks to urban residents leading to immediate
and long-lasting impacts [33, 34]. The impacts of climate change in urban areas is influenced
by several factors including 1) physical exposure determined by the location of a community,
2) urban development processes that ‘construct risk’ [35, 36], 3) the social, economic and
demographic characteristics of urban populations [37], and 4) a number of institutional, power
and governance aspects [38-40]. Most of these factors are closely related, and play out in low,
middle and high-income nations as well as in large, medium and small cities [34, 41, 42].
There is evidence that impacts of both gradual climate change and extreme weather events
disproportionately affect people with low incomes and low social status [43-45], especially
women [45, 46]. But regularly occurring events like droughts and floods have also gradually
undermined the resource base of better-off groups [24, 25]. Evidence shows that in cities such
as Cairo, Alexandria [47], Rio de Janeiro [48], and Dhaka [34, 49] residents with low social
status and low incomes characteristically inhabit areas more exposed to climate risk. The risks
of low-income residents is also related to high population densities and poor quality buildings
[31], the lack of risk-reducing infrastructure and services [11], and the failure to draw lessons
from previous disasters [50]. Together with governance and management shortfalls, this has
resulted in the accumulation of risk over time [51, 52], documented by records of increasing
disaster losses in cities from mega-debris flows, floods, earthquakes, and tsunamis and, in the
last two decades, tropical storms [53, 54].
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Fig. 2 shows that many cities across the world are located in middle and low-income nations,
with very low adaptive capacity and high population growth rates. The current rate of warming
in these regions is moderate, but warming is expected to continue entailing large anticipated
risks for these cities in the future. For example for Dar es Salaam, high risks to the water
supply systems are already projected for the near term (with and without adaptation), while in
the long-term, particularly under a 4°C future, almost all systems are at high risk. The risks
differ per sector and city, but generally increase in the future, particularly under a 4 degree
Celsius warming—whereas a 2 degree Celsius warming and adaptation would reduce the risk
substantially.
<Figure 2>
Specific equity concerns
Heat-related equity concerns
Heat-related impacts are one of the main hazards associated with climate change in cities.
Two dynamics converge: 1) the global increase in average temperature and 2) the urban heat
island effect, i.e. the temperature gradient between dense human built environments and rural
environments around the city. These dynamics can be beneficial when reducing the mortality
and morbidity risks of cold temperatures, but result in heightened morbidity and mortality
during periods of excessive heat or heat waves [55]. Heat waves pose a major climate-related
risk: more fatalities occur as a result of heat waves than other climate hazards such as floods
and hurricanes [29, 56].
Heat waves in cities can cause increased morbidity and mortality rates [57] as a result of direct
heat stress and other indirect effects. Direct heat stress is particularly harmful when night-time
temperatures are high, which prevents the human body from resting, repose and regeneration
[58]. Indirect effects on health arise principally through the interaction of heat and other
environmental factors, particularly air and water pollution [59, 60].
Heat-related risk might be expected to impact all citizens equally, as both heat and pollutants
such as ozone are features of the overall urban environment and are faced by citizens across
all city quarters. However, heat-related risk is stratified across the population and is linked to
both ‘intrinsic’ person-specific characteristics and ‘extrinsic’ socio-economic factors. Intrinsic
factors include physiological attributes such as age, sex, disabilities and medical status.
Extrinsic factors refer to social, environmental and location-specific characteristics, such as
socio-economic status, gender, and living and working conditions.
A meta-analysis of 18 recent studies performed identifies age, female gender, and pre-existing
medical condition as main intrinsic risk factors [4, 61]. Importantly, a recent study suggests that
physical fitness is the underlying variable that explains the observed age effects (Schuster et
al., in review). Women may be more heat intolerant than men due to potential physiological
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and thermoregulatory differences [62, 63]. However, women may also typically experience
more exposure to heat than male residents, due to the time spent in interior spaces
undertaking reproductive labors such as cooking in informal settlements, that do not have
adequate air flow or air-conditioning [64]. In terms of medical status, vulnerability to heat
waves is higher in people who are less mobile and confined to bed (e.g., [65]). People
suffering from cardiovascular diseases are also at relatively higher risk [66, 67].
For the extrinsic factors, lower socio-economic status (using a deprivation index based on a
series of components, namely education, occupation, unemployment, number of household
members, overcrowding and household ownership data) and education levels increase relative
vulnerability to heat stress. Heat also disproportionately impacts socio-economically
disadvantaged households because of their residence in areas with less access to urban
green infrastructure and their reduced ability to fund, maintain, and develop private
greenspace. The existence of open spaces and waters are risk-reducing environments, as
they cool their immediate surroundings. Unsurprisingly, people living in inner cities are
therefore generally more at risk than those living in the suburbs.
Precipitation and storm-related equity concerns
Precipitation-induced hazards may occur as a result of a surplus of rain in short timeframes,
such as those connected to inland flooding and landslides, and to a lack of sufficient
precipitation potentially causing drought. Inland flooding can occur on a massive scale of
watersheds —as in Pakistan in 2010 [68], Australia in 2011 [69], and Thailand in 2011 [70]—
but localized flash floods can also cause substantial damage and threaten health, lives, and
livelihoods as the case in Kampala, Uganda [71, 72]. In many cities, informal settlements have
been developed on flood plains that experience frequent flooding or on steep slopes affected
by landslides [31, 46, 73-77]. Insufficient or delayed precipitation also severely impacts mostly
low-income populations by way of water shortages, generating crop failures and subsequent
food price increases.
