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Transcript
Bangladesh, Climate Disasters
Humanitarian practice challenged by populations
‘resilience’
Camille Raillon, edited by Véronique de Geoffroy
Juin 2010
1
FOREWORD
This report has been supported by Groupe URD, a French research, evaluation and training
institute for the international aid sector, and the Bangladeshi NGO RUPANTAR, involved in both
relief and development activities, has worked on disaster risk reduction in the areas affected by
cyclones Sidr and Aila. However, despite the support of these two organizations, the study of the
humanitarian response presented in this report aims to be as independent as possible, and also
analyses the practice of a number of other different actors.
This report follows 3 months’ evaluation fieldwork in Bangladesh, from January to March 2010,
in the Delta area of Sundarbans, 6 months’ after cyclone Aila. Faced with the critical situation of
people in this area, and the palpable sense of hopelessness felt by humanitarian workers with
regard to the future for these communities, in this area prone to climate disaster. Groupe URD
and RUPANTER NGO feel it is necessary to speak out about this new type of crisis.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS :
Thank you to François Grünewald (Executive Director, Groupe URD) Rafiqul Islam Khokan
(Executive Director, Rupantar), Faruque Ahmed (Programme Coordinator, Rupantar), Luky
Sultana (Field Officer, Rupantar), Rolf Gsell (Deputy Project Manager, SDC: Swiss
Development Agency), Niaz Nazim Chowdury (Field Officer, SDC), Mahfuzul Haque (Project
Assistant, IOM: International Organisation for Migration, United Nations), Mujibur Rahman
(Adviser, Shushilan), Lesa Pate.
[email protected]
2
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Aim, Methodology, and Limits of the Study
a. Aim of the Study
b. Methodology
c. Limits of the Study
Introduction
PART 1: Serious crises and vulnerability
1.1
1.2
1.3
A high-risk situation
Reducing vulnerability; an approach central to current governance policy
Observations and threats
PART 2: Resilience and challenges
2.1
2.2
Resilience; a multi-stakeholder approach
Responses and Aggravating factors
a. Strategies at local level
b. Strategies at national level
c. Strategies at international level
PART 3: Observations, alliances and
challenges for humanitarian actors
3.1
3.2
3.3
The current humanitarian situation
Humanitarian practice and state policy: a dilema?
Challenges and perspectives for humananitarian actors
ANNEXS
1/ Factsheets for humanitarian practices
2/ Bibliography
3
AIM, METHODOLOGY AND LIMITS OF THE STUDY
Aim
This study has the following aims:
- To put in perspective the vulnerability and resilience
strategies of people living in the Sundarbans Delta in
Bangladesh, in the face of natural and/or climate disasters
- To question humanitarian practices in the long-term
- To contribute to thinking in terms of strengthening
resiliance capacity, and relationships between state actors
and supra-state actors.
Methodology
Delta des Sundarbans
This study is based on:
- An in-depth analysis of existing literature on the subject, presented in the Annexs.
- A series of interviews of humanitarian actors in the Sundarban Delta region: IOM,
Rupantar, Solidarités International, Action Contre la Faim, Shushilam.
- Discussions with people affected by the different slow onset disasters (rising sea-levels,
land erosion) or rapid onset disasters (cyclones, flooding) in the Mongla, Shathira and
Khulna districts.
- The methodology used to analyse humanitarian practice is based on the Quality
COMPAS1.
Limits of the study
A certain number of constraints should be highlighted:
- The relatively new nature of the subject material – strengthening resilience capacity to
climate and/or natural disasters.
- The difficulty in finding criteria and indicators to evaluate the impact of strategies to
strengthen resilience capacity, set up by different actors within the community, at state
level, internationally or by non-state actors.
- Logistical constraints and limited amount of time spent with the people affected.
- The breadth of the subject: the reduction of climate and/or natural disasters is a vast
subject, one that involves numerous actors, with their respective and often varied
interests, from issues as complex as adapting to climate change, disaster risk reduction
and poverty reduction.
