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A Framework for Understanding the Structure of Carr’s Argument in The Shallows Of course it would be hard to miss the gist of Nicholas Carr’s basic argument, his thesis, in The Shallows. He acknowledges that the internet has real and important virtues, but asserts that intensive exposure to the net seriously diminishes our capacity for deep, sustained attention to any particular text, idea, or experience and thus, very likely, leads to “a slow erosion of our humanness and our humanity” (220). Below you’ll find one way to understand the building blocks, and so the structure, of Carr’s argument. After a brief preamble, Carr begins building his case by providing a neuroscience underpinning for one of the most basic and universal recognitions in all of learning theory: we tend to get better at those specific activities, skills, and habits of mind that we practice a lot, and we tend to get worse at those things we don’t practice. This notion, of course, is a foundational assumption in our very classroom, and with his detailed discussion of brain function, neuroplasticity, and the ways neural networks are built up and the ways they atrophy, Carr provides a scientific basis for this obvious and oft experienced phenomenon. Carr then spends his next couple chapters discussing some of the most fundamental of human “intellectual technologies” (44)—spoken language, the written word, print text, electronic media and the computer. He offers not just a brief history of their development, but a discussion of various technologies’ “intellectual ethic” (45), that is, the set of assumptions embodied in each technology about which cognitive abilities are most important—which cognitive abilities each technology promotes, which ones it asks us to practice most while not giving us much practice with others. By the book’s midpoint, Carr zeros in more tightly on the net’s intellectual ethic, on the contrast between the mental abilities internet use tends to enhance and those it tends to let atrophy, in the process noting that those atrophying abilities are the ones that engagement with traditional print text tends to build up. More specifically, he asserts that heavy-duty engagement with the internet environment—with its fast-paced leaps, multiple modalities, and emphasis on multitasking— tends to enhance brain “functions that help us speedily locate, categorize, and assess disparate bits of information in a variety of forms, that let us maintain our mental bearings while being bombarded by stimuli” (142); these include our “hand-eye coordination” and “reflex response” capabilities (139), as well as our abilities to quickly process and respond to visual cues and recognize “patterns in a welter of data” (139). On the other hand, Carr notes that even as the net gives us tons of practice in multitasking and quickly recognizing and responding to visual cues, it gives us little to no practice in activities that involve deep attention, sustained concentration, and careful reflection and judgment, in fact, generally creating an environment where users would find it very difficult to practice these abilities. With heavy net use, the cognitive functions “that are losing the ‘survival of the busiest’ brain cell battle” (142) include those associated with in-depth comprehension and understanding, careful reflection and evaluation, and creative, independent thinking. Next, Carr examines what he sees as the central motivations, both ideological and commercial, behind the net’s intellectual ethic. As the chief ideological driver of the net’s ethic, he identifies a belief that has been on the rise in Western culture at least since the beginning of the Industrial Revolution and which he sees as embodied in the work of Fredrick Winslow Taylor: the notion that what’s of paramount value in regard to human actions and interactions is systematic efficiency—our capacity to get as much accomplished in as brief a period of time and with as little effort or “waste motion” as possible. It is this attitude of quantity-over-quality, surface speed-over-in-depth care, swiftly and smoothly running system-over-ambiguous and idiosyncratic human experience that Carr sees behind Google’s efforts “to ‘systematize everything’ ” (150). As the author notes, “what Taylor did for the work of the hand, Google is doing for the work of the mind” (150). And this ideology of efficiency-at-all-costs dovetails nicely with the commercial motives of Google and its kind. Carr explains that “Google’s profits are tied directly to the velocity of people’s information intake. The faster we surf across the surface of the Web—the more links we click and pages we view—the more opportunities Google gains to collect information about us and to feed us advertisements” (156). Because it’s how internet companies like Google make their money, everything about the Web experience they provide encourages “the speedy, superficial skimming of information and discourages any deep, prolonged engagement with a single argument, idea, or narrative” (156). Carr then examines the contrasts between computer memory and human memory. He recognizes the net can be immensely useful for storing and retrieving information, but argues it’s no substitute for “personal memory” (192), and further, that if we “outsource memory. . . culture withers” (196). He delves back into neuroscience to support his view, noting the complex neural interactions involved in transferring an experience from short term to long term memory, interactions that can be short circuited by engagement with the Web because “the key to memory consolidation is attentiveness” (193), and the Web, of course, works against attentiveness. Carr isn’t making the spurious argument that “intelligence” somehow amounts to being able to remember a bunch of random facts, but rather, argues that if we don’t have a rich store of personal and cultural memory, we have no context within which to understand a broader reality beyond the immediate moment. Without that broader context, in fact, we wouldn’t even know how to understand or evaluate a piece of information we might look up on Google. By the end of his argument, Carr works to show that if we too fully immerse ourselves in the world of the Web, we train our minds to accept—and practice—a narrower definition of what it means to be human, a definition that views human reality merely in terms of immediate functionality and efficiency. If we practice solely the kinds of cognitive skills the net asks us to practice, we’ll get better and better at those “efficiency” skills (the abilities to make quick, superficial connections and detect immediate patterns in a mass of incoming data), but we’ll more and more weaken our ability to do the kind of deep, careful, sustained thinking, feeling, and imagining that print text asks us to practice and, even more, that is essential for moral judgment or for “experiencing the subtlest, most distinctively human forms of empathy, compassion, and other emotions” (221). And while Carr acknowledges that we tend to take on the characteristics of any technology we engage with, he claims the net is a special threat because it’s become such “a universal medium” (213). It subsumes all other media—visual, audio, print, whatever—and transmutes them in its image; thus, we could easily spend most all our time engaged somehow with the Web in a way that we wouldn’t with, say, movies or print text, so we might get all our cognitive practice on this single intellectual technology. In the end, he argues, if we can’t find ways to monitor and limit our engagement with the net, it will be “our own intelligence that flattens into artificial intelligence” (224).