Inland flood risk in low- and middle-income countries stems from a number of factors:
impermeable surfaces that lead to rapid run-off; the general scarcity of parks and other green
spaces to absorb such flows; inadequate drainage systems that are quickly overwhelmed by
storm water; and the ill-advised development of housing on marshlands and other natural
buffers [11, 78]. The urban poor are highly affected due to locating in these environmentally
riskier areas and lack of risk reducing measures in the neighborhoods. The exposure to flood
risks associated with living close to urban rivers and canals is in many instances a
consequence of the on-going pressure for land in fast-growing cities and can be attributed to a
lack of tenure security for the urban poor. Given the proximity to waterways, the urban poor
risk the loss of their homes to flooding and are often displaced leading to disruption of
livelihoods and social support networks [46]. Other indirect effects are related to unsanitary
conditions and health when flooding occurs that hazardous materials contaminate flood waters
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and spill into open wells, elevating the risks of water-borne, respiratory, and skin diseases [7981]. Outbreaks of cholera, dysentery and diarrheal diseases, Acute Respiratory Infections
(ARI), dengue, and malaria are all reported to occur largely in cities with dense low-income
neighborhoods [49, 80, 82] following intense and excessive rainfall. These increase the
number of care work and un paid hours women have to spend taking care of sick children and
elderly. In many occasions women have to quit their paid jobs to cope with these sanitary and
health emergencies [1, 83, 84].
The poor in Asian cities deserve particular attention, and if simply as a matter of scale: Asia is
the most populated continent; and an estimated 40% of urban dwellers in Asia live in substandard housing or slums, which are often found along a city’s rivers and canals [27].
Excessive rainfall is a crucial risk factor and has been associated with triggering landslides,
which have not yet received as much attention as flooding and coastal hazards, perhaps
because these are highly localized events. Despite the recording of these events in
international disaster databases, attention usually shifts away from extreme rainfall to
geophysical causes of landslides as soon as response programs get underway and rescue
efforts called off. As noted by Cepeda et al. [85, p.2] “landslides are usually not separated from
other natural hazard triggers, such as extreme precipitation, earthquakes or floods in the
natural disaster databases. This underestimation contributes to reducing the awareness and
concern of both authorities and general public about landslide risk”. Yet in many countries and
cities, landslides (individually and in combination) present significant threats to human wellbeing. Rainfall-triggered landslides are the product of a combination of geo-hydrological and
locational factors. Geo-hydrological factors include intensity of precipitation; locational factors
include slope, rock strength, rock susceptibility to fracturing, soil moisture, and vegetation
cover [85]. In general, mountainous cities are threatened by extreme rainfall triggered
landslides events. However, whether landslide risk mostly affects low-income or also other
income groups strongly depends on a number of factors, such as rapid, uncontrolled migration
(also of well-off residents) onto hazardous areas, e.g., from rural to urban centres after civil
conflict in El Salvador, Nepal and Sri Lanka [86].
Men and women experience migration and displacement in different ways. In drought
scenarios, most of the times men leave and women stay put facing challenges of food security
and water scarcity. In excessive rain scenarios women migrate to urban centers facing security
risks, lack of skills to access the labor market or lack of linguistic skills of dominant language
[87].
Storm surge and coastal flooding related equity concerns
Storm-related hazards (hurricanes and storm surges) are associated to precipitation-related
hazards and constitute major risks to urban populations. (Tropical) storms often lead to
excessive precipitation in addition to gusty winds. In affected coastal regions storms lead to
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inundation of low elevation coastal zones with differential impacts. The poor settlements are
often impacted severely due to inadequate infrastructure protecting neighborhoods. Coastal
flooding is also caused by excessive rainfall inlands often flooding river deltas downstream due
to heightened river levels. In Ganges-Brahmaputra and Zambezi deltas, multiple risks of storm
surges and inland river flooding severely affect the cities and settlements within the deltas [88].
Moreover, global warming induced sea level rise, combined in places with subsidence of
coastal land, and increasing storm intensity have combined to put large and growing coastal
populations at risk from the rise in sea levels as well as storm surges. Recent examples of
coastal flood disasters include the flooding caused by Hurricane Katrina in 2005 in New
Orleans, Cyclone Nargis in 2008 in southern Myanmar, Hurricane Sandy in 2012 in New York,
and Super Typhoon Haiyan in 2013 in the Philippines [89]. Hurricane Katrina reached up to 10
meters height [90] and Hurricane Sandy to almost 4 meters above normal tide levels [91, 92].
Urban dwellers are highly exposed to the risks of cyclones and storm surges compared to rural
villagers because urbanites are more likely to live on or near the coast. Cities and towns
account for nearly two of every three residents of coastal areas world-wide [92, 93]. In Asia,
18% of the population lives in the low elevation coastal zone—the highest percentage across
all world regions; 12% of the urban land in Asia is at low elevation and near the coast [92].
Many of Asia’s largest cities are located in coastal areas that have long been cyclone-prone.
Mumbai saw massive floods in 2005, as did Karachi in 2007 [80, 94]. Flooding and storm
surges also threaten coastal African cities, such as Port Harcourt and Lagos in Nigeria [95, 96].
Similar vulnerabilities affect Mombasa in Kenya [42, 76] and various cities in Latin America [11,
46].
Women are present in greater numbers in the urban informal economic sector and homebased businesses. Extreme weather may therefore impact their living space and income
source at the same time. The loss of small productive assets such as sewing machines may
permanently affect their livelihoods [1, 83].
<Figure 3>
b) Equity in relation to Urban Climate Change Adaptation
Equity and environmental justice issues related to climate change adaptation include
inequalities in the capacity to cope and in the capacity to adapt [46, 73], mainly arising from 1)
failure to adapt (no adaptation) or 2) inadequate adaptation or 3) maladaptation to climate