1
Tool for managing and evaluating humanitarian programmes, developed by Groupe URD and available
for free download at www.urd.org
4
INTRODUCTION
Like many other countries, Bangladesh is situated in a high-risk region, prone to natural and/or
climate disasters, which are occurring with increasing frequency and intensity. The impact of
climate change is currently only being felt in terms of negative effects, leading many to fear the
worst for the security and survival of people, both in the short and long term, in certain regions
of the world. This sounds the alarm for potential humanitarian crises in both rural and urban
areas, the scale of which is as yet impossible to predict accurately. Access to vital resources, such
as water, food and space are increasingly under threat by changes in climate (reduced drinking
water resources, loss of land to flooding caused by rising sea-levels, arable land under threat
from soil salinity or recurring drought, etc). Today (and looking to the future) the main question
for humanitarians is how to reduce the risk of disasters and therefore indirectly lessen potential
tension between individuals and communities, in this high-risk area.
Set against the backdrop of economic, environmental and security crises which affect the world
today - and particularly high-risk countries such as Bangladesh – building resilience of nations
and communities to disaster (ref. Hyogo Declaration signed in 2004, between 164 states and
numerous international organizations) is a complex cross-cutting issue. Clearly, disaster risk
reduction, to natural and/or climate disasters, does not only mean working on vulnerability to
natural hazards, but also to a whole range of economic, social and political vulnerabilities which
make individuals vulnerable (or more vulnerable) to these disasters. Risk reduction is therefore
central to the current debate and there are numerous issues at both local and global level, as
climate disaster goes hand in hand with fears about meeting basic needs, and the possibility of
massive regional or international migration. The scale of such a migratory movement is
impossible to predict, as is its potential impact on people’s security. Many actors are called upon
to mobilize at community, state and supra-state level in order to change the current state of
affairs and limit the negative consequences of natural and/or climate disaster on people,
infrastructure, and countries’ economy and development.
Reminder: the number of disasters said to be ‘natural’ is on the rise. In the year 1975 there
were an estimated 100 natural disasters, with 50 million people affected, yet in 2008, numbers
had risen to 350 natural disasters with 300 million people affected.2. At least 36 million people3
were displaced due to natural disasters in 2008, more than half of which (20 million) were
displaced due to disasters linked to climate. To summarise, the growing number of people
affected by disaster is becoming a huge priority for the “humanitarian work of tomorrow”4. It is
also important to note that all the strategies to reduce people’s vulnerability to natural / climate
disaster in Bangladesh have their limits. In this particular context - between emergency and
development, affected by global environmental disasters and climate change, with community,
state and supra-state actors involved, each with their own interests and strategies – how will
humanitarian actors make a stance to help build resilience of people affected by natural /
climate disaster?
Above and beyond the emergency phase of rapid onset disasters such as cyclones (ex. Cyclones
Sidr and Aila) how can we support and build people’s resilience capacity to climate change and
recurrent natural disasters, of which the causes and effects continue to grow and worsen?
2
EM-DAT Emergency Events Database.
EM-DAT Emergency Events Database
4
A.Boinet and P.Miribel « quelle piste pour les actions humanitaires françaises », 2010. Available in
French on Youphil
3
5
Part 1
SERIOUS CRISES AND VULNERABILITIES
1.1
A HIGH-RISK SITUATION
Bangladesh is a country in the Indian sub-continent. North of the Bay of Bengal and almost
completely surrounded by India, it also borders Myanmar to the east. The geographical situation
of Bangladesh gives it a heavy monsoon season and violent natural disasters such as tropical
cyclones, storms, flooding and droughts. “Cyclones as powerful as Aila are likely to happen every
ten to twenty years” explained Prof. Atiq Rahma, director of the Bangladesh Centre for Advanced
Studies (BCAS), stating that “climate change is not responsible for the existence of cyclones, but
for the fact that their frequency and extreme intensity is increasing”. The south of Bangladesh,
with its many deltas is also very vulnerable to climate disaster, especially because land there is
less than 5 metres above sea level. As stated on a recent list compiled by the World Bank,
Bangladesh is one of the twelve countries most at risk to climate change. Scientists at BCAS
predict that sea levels will rise one metre by 2050, if no measures are taken to ensure otherwise.
If this is the case, then 17% of Bangladesh’s land will disappear underwater, leading to a 13%
loss in agricultural production and massive population displacement.