change among and within urban centers.
Differentials in the scale and nature of risks among settlements relate to the extent of
infrastructure (piped water, sanitation, effective drains, all-weather roads and paths) and
services provision (including health care and emergency services), as well as housing options
available for low income groups [see for example, 97]. The lack of risk-reducing infrastructure
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is often underpinned by a lack of capacity within urban governments to address the large
infrastructure and service deficits [98]. Figure 3 highlights the wide variation in urban areas’
adaptive capacity [11]. In low-income and many middle-income nations, most urban authorities
have very small budgets and even less investment capacity [99]. At the other end of the
spectrum are urban centers with universal provision for risk reducing infrastructure (such as
piped treated water and adequate drainage) and services (like enforcement of buildings
standards for structural safety) and active climate change adaptation policies, but these cover
a very small proportion of the world’s urban population. In these cities in high-income countries,
development has greatly reduced risk from extreme weather—though, the infrastructure,
services, important institutions and financial systems [100] are not provided as a response to
climate change and are therefore not ‘adaptation’ per se. This, however, is not to claim that all
inequalities in risk are addressed–as work on environmental justice has shown [101].
Within cities in low- and most middle-income countries, differentials in risk also arise from
inadequate or no infrastructure and services in certain urban areas, mostly evident (and
documented) in informal settlements [11, 102, 103]. Risks from extreme weather in many
informal settlements are further magnified by their location on dangerous sites—especially in
flood plains and alongside rivers, or on steep slopes [46, 73, 104]. Housing development on
dangerous sites is nurtured by a range of factors, including inappropriate building regulations
and land use/zoning practices that increase the cost and restrict the supply of affordable
housing plots [105-107]. Unclear property rights and land tenure also contribute [108, 109], as
documented in cities like Nairobi, Dar es Salaam, Dhaka, Dakar, Maputo, Manila and Kolkata
[54, 110-112].
Risk differential within cities also emerge in relation to age, sex and health status [113]. These
differentials can be socially constructed as in the case of discrimination, e.g. with regard to
gender discrimination [114]. An analysis of the impacts of floods in Lagos in 2011 revealed the
differentials in vulnerability among low-income women created by the intersection of gender
relations and gender roles in household structure, occupation, and access to health care [115].
Differentials in risk also arise from the lack of voice for particular groups (for instance those
living in informal settlements) and the lack of accountability to them by government agencies
(focussing on process-oriented equity) [116, 117].
It is thus relevant to consider the extent to which adaptation measures acknowledge these
differentials and take action to reduce them. Fig 2 showed that at least for now and in the nearterm and mostly for the long-term with a 2 degree temperature rise, a high level of adaptation
can keep risks down. For example, in the case of Dar es Salaam, adaption can potentially be
effective in protecting energy and transport systems, safeguarding human health and
maintaining progress on poverty reduction.
It is not only the lack of government capacity that underpins lack of attention to climate change
adaptation but also deliberate choices by city or national governments [116], as documented
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by Thailand’s flood crisis in 2011. Mitigating flood damage in the central districts by diverting
flood waters to other areas, this response heightened the disproportionate impact on
communities outside the defenses [23]. The refusal to address risks to poor and politically
under-represented groups in urban areas is often also related to the low priority that national
governments and international agencies have previously given to such equity issues.
Changes in land-use planning and regulatory frameworks are an important part of adaptation
to climate change, as are fiscal incentives and infrastructure investments that respond to
current and projected future climate risks. Land use planning and management should play
critical roles in ensuring there is sufficient land for housing that avoids dangerous sites and in
protecting key ecological services and systems. However, because women have less access
to secure land tenure, they may be less eligible for financial credits or subsidies in climate
change recovery stages.
There is also growing awareness of the need for gender-sensitive adaptation processes and
intersectional analyses in order to develop inclusive, contextually-specific interventions and
policies [118-120]. Displacement or re-location plans usually do not take into account
differentiated gender needs and roles. For example, land-use planning, public space and
transportation facilities are especially central for women since they need to have access to
community services and child-care facilities. In post-disaster camps and temporary
accommodations, women often face serious risks of sexual harassment and violence [87, 114].
Those who live in settlements on dangerous sites without risk-reducing infrastructure and
services often take measures to reduce risk to their household, homes and assets—especially
in informal settlements or urban centers where there is no government interest or adaptive
capacity [11]. Such measures can make an important contribution towards reducing risk, but
cannot provide the network infrastructure on which local adaptation measures depend (e.g.,
water abstraction and waste-water treatment plants, water, sewer, and drainage mains).
However, an important lesson of these experiences is that the adaptive capacity, resilience
and bounce-back capacity of communities can be sustainably increased by providing
appropriate support for community-based initiatives. Support should preferably be provided in
the form of economic incentives for residents—thereby framing adaptation measures as
economic opportunities for low- and middle-income households.
Adaptation practices should also align with mitigation concerns to prevent maladaptation. For
example, the choices made in the management of flood waters in and around Bangkok could
be considered as an example of maladaptive practice as it protected the wealthy and placed
an increasing burden on the more vulnerable in society [121]. Other maladaptive practices
relate to constraining land supplies, forcibly resettling people in areas far from their