Slow but irreversible, or rapid and chaotic, natural and/or climate disasters are fast becoming
the major cause of a permanant humanitarian crisis in Bangladesh. Though the adverse impacts
of these disasters are undoubtedly caused by natural phenomena (as has been scientifically
6
proven) it can however be noted that poverty, social exclusion and political marginalization are
aggravating factors. A disaster is necessarily a political event. We can therefore justifiably
speak of socio-natural disasters. Natural and/or climate disasters will potentially result in
displacement on a huge scale, and the Bengal region (India, Bengladesh) would, on its own, be
unable to prevent or manage it efficiently. Generally speaking, all evidence points to the fact that
forced migration caused by climate change is one of the biggest political, humanitarian and
development challenges for the 21st century. The consequences of these disasters are so great
that predictions show a need for infrastructure, water and food, as well as potential competition
for space and resources, in both rural and urban areas.5 As we embark on a new century, climate
issues are added to the old tensions and conflict that have afflicted Bangladesh, India and
Pakistan. The fact that vital resources such as air, water and land are under threat (or are
becoming polluted) can no longer be ignored, though it is rarely recognized that this could
potentially be a source of future conflict.
As one of the most disaster-prone countries in the world, the next ten years will be crucial for
Bangladesh. The political, social and economic framework is too fragile and unstable to support
disaster risk reduction, to adapt to climate change or to reduce poverty (one of the major factors
in vulnerability to disasters) at a national level. The sheer scale of the problem in terms of risk
reduction and alleviation of the impact of disasters when they occur, will impact negatively on
the economic growth and development of the country.
1.2 REDUCING VULNERABILITY;
AN APPROACH CENTRAL TO CURRENT GOVERNANCE POLICY
“Disasters are not first and foremost the result of a geographic process” (Hilhorst, 2004, p. 53,
citing K. Hewitt). The role of poverty has of course been noted, and more generally the role of
social and economic processes, in the 1980’s. Recognising the importance of the socio-cultural
aspect of vulnerability to natural hazards has meant that scientists working on understanding
“disasters” have had to make the distinction between physical processes (hazards) and human
processes (vulnerability). The now well-known formula “Risk = Hazard x Vulnerability” was
borne out of this thinking. These changes in the way in which vulnerability is perceived were
the result of observing that the effects of disasters were determined not only by the initial state
of buildings and infrastructure (cf. politique de développement) but also by the social, economic
and environmental conditions of the area before the disaster hit.6 It is now recognised that the
impact of a disaster largely depends on the level of individual and collective vulnerability prior
to that disaster occurring.
GRIP, « La dégradation de l’environnement, source de tensions majeures ». Collection GRIP Information.
1992
6 International Strategy for Disaster Reduction – United Nations, Living with Risk: A global review of
disaster reduction initiatives, ISDR - United Nations, 2003, p. 41-43.
5
7
Political/ social and
economic dimension
of vulnerability
(Adapted from Watts
and Bohle, 1993)
Disaster risk reduction necessarily implies a multi-actor approach. Reducing vulnerability to
disasters is multi-faceted (political, economic and social) and currently based around three
inter-dependent issues; climate change adaptation; disaster risk reduction and poverty
reduction. In reality, it is unlikely that poverty can be reduced if disasters and the stress linked
to climate issues are not taken into account, in both the short and long-term. To summarise, it is
very difficult to work on disaster risk reduction without reducing poverty and the causes and
effects of climate disasters. The three are intimately linked.
A new idea is currently coming up more and more frequently in humanitarian and development
practice – resilience. The concept is now being integrated into the famous equation “Risk =
Hazard x Vulnerability”, the resilience capacity of communities being a factor which limits risk.
However, we crucially lack real information on resilience capacities, which would help us
support them, with the objective of tangibly reducing the risk of disasters, but by using local
strategies. In this respect, the 2004 worldwide report on disasters by the International
Federation of Red Cross Societies and Red Crescent highlighted that the international
community remains too focused on needs and vulnerability, and lacks analysis of the way in
which people can actually survive disasters and overcome them. The report also argues that
there are very few programmes which support people’s coping strategies and little advocacy to
push for ‘resilience’ rather than ‘vulnerability’ being at the core of debates about aid. At a time
like this, when the nature of disasters is changing and existing responses are proving
insufficient, people at risk should take the initiative to find new responses to these disasters.
Then such initiatives should also be central to humanitarian thinking and discourse.
1.3. OBSERVATIONS AND THREATS
Bangladesh is a densely populated country, with a population of approximately 150 million in an
area just half the size of France. The income per capita is $470 per year. A third of the population
still lives in extreme poverty (29% live on less than a dollar a day and 84% live on just two
dollars a day). The majority of Bangladeshis still live in rural areas, but slums and informal
settlements in the Bay of Bengal are growing rapidly. A quarter of the country’s GDP comes from
agriculture, making the economy relatively sensitive to changes and variations in climate.7 For
7
Disaster Risk Reduction, Climate change and livelihood of the poor and marginalized people. A
Framework for Oxfam GB Bangladesh, final report, April 2009
8
the poorest and most vulnerable people in the country, the benefits of economic growth (5%
annually) have had little or no impact on their quality of life, which remains unstable. Extremely
vulnerable people are mostly living in remote areas, or in areas at risk (environmental or
climate) such as the Sunderbans Delta, where recurrent natural disasters threaten their low
incomes (80% of the population lives in rural villages, though rapid urbanisation has lead to the
prediction that Dhaka will be one of the biggest cities in the world by 2015). In terms of the
human development index, published by UNDP in 2009, Bangladesh was 146th out of 182
countries.
At local level in the Sundarban Delta region, climate disaster has manifested itself in the form
of a latent food crisis, chronic poverty (repeated destruction of jute and rice harvests, on which
80% of people in the Sundarban region are dependant for their livelihoods), an untenable
demographic explosion, and massive waves of migration to the already full slums in the big cities
of Bangladesh and neighbouring countries. In the districts we visited in Khulna, Satkhira and
Mongla, there is a very high risk of humanitarian crisis. The loss of life, as well as loss of material
goods and land, as a result of climate disaster (salinisation of land and rivers, and particularly
rising sea-levels) and natural disaster (cyclones and erosion), has been extreme. Since Cyclone
Aila in May 2009, despite numerous humanitarian interventions, communities have not yet
managed to get back to the same standard of living that they had before. Yet life was precarious
and living standards were low even before the disaster hit). One year after the cyclone, the salt
water which had covered arable land still remains, potentially damaging present and future
agriculture. To add to this, numerous coastal breakwaters and villages continue to be destroyed
by the strong tides, and roads continue to disappear under rising water. This results in villages
being increasingly isolated and cut off from one another, creating growing fears among people as
to what the future may hold. As well as these climatic upheavals and disasters, schools and social
infrastructure have also been affected. Not only were these services already too few and far
between, but now they are also damaged or risk disappearing completely. Local markets, piers,
roads and health centres have all been affected. People also have little access to electricity, the
sanitation situation is critical, and potable water is very difficult to access. It is also worth
cohighlighting the huge problem of arsenic, though this report cannot unfortunately cover the
issue here.
The Bangladeshi state cannot cope with the enormity of the disaster, and the impact it is
currently having on populations. The reasons for this are partly historical, and partly
connected to current political, economic and social fragility, which undermine all the strategies
for climate crisis adaptation and risk-reduction, at a national level. Let us now examine more
closely the roots of this fragility.
History of imbalance in global governance
In the 1990’s, the policy of structural adjustment which was more or less promoted by
international economic institutions such as the World Trade Organisation (WTO), the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB), necessitated less state
involvement, whilst economic liberalism progressively broke done all national and international
regulations. Like many other countries, Bangladesh has been subjected to these dogmas over
recent decades, even though this dominant global system seems to accentuate poverty and
instability in certain developing countries, according to the Economist and Nobel prize winner J.
Stiglitz8,Bangladesh, like so many other countries, seems to be fragile economically (effect of
domination) and politically (little or no redistribution of the profits of economic growth, which
is at 5% per annum) making it difficult to meet the scale of its natural and climate disasters.
8
The Roaring Nineties, W.W. Norton & Company, October 2003.
9
On top of this, the country has huge problems in terms of governance, inequality, corruption and
bureaucracy, which undermine the resilience strategies of populations faced with the impact of
national disasters.
Political and Economic Fragility in Bangladesh
Under British domination since the end of the 18th century, Bangladesh was once East Bengal of
the Indian Empire. Though the British left the region in 1947, the conflict between Hindus and
Muslims let to the creation of an Islamic state, Pakistan, made up of two distinct areas separated
by northern India. East Pakistan was more than 1,600 km from West Pakistan, and the capital of
the country. Due to the authoritarianism of the central power in Islamabad and its indifference
to the suffering of Bangladeshis during cyclone Bhola, an independence movement rapidly
formed and gathered strength. During the course of a bloody civil war, it proclaimed
independence on 26th March 1971. Supported by India, the young democracy quickly adopted
the name ‘Bangladesh’ (‘Land of Bengali people’). However, in 1975 a military coup led to the
assassination of the first President of the Republic of Bangladesh, Sheihk Mujib Ur-Rahman,
marking the beginning of a long period of political instability. Two dynasties and two parties
were locked in opposition; the Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, and the
country saw no less than four more coup d’etats.