employment—or evicting people with no compensation—and pushing up land and housing
costs. Maladaptation leads to further impoverishment of vulnerable groups, often in the name
of ‘development’, e.g., expansion of roads and highways and other measures to reduce
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infrastructure deficits. Forced evictions constitute gross violations of human rights as they
indirectly and directly violate the full spectrum of civil, cultural, economic, political and social
rights—and will not equally reduce vulnerabilities. Women should be part of mitigation efforts,
since women are key agents of change [1, 31, 83, 122].
C) Equity in relation to Urban Climate Change Mitigation
Today, developed countries lead the urban mitigation agenda, as they emit the largest share of
urban emission on a per capita basis, and more often have the means to act. We focus on the
sectors most relevant to urban mitigation, including spatial planning, accessibility and
transport-related aspects, waste management and renewable energy.
Spatial planning
Cities in low- and middle-income countries face very different challenges to those in highincome ones, and only a few include mitigation actions into city plans [32, 123-126]. Spatial
planning policies are often outpaced by rapid population growth and constrained city budgets
inadequate to meet the ensuing need for expanded infrastructure and service provision [45,
99].
In high-income countries, urban mitigation strategies are often based on anti-sprawl policies
aiming at changing low-density development (and reducing its related GHG emissions from
transit), the conservation of open spaces, enhancement of mixed land use, walkable
neighbourhoods, and foster low-carbon construction standards [127]. But these principles are
also criticized for pushing up housing prices and subsequent displacement of low-income
residents [128-134], a process referred to as “environmental gentrification” [135-139].
Densification has also been linked to unequal distribution of domestic living space [129], and
increases in residents’ exposure to air pollutants, particularly if compactness is not
accompanied by an augmentation of public transport [140]. Compact city policies may also
unequally affect security and curtail access to (well-maintained) public facilities and open and
green space; thereby exacerbating already existing inequalities [129, 141, 142] – i.e. green
space access often negatively correlates with racial/ ethnic and socio-economic characteristics
[143-145]. There is no consensus on the burden shifts of fiscal anti-sprawl policies [129, 146,
147], but taxing new developments to cover infrastructure-related costs seem to imply a lower
burden for low-income groups than other instruments that mandate which areas can be
developed and under which conditions [148-150].
Accessibility and transport policies
The enhancement of public and private transportation is a frequent mitigation strategy in cities.
But such investments can also impact lower-income households by rendering housing less
affordable, and increasing costs of transportation.
13
Although Transit-oriented development (TOD), i.e. the improvement of access to public
transportation, has positive socio-economic effects for the residents and communities, as it
brings a larger area of land into the employment catchment area [151, 152], it can have
negative effects on low-income groups as it influences the level of housing affordability [153156]. Low-income groups may be forced to migrate to other locations with limited access to
transportation but more affordable housing [154, 155, 157-159]. High up-front costs required to
access discount fares, e.g. through the purchase of a periodic transit pass, may oblige lowincome households to purchase short-term passes, sometimes up to three times more
expensive than longer-term ones [160] [161]. Increases in the costs of transfers or the removal
of unlimited-use passes also affects lower-income riders, women, youth, and minorities, as
these groups make more trips and transfer more frequently than others [160, 162, 163].
Gender-based violence, harassment, and crime in public transport are also sources of concern
and should be addressed through gender-sensitive transportation-based mitigation actions—
and not by reducing public transportation [163-165].
Private transportation improvement actions show contradictory equity outcomes, mainly due to
the range of policy options available [161]. Registration fees based on emissions rates typically
affect low-income drivers more than those based on distance travelled, because they drive
vehicles that pollute more per mile than those owned by wealthier groups of the society [166169]. High Occupancy Toll (HOT) lanes tend to be progressive, especially when alleviating
congestion on the unpriced lanes [170], but they may also pose barriers to affordable mobility,
depending on the transit provision [161]. Area-based schemes tend to perform better in terms
of equity effects than speed limit or cordon-based schemes [161, 171-174]. In developing
countries, congestion charges are mostly progressive, as car drivers tend to belong to the
more affluent half of the population.
Waste management and renewable energy
In many low- and middle-income countries waste picking constitutes the major re-use and
recycling business, thereby helping to avoid substantial GHG emissions [175]. Though being
sustainable and inclusive, it may face strong opposition from authorities [162, 176, 177]. When
improved waste collection becomes a public priority, pickers are often displaced [178-183],
regardless of their environmental contribution and the subsequent social impacts [184-186].
However, some progressive cities have devised contractual arrangements for waste-pickers to
support waste management services, such as in Kampala, Uganda [187-190].
Finally, regarding broad-scale renewable energy schemes, these may also lead to unequal
burden shifts when investments are put to the consumer, because low-income households
often contribute a larger fraction of their disposable income to energy and other housing costs,
compared to higher-income households [191, 192]. Renewable energy schemes should be
implemented with caution of this effect.
14
V. CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS
We find that acting on climate change impacts in urban areas by way of poverty- and gendersensitive adaptation and mitigation actions (corresponding to SDG #11 and SDG #13),
simultaneously contributes to meeting other SDGs, in particular poverty eradication (SDG#1),
gender equality (SDG#5) and justice for all (SDG#16).
As the experience with the MDGs has shown, meeting development standards will require
substantial effort. Whereas average poverty has been reduced, extreme poverty prevails. High
unemployment persists in rich and poor countries, and, in many cases, the wealth gap is
widening [5]. Gender inequality is more pervasive than anticipated [193], probably because