The Awami League postponed the December 2008 legislative elections, and is now likely to stay
in power for the whole of its mandate. In 2010, economic policy is likely to follow along the same
lines as it has done over the last two decades, i.e. maintaining close relations with multi-lateral
donors (including the World Bank) which are setting up a 3 billion dollar (1 billion = 1000
milliards) aid programme, over 15 years, with the aim of improving Bangladesh’s resistance to
natural disasters. It should be noted that tensions between the main two parties, the Bangladesh
Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Awami League, could once again erupt into demonstrations. The
risk of social unrest also remains, due to the fact that poverty rates are high, and the fruits of
economic growth are not redistributed equally. Political tensions and a tense social climate
weigh heavily on investment (adaptation to climate change, risk reduction, the fight against
poverty etc), though the country already suffers in terms of lack of governance, and the problem
of corruption.
In this context, strategies to reinforce the resilience capacities of populations remain difficult to
implement on a national level. The redistribution of the fruits of economic growth is largely
insufficient. Social protection9 is inexistent for the most vulnerable people. Yet it is social
protection (crop insurance, rebuilding assets, including distribution of livestock and cash
transfers10) that could be the means to protect, promote and transform livelihoods, strengthen
resilience capacity at an indidual level and fight poverty. However, in order for social security to
withstand the impacts of climate change, it is necessary to also look at how to reduce
dependency on traditional agricultural activities, which are extremely vulnerable to variations in
climate. The fact is that without large public or private investment in agricultural research and
sustainable economic development, at a national or international level, people’s vulnerability to
climate disasters will only increase.
9
Social protection describes all initiatives that transfer income or assets to the poor, protect the
vulnerable against livelihhods risks, and enhance the social statuts and rights of the marginalised. Its
overall objectives are to extend the benefits of economic growth and reduce the economic or social
vulnerability of poor, vulnerable and marginalised people (Source: IDS 2006, Devereux and Sabates
Wheeler 2004).
10 Research and analysis from the Institute of Development Studies, Connecting Social Protection and
Climate Change Adaptation., Issue 2, 2007
10
The international community also seems to be stretched beyond capacity by the challenge
of dealing with the detrimental impacts of distasters at a local and national level. Global
governance seems no longer able to control the negative impacts of globalization and the rush
for financial profit which is valued in this system. Economic growth at any price, and the nonsustainable development which it engenders, leads to degradation of the environment, and a
dramatic impact on the world’s climate. And it is countries like Bangladesh which pay the price.
According to GIEC studies, all of humanity are walking a tightrope “Today, humanity’s very
existence is threatened by changes in the ecology and climate change, by drugs, by pandemics,
by genetic engineering, and by arms. Humanity is being suffocated by its own pollution, by its
very size and number, by the desertification it has caused, by the rapid diminishing of its
resources (gradually built up over millions of years), by the destruction of its bio-diversity, its
agricultural land, its oceans and its barrier reefs”.11
11
J.Attali, « 7 leçons de vie pour survivre face aux crises ».
11
Part 2
RESILIENCE AND CHALLENGES
2.1
RESILIENCE, A MULTI-FACETED APPROACH
In the light of these many crises, and the sheer scale of needs, what should be done? How can
individuals, communities and states deal with this situation? The notion of resilience is a
central concern for local, state and supra-state actors. Resilience is defined as the ability of a
system, community or society exposed to hazards to resist, absorb, accommodate to and recover
from the effects of a hazard in a timely and efficient manner, including through the preservation
and restoration of its essential basic structures and functions.12 Resilience refers principally to
the capacity to be resistant to dangerous situations, a minimum of damage, and to ‘bounce back’
after such a shock. We can talk about different kinds of resilience; mental, moral, physical,
material and financial. Resilience highlights bright new ideas such as opportunities (even in a
chaotic situation) and sustainable development for all. Unfortunately, current studies tend to
focus more on vulnerability factors than on strategies to strengthen resilience capacity, which
are still given little importance. It is, however, an understanding of both vulnerability and
resilience mechanisms that present the real key to the survival of both people and states.
12
Definition from the International Strategy for Disaster Prevention, of the United Nations, available at:
http://www.unisdr.org/eng/terminology/terminology-2009-eng.html
12
It is essential to develop social protection and solidarity initiatives at local, state and supra-state
level, in order to reduce the risks and strengthen people’s resilience capacity to climate
disasters. Exploring the links between adaptation to climate change and social protection in the
agricultural sector, the British Government’s Department for International Development (DFID)
and researchers from the Institute of Development Studies (IDS) have developed the concept of
“social protection adaptation”. Studying social protection approaches in order to adapt to
climate involves examining the economic, social and political relationships in order to adapt and
build resilience capacity with regards to climate.13
In this conceptual framework, social protection (i.e. solidarity between individuals) connects
strategies to strengthen resilience capacity to climate disaster (adaptation and risk reduction).
However, as we will see, this theoretical approach represents an ideal, and the current situation
appears not to follow this model.
2.2 RESPONSES AND AGGRAVATING FACTORS
In the field, on a very practical level, disasters and and climate change have forced individual
people to use different strategies to adapt, survive and be resilient. However, such strategies can
sometimes actually make them more vulnerable to natural and climate disaster in the long-term.
13
Centre for social protection, Socio-economic security over the life course: A global review of social
protection, July 2009
13
A. LOCAL STRATEGIES
At a local level, disasters and climate change force individual people to adopt different
adaptation and survival strategies. Two examples of such problems can be cited here. The
first: the deforestation that has become a survival strategy for some villages. The second:
massive migration to the informal settlements of the big cities in the region (Khulna, Dhaka or
Kolkata). Whether these migrations are only temporary or whether they are permanent, they
have more negative than positive impacts in the short-term.
Fishing and Deforestation
Importance of the coastal area and paradoxes
At the moment, there are two main ports in the country: Chittagong and Mongla. Economically,
the 720km coastal area plays an essential role within Bangladesh, thanks to maritime transport.
The coastal waters are also an important source of marine fishing. More than 60% of the active
population works in the fishing sector in the Sundarban Delta. Today prawn farming also
continues to be a highly lucrative activity.
But these sectors, including transportation, trading and fishing, are all threatened by disasters
and climate change. The paradox is that through reducing people’s economic vulnerability
(strengthening resilience capacity), and developing more and more industry and fishing in the
area, the impact of disasters such as cyclones and rising sea levels, is actually worsened.
Unrestricted and unmanaged deforestation of the “Sundarban” mangroves in order to develop
shrimp and crab farming is undoubtedly a large source of revenue for the country, as is
developing the production of paper to print newspapers.14 However, the valuable Sundarban
area is also home to a tropical marine ecosystem which includes swamps, marshland and
mangroves. This ecosystem is considered to be an important habitat for certain species, and a
natural protective barrier against disasters.
Migrations
Rural and urban vulnerability
Closely linked to adaptive or survival strategies to deal with climate change, there is massive
population movement to the country’s big cities (as well as to cities in India) on a temporary or
seasonal basis. Motivating factors for these migrants vary, but economic reasons are more often
than not the principle cause. Climate disasters regularly destroy sources of income for the
coast’s inhabitants. Different opportunities and new vulnerabilities often emerge for those who
migrate to urban areas, as well as for those people who stay behind, and for those people who
already live in the urban areas where new arrivals migrate to. The jobs done by migrants are
often extremely tough and under-paid. Even though rates of urban poverty are lower than the
chronic poverty affecting the countryside, the urban poor are mostly excluded from the
advantages of growth. They also often find themselves faced with new vulnerabilities linked to
housing, sanitation, violence and insecurity. Local mafias are very present and powerful in
Bangladesh. In parallel, the poverty and many vulnerabilities of the rural and urban poor also
feeds into the significant problem of human trafficking.15 However, a greater concentration of
people in urban areas also creates opportunities to better manage the risks for those people who
have remained in isolated rural areas. Migration should not be considered as having a solely
negative impact - it can also play a positive role. For the most vulnerable, migration can be an
14
Vulnerability of Bangladesh coastal region to climate change with adaptation options. Anwar Ali. Bangladesh
Space Research and Remote Sensing Organization (SPARRSO)
15
"Le trafic d’êtres humains : un problème majeur du Bangladesh", Christoph Tometten, Collections Esquisses
14
accumulation strategy (Scott, 2008). For example, rural agricultural workers can voluntarily
choose to move to urban areas after having suffered a ‘shock’, in order to move from the
agricultural sector to the non-agricultural sector. Such a transition can be an interesting lever in
terms of social protection and poverty reduction at an individual level (informal social
protection). For Bangladeshis who migrate to another country, their vulnerability seems to be
even greater, and more complex (particularly those who migrate to India). They have no rights
based on citizenship, and they generally find themselves excluded from any protection system
(as flimsy as that system may be). On top of this, they have no internationally recognised legal
status such as “climate/environmental refugees”, making their vulnerability even more acute.