gender differences intersect with other identity markers such as income, ethnicity, race,
religion, ability/disability, age, literacy and geographical location. All these factors lead to
differential exposure to risk, preparedness and coping capacities and recovery capabilities
from climate change impacts [194, 195]. Moreover, and pessimistically, poverty and women go
together—not only in low-income countries but also in almost all affluent democracies since
the mid of the last century [193]. It has also been shown that reducing the feminization of
poverty will not naturally result from reducing overall poverty. For example, in high-income
countries female poverty may only be reduced through welfare measures, i.e. large social
security transfers [193].
Our study therefore concludes that a path to sustainable development might be marked by the
successful reduction of the impact of climate change, adaptation and mitigation burdens on
women, and particularly on women in low- and middle-income countries. This paper joins the
call to support the marginalized, poor and vulnerable in society and foremost the women on
the way towards global sustainable development. To do so this paper suggests to put more
attention to the capabilities of women and to place more weight on women’s needs and
interests. Poor women in particular are dis-proportionately affected by climate change risks,
while too few adaptation measures are directly benefitting them and too few mitigation
measures respect their concerns.
With regard to adaptation this means foremost to address infrastructure and service
insufficiencies in low-income neighborhoods and communities, to build up institutions and
governance options including financing to do so. It also means to recognize women as
important agents of change; they create solutions to environmental problems and often
alleviate GHG emissions in their daily practices. Women need to get full access to decision
making processes, in all countries, cultures and cities. Thereby they can be made an active
part of climate change governance.
With regards to mitigation, spatial planners should be aware of and attempt to lower possible
negative side-effects of compact city spatial planning models on low-income neighborhoods
and ethnic communities, e.g. by using social policy to cap accommodation prices and rents for
15
households in need. Also, related to public transport, it is important to prioritize women’s
perspectives in public transport schemes, reduce out-of-pocket fees and, e.g., provide
unlimited-use passes for public transportation. Table 4 summarizes our policy
recommendations to foster poverty reduction and gender equality through climate change
adaptation and mitigation actions in cities.
16
Figures
Figure 1. Relationship between 6 key Sustainable Development Goals (out of 17) relating to equity considerations.
17
Figure 2: The location and annual growth rates of large urban agglomerations against the background of recently observed temperature change. Insets show current and future
climate change risks in selected urban areas. 1) The map shows large urban agglomerations in 2010 across the globe and their population growth rates (1970-2010) against
observed climate change (trend period 1901–2012). Many cities with the highest population growth rates are located in areas of moderate recent temperature increase, but many of
them also in low- and middle-income nations with low adaptive capacity. 2) The bar charts show key climate risks to urban systems and services with and without adaptation for Dar
es Salaam, New York City, London and Durban. Risk levels are identified based on an assessment of the literature and expert judgments by the IPCC, AR5, W GII, Chapter 8
authors [11], ranging from very low to very high. For the near-term era of committed climate change (2030–2040), projected levels of global mean temperature increase do not
diverge substantially across emission scenarios. For the longer-term era of climate options (2080–2100), risk levels are presented for global mean temperature increases of 2°C and
4°C above pre-industrial levels. For each time frame, risk levels are estimated for a continuation of current adaptation (rosé colored bars) and for a hypothetical highly adapted state
(red colored bars). Source: own draft; Data: [11].
18
Figure 3: The location and annual growth rates of large urban agglomerations against the background of recently observed temperature change. Insets describe the spectrum of
adaptive capacity in urban centers across the globe. As in Fig.2, this figure shows large urban agglomerations in 2010, and population growth rates (1970-2010)). Additionally, here
the recently observed temperature change can be compared to the large spectrum in adaptive capacity of urban centers to adapt to climate change. For example, Dar es Salaam (as
seen above) is already confronted in the near term with very high risks to the water supply system and shows the lowest level of adaptive capacity and resilience/’bounce-back’
capacity across the spectrum. On the other hand, New York City, London and Durban possess some climate resilience and even ‘bounce-forward’ capacity, while being exposed to
(only) medium climate risks in the near term. Source: own draft; Data: [11].
19
Tables
Object to be allocated on basis of …
Focus on
Costs (obligations)
Benefits (rights)
the
I) Moral responsibility (“guilt” in having
caused the problem)
III) Previous contributions (to providing the
benefits under consideration)
Consequences of
the solution
II) Capabilities (capacity to contribute
to problem solving)
IV) Need for (or right to) the outcome to be
achieved, i.e. goods or services of a policy
Causes
problem
of
Table 1: Commonly applied equity domains in international climate change mitigation efforts [18]. Domains are distinguished by causes versus consequences and costs versus
benefits.
20
SDG 16: Justice for All
SDG 11: Inclusive, safe, resilient cities
SDG 10: Reduce inequality within and among
countries
Equity dimension
Intra-urban
Inter-urban
Inter-generational
Outcome/ distributionrelated Equity
Intra-urban poverty and equity concerns are shaped by low-income
neighborhoods and communities that occupy high-risk areas at often
high-densities. Climate change may threaten these communities by
increases in climate risks, mainly heat, flood and landslide risk, as well as
by adaptation and mitigation measures that are dis-respective of its
effects on the urban poor.
Inter-urban poverty and equity concerns relate to
cities in low- and middle-income countries with very
limited adaptive capacity or generally to cities that are
situated in risk zones. Climate change may affect
these cities mostly by way of sea level rise, storm
surge and flooding, but also by landslide and
eventually heat risk.
Inter-generational
poverty and equity
concerns
are
determined by socalled “constructed
risk” (the neglect of
authorities or their
mis-management to
address risk) as well
as by “accumulated
risk”
(perpetuated
coping due to the
neglect of learning
from
previous
disasters). The latter
can affect all income
levels, but may in
particularly prevent
the
potential
development gains
from reaching the
poorest
of
the
society,
thereby
lowering their hopes
for a step-by-step
development
process.
SDG
1:
Eradication
Poverty
SDG 13: Climate change impacts threaten poverty reduction via :
1) Heat: mostly affecting elderly and women (LIC, MIC, HIC);
2) Floods: mostly relating to poor and marginalized group (in LIC & MIC)
via high exposure and low coping; mixed in HIC;
3) Landslides: impacting various income groups (in LIC & MIC) via high
exposure & low protection; mixed in HIC;
4) Storm surge: mostly affecting poor and marginalized group (LIC &
MIC) via high exposure & low protection, but sometimes also the betteroff (HIC).
SDG 13: Climate change impacts may threaten
poverty reduction via
1) Increased average temperatures for continental
cities;
2) Increased sea level rise and storm surge for
coastal cities;
3) higher risk levels for cities situated at large rivers
(and deltas)
4) An increase in damage levels in cities where
building regulations and standards are not
implemented or enforced.
SDG 13: Climate change adaptation supports poverty reduction if it:
1) mainly targets protecting the most vulnerable of urban societies;
2) provides sufficient infrastructure and services in all urban
neighborhoods or works against the deliberate neglect of authorities to
do so;
3) helps form supportive institutions and governance structures to cater
for the urban poor, including the failure to address the malpractices of
“slum lords”.
SDG 13: Climate change adaptation supports
poverty reduction if it:
1) addresses cities in the LIC and MIC;
2) is aligned with adequate financial and institutional
support, particularly in LIC and MIC.
SDG 13: Climate Change mitigation supports
21
poverty reduction if it:
SDG 13: Climate Change mitigation supports poverty reduction if it:
1)
exonerates
or
compensates
communities, cities or regions.
low-income
1) respects the effects on the urban poor;
2) does not disproportionately impact the urban poor and minorities by
way of changes of housing affordability, costs and access to
transportation.
Table 2: How climate change in and across cities relates to poverty eradication/reduction. Note: We here refer only to outcome-based equity aspects, process-related and contextual
aspect are omitted. LIC - Low-income countries; MIC - Middle-income countries; HIC - High-income countries.
22
SDG 16: Justice
for All
SDG 11: Inclusive, safe, resilient cities
SDG 10: Reduce inequality within and among countries
Equity
dimension
Intra-urban
Inter-urban
Intergenerational
Outcome/
distributionrelated Equity
Intra-urban, outcome-based equity concerns are shaped by direct and
indirect impacts of climate change on women and girls.
Inter-urban gender and equity concerns mainly relate to strongly
diverging roles of women and men in low- and middle income
nations. Women from low- and middle-income countries living in
poverty are typically more vulnerable to climate change impacts
than men because of the discrimination they face with respect to
wealth and capital goods, health, access to technologies,
education, services and information, and opportunities to generate
financial and productive assets.
Intergenerational
gender
and
equity concerns
are determined
by the quality
and quantity of
food, education,
safety,
and
attention
we
allow
to
our
children. Deficits
in these areas
during childhood
cannot be made
up for later in life.
SDG 13: Climate change impacts threatens gender equality via:
SDG 5: Gender
Equality
1) Heat: Heat stress affects women more than men;
2) Floods/ Landslides/ Storm surge: leading to reduced or no access to
potable water, drainage and sanitation facilities in cities, women:
 face loss of income from their home-based activities and often waterbased economic activities like cleaning, washing clothes or cooking
food products, particularly in informal settlements.
 have to spend more hours fetching water from water trucks or tanks.
 face malnutrition or low calorie intake especially in older women and
young girls because gendered diet hierarchies and the reduction in
food supply or increase in food prices.
 face the risk of infections as they overwhelmingly take care of
children, old and sick family and community members, who tend to
suffer diarrheal, respiratory and other health problems.
 are more vulnerable to losing their jobs given that they need to devote
more time to non-paid care-work.
SDG 13: Climate change adaptation supports gender equality if:
SDG 13: Climate change adaptation and mitigation supports
gender equality if:
1) it reduces ex-ante vulnerabilities of women, particularly in LIC
and MIC, taking into account gender roles and women’s needs;
2) it is aligned with adequate financial and institutional support for
women, particularly in LIC and MIC;
3) it challenges traditional gender roles and recognizes and
balances care work between men and women.
1) it eases women’s income opportunities and home-based businesses;
2) it leads to an evaluation of care-work and paid income options.
SDG 13: Climate Change mitigation supports gender equality if:
1) gender-based violence, harassment, and crime are addressed
through gender-sensitive transportation-based mitigation actions.
Process-related
Equity
Process-based equity concerns within cities relate to differentiated
gender roles among women and men, playing out during climate
change events. Women who do not speak the dominant language have
Process-based equity concerns across countries and cities relate
to the discrimination of women with respect to access to
technologies, education, and income opportunities, particularly in
23
less access and understanding of risks and preparedness information,
and likely less contact with the public sphere.
SDG 5: Gender
Equality
SDG 13: Climate change adaptation & mitigation supports gender
equality if:
1) it leads to an involvement of women in leadership roles in community
organizing processes and political representation in coping strategies to
mitigate and adapt to climate change, as women are recognized as key
agents of change.
LIC and MIC. Also, because women in LIC and MIC have less
access to secure land tenure, they lack access to financial credits
or subsidies, important in climate change recovery stages. Across
the globe women are fewer in leadership roles or part of political
decision-making processes.
SDG 13: Climate Change adaptation & mitigation supports
gender equality if:
1) it increases women’s participation in political decision-making
processes, including the UNFCCC.
Table 3: How climate change in and across cities relates to gender equality.
24
Climate
change
domain
Policy Domains
All
General
Concerns
Equity
Potentially useful recommendations
Responsibility