The vicious circle of physical, economic and social vulnerability seems to only get worse,
whether they are migrants within Bangladesh or elsewhere in the region. Yet, what other
solutions exist in order to survive when there is little investment at a state or international level
in terms of key areas such as adaptation, risk reduction, social protection and the fight against
poverty in rural and urban areas? The impact of natural and climate disasters in Bangladesh is
greater than the local adaptive capacity to respond, resulting in the fact that vulnerability
continues to rise. According to an IRIN article from June 2010 entitled ‘Bangladesh, number of
landless farmers on the rise’, the number of farmers who have lost their land due to climate
disasters is increasing, as is the level of migrations to the shanty towns of the big metropolises.
Millions of Bangladeshi households have lost their property, due to poverty, natural disasters or
because they have been dispossessed by a corrupt elite. According to a study carried out in 2008
by the Bureau of Statistics in Bangladesh, out of a population of 160 million, almost 4.5 million
people no longer have any land at all, most of these ‘land-less’ live in rural areas. A report by the
researcher Tahera Akter, published by the think tank Unnayan Onneshan (based in Dhaka)
states that with every large flood approximately 39 million Bangladeshis are displaced, and
every large cyclone displaces at least 3 million people. According to a study by Habibur Rahman
and Somprawin Manprasert, from the University of Chulalongkorn in Bangkok, the distribution
of land in developing countries is indicative of the high level of social inequality. This study also
revealed that “rural areas in developing countries are characterized by highly unequal social
structures, or what many call ‘bi-modal agrarian systems’, in which big commercially-managed
domains control large areas of fertile land, whilst many farmers cultivate tiny areas of land, or
simply have no land at all”. Being deprived of land can stir up social problems, because “poverty
linked to land and migration to urban areas, when they are not accompanied by development in
terms of housing and public services, leads to expanding shanty towns, with all the economic
and social problems that they entail”.
B. NATIONAL STRATEGIES
At state level, the strategy used to deal with this situation results in a complex challenge
involving economic growth and redistribution, state and citizens. From an international
point of view, the state can be seen as victim in terms of the impacts of climate change.
Who benefits from economic growth in Bangladesh?
Foreign policy and the economy in Bangladesh are open to direct foreign investment,
particularly India. Though relations between these two countries remain tense, dialogue has
opened up again since the League Awami came to power. For example, agreements concerning
terrorism and state security have recently been signed between Bangladesh and India.
Bangladesh also has commercial relations with China, as well as links with its military and
police.16 However, China still seems far from playing an important role in the development of the
16
Official website of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
15
country. Bangladesh’s foreign policy also supports the growth of exports, particularly to the
United States, which represents 25% of total exports. The American market is therefore vital for
Bangladeshi products, especially textiles. Furthermore, Washington considers Bangladesh to be
a ‘safe’ ally in the international coalition against terrorism. Both sides have vested interests in
this relationship, and with huge financial sums at stake it is hardly surprising that Bangladesh’s
economic growth is at about 5% per annum.
Third largest Muslim nation in the world, Bangladesh is also an eminent member of the
Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC). Saudi and Emirates companies have a strong
presence in Bangladesh, whilst Bangladeshi manpower is used for many jobs in the Gulf states.
For example, two million Bangladeshi workers are currently employed in Saudi Arabia.
Finally, Bangladesh’s foreign policy supports maintaining a high level of foreign aid, from
International Institions such as the IMF, World Bank, or the European Commission. The growth
of the country seems to be stimulated but the fruits of this growth are rarely redistributed
evenly to the vulnerable populations, and even more rarely do they reach the victims of natural
disasters and/or climate disasters, which are more and more frequent. Management of public
finances remains weak, and public sector reform is limited.
State and Citizens, a fragile balance
In many countries, the fiscal system provides an institutional mechanism through which
resources can be collected from citizens and private enterprises, channelled via the State, and
then redistributed. In Bangladesh, the state’s capacity to raise and allocate funds through public
expenditure is rather weak (problem of governance, democracy and especially of corruption).
An important part of the finances necessary to support millions of people vulnerable to climate
change therefore comes from elsewhere, provided by international donors, NGOs and civil
society. This means that spending is strongly influenced by external actors, who play an
important role in the design and implementation of projects. Due to this, the link between the
Bangladeshi state and its citizens through budgetary mechanisms is quite weak, hindering social
(and also economic) protection for people faced with the impacts of climate change.