Provide risk-reducing infrastructure and services across all urban neighborhoods
Account for ‘development accumulated’ risk and take into account lessons from previous disasters; avoid
creating of ‘new risk’
Create awareness among low-income populations about likely impacts of climate change, including
differential impacts on women, children, the aged, immobile residents, and ethnic groups
Disseminate the principles of minimal safety standards in low-income housing
Ensure safety standards in legal housing
Build capacity of community based organizations to address local risks through local infrastructure solutions
and services
Establish neighborhood watch groups to support lonely elderly people during heat waves
Inform residents of differential vulnerabilities of women to heat, related to physiological characteristics and
work environments
Provide sustainable public green space (plus management) in low-income urban areas
Promote urban forestry and establishment of urban nature reserves
Look after open water bodies in urban areas, particularly to protect them from littering and encroachment
City Authorities, Civil
Society Organizations,
Neighborhood
Organizations and or
committees
Establish safe destination areas for newly arrived migrants
Adopt Sustainable Urban Drainage Design Principles in addition to stabilization of riverbanks to prevent
flooding
Increase drainage capacities and systems, particularly in low-income communities
Improve the functioning of upstream and downstream drainage systems across entire urban area
City
Authority,
Planning departments,
Engineering
departments,
Developers




Impacts
and risks
Policy recommendations
related to Heat Stress





Impacts
and risks
Policy recommendations
Inland Flooding




Neighborhood
and
Housing
Organizations,
Planning
offices,
Landscaping
professionals
and
contractors
Impacts
and risks
Policy recommendations
Landslides


Develop environmental protective infrastructure on hill slopes, i.e. plant trees and other soil-fixing greenery
Slum up-grading measures like paving of streets and walkways on hill slopes must be accompanied by an
improvement and reinforcement of drainage systems, in order to channel run-off during and after heavy
rainfall events
City
Authority,
Planning departments,
Engineering
departments,
Developers
Impacts
and risks
Policy recommendations
Drought



Diversify urban water supply in cities in dryland ecosystems
Diversify the electricity supply in dryland regions
Plan for an increase in intensive rainfall during periods of droughts, i.e. through infrastructure solutions that
cater for both extremes—water shortage and water excess at the same time
Provide additional support to low-income households and women in times of high food prices and food
insecurity
Keep flood plains and coastal zones free of new developments in order to avoid constructing new risks
Establish coastal buffer zones, e.g. beaches, marshes, dunes and mangroves
When redeveloping coastal zones, integrate measures to prevent pollution from industrial harbor activities
Inform low-income households and other people at risk of health risks and the transmission pathways of
diseases likely to occur after floods and storm surges
After an event, target support to low-income communities, ethnic minorities, the elderly, and other groups
with low coping capacity
Establish disaster relief aid, such as bus lines and neighborhood watch programs
Inform particularly vulnerable citizens about the community relief programs
City
Authority,
Community
Organizations

Impacts
and risks
Policy recommendations
Storm Surge/Coastal
Flooding







City
Authority,
Planning departments,
Engineering
departments,
Developers
25
Adaptation
Policy recommendations
Adaptation

Local governments are advised to provide the network infrastructure and institutional services required to
build community resilience, particularly in low-income neighborhoods

Local governments are advised to take measures to counteract policy decisions by national governments
that increase the vulnerability of the poor, women and other under-represented groups

Foster individual and community self-help, where possible linked to new economic opportunities for low- and
middle-income residents

Establish disaster response agencies and strengthen the emergency services; take measures to build their
capacity and progressively increase resilience
Mitigation
Policy recommendations 
Focus on mixed land use and urban density
Spatial Planning

But, be aware of and attempt to lower possible negative side-effects of compact city spatial planning models
on low-income neighborhoods and ethnic communities, e.g. by using social policy to cap accommodation
prices and rents for households in need

Secure the continuation of social housing policies even for housing built to (expensive) low-carbon housing
and construction standards

Combine densification programs with measures to improve public transport

Find innovative ways to provide recreational areas in compact neighborhoods, e.g. through green roofs and
including recreational facilities in multi-storey structures, so people don’t have to drive to recreation areas

Secure availability and access to green space in low-income and ethnic communities

Finance densification with development taxes imposed on new development to cover infrastructure-related
costs, to reduce the relative burden for low-income groups
Mitigation
Policy recommendations 
All new urban areas shall be serviced by efficient public transport routes
Accessibility/Transport 
Improve the accessibility, safety and comfort of public transportation
Policy

Prioritize women’s perspectives in public transport schemes, e.g. allow request stops during the night

Reduce out-of-pocket fees for public transport schemes (e.g. by allowing monthly and annual passes to be
paid for in multiple installments)

Provide unlimited-use passes for public transport (not multi-ride schemes based on number of transfers,
which disproportionally affect the poor and women)

For private transport, hot occupancy toll lanes are a good option among toll schemes
Table 4: Concrete policy recommendations for approaching the SDGs through climate change and equity considerations in the urban areas.
City
Authority,
Planning departments,
Developers
City
Authority,
Planning departments,
Developers
City
Authority,
Planning departments,
Developers
26
Box 1: Explanation of important gender concepts
Sex is a biological term and indicates the physical differences between women and men, based on their sexual and reproductive functions. Gender refers to the socially
constructed differences between women and men. It involves gender identities and attributes, roles and relationships, including power relations. Gender roles vary substantially
across different cultures and societies and shape the gender division of labor, the access, use, control and property of assets, goods and opportunities. These can be used as
an analytical tool to analyze social processes and be changed over time. Gender roles cause that women spend more hours in the household and the community sphere,
performing reproductive and care-work that is not paid or under-paid. For example: women work two-thirds of the world working hours yet they receive only 10% of the world’s
income. Of the 550 million low-paid workers in the world, 330 million (60%) are women. In Pakistan in 2001, women owned less than 3% of the plots, even though in most
cases, legal regulations allowed them to own land [1].
Gender equality means that women and men have equal conditions for realizing their full human rights and the equal valuing by society of both the similarities and differences
between women and men, and the varying roles that they play. Gender equity is the process of being fair to women and men. To ensure fairness, measures must often be
available to compensate for historical and social disadvantages that prevent women and men from otherwise operating on a level playing field.
Gender sensitive is to take into consideration socio-cultural norms and discriminations in order to acknowledge the different rights, roles & responsibilities of women and men
in the community and the relationships between them. Gender sensitive policy, program, administrative and financial activities, and organizational procedures will: differentiate
between the capacities, needs and priorities of women and men; ensure that the views and ideas of both women and men are taken seriously; consider the implications of
decisions on the situation of women relative to men; and take actions to address inequalities or imbalance between women and men.
Gender mainstreaming is the process of assessing the implications of any planned action for women and men, in all areas and at all levels, and as a strategy for making
women’s as well as men’s concerns and experiences an integral dimension of the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies in political, economic and
social spheres so that women and men benefit equally and inequality is not perpetuated. The ultimate goal is gender equality. Gender mainstreaming was formally introduced
at the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing 1995; ECOSOC: ‘Resolution 1997/2’ and ‘Resolution 1998/34’.
Sources: [1, 6].
27
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