Why is this relationship between the state and its citizens so weak? Citizenship, good
governance and a welfare-oriented state necessitate a democratic State and an active and
informed civil society. This in turn involves a social contract built on a history which is shared
and defended by all. But in the case of Bangladesh, the last 50 years have seen more than 5 coup
d’etats, and it has been difficult for democracy to put down strong roots. Citizenship for poor and
marginal groups in South Asia seems to present two challenges. Firstly, there is the vertical
challenge, the rights to citizenship which are tied to the relations between society and the State,
and the distance between them. The people we met in the the Sundarban Delta, for example,
receive little support from the State. Secondly, there is the challenge of horizontal citizenship,
based on the type of relations between different groups in Bangladeshi society (involving
tension, pressure, and attacks between Hindu and Muslim groups).
International Politics and palpable tension
Faced with the fact than there is a link between environmental degradation and climate
disaster (see the Giec report), Bangladesh positions itself as a victim state, a role which is
sadly linked to the failure of the global system. Bangladesh appears to adopt a passive
attitude (on the international stage) to investment in terms of risk reduction and adaptation to
climate disasters, seeming to expect this investment to come from the international community.
The question of migration is extremely important here, as it seems to put in danger the security
16
of neighbouring states in the region. Who is responsible? What legal status could protect these
citizens? Yet the international community and other countries in the region (notably India) do
not seem ready to face this type of question - like the question of strengthening the resilience
capacities of migrants – leaving them unanswered.
It must also be noted that the failure of the current global economic, social and political system
has led to a palpable tension which vacillates from admiring to threatening all that comes from
the West. Religious radicalism is firmly wedged between this rock and hard place, apparently
growing daily, as the journalist F. Dentinger has noted. The rising importance of religious
radicalism is also evident in the numerous demonstrations (banners, religious speeches etc)
held in the streets of Khulna. “The possibility of a huge security problem, at a national level,
should not be underestimated. The threat of the negative effects of climate change (…) causing
widespread loss of land and livelihoods, leading to displacement of large numbers of people and
rising inequality, could bring with it civil unrest and support for fringe or radical groups”.17
C. INTERNATIONAL STRATEGIES
On the international stage, Bangladesh continues to play a vital role in defending the interests of
the LDC (least developed countries), particularly within the United Nations and the World Trade
Organisation. In recent years Bangladesh has also been very involved in representing the
countries the most affected by global warming. However, on an international level, strategies
to strengthen people’s resilience capacity to climate disasters in high-risk countries need
to be further discussed. The most difficult question is who would pay for real adaptive
strategies and disaster and/or climate risk reduction, which affect people globally? It is
somewhat utopian to imagine global governance capable of ridding the world of inequality and
protecting those most vulnerable to climate change, wherever they may be. It is also utopian
today to talk of protecting public assets18 (such as the Sundarban forest, one of the largest and
richest in the world, source of potable water, etc). However, this is where the challenge for
communities and nations seeking resilience to climate disaster lies. We need much more than a
coalition of nations. In the words of J. Attalli “We need institutions that share the weight of the
issues at stake, and put in place strategies which are far more ambitious than those discussed at
the moment, often in vain, by the G8, G20, IMF, WB and Security Council.”19 In any case, the
coastal population of Bangladesh seems to be the first victim of this globalisation which is
unable to regulate the problems it generates; environmental, economic, politic and social.
The question is so complex that at the moment, no new international accord on climate has been
signed (cf. the failure of Copenhagen.20 It must be noted however that there have been advances
in terms of strategies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, with a common aim of limiting the
risk of disasters for populations (see Kyoto Protocol). State and local bodies have also been
mobilised, for example, risk reduction programmes and capacity building (economic, social and
political) funded by state institutions and international donors but the impact on resilience of
people stay limited. et leurs les impacts sont de toutes évidences des avancées.
If we believe the scientists of GIEC; these efforts are still however too insignificant to reduce the
negative effects of climate risk for humankind. The world seems to be moving forward slowly
but surely towards chaos. Strengthening resilience capacities as an ideal to be followed is
threatened at every level by a multiplicity of actors; community, state, supra-state. All these
actors have different interests, and their strategies lack coordination and coherence
« Bangladesh Country Gouvernance Analysis 2008 », BCGA, 2008.
Pierre JAQUET “Economie du développement, comment produire des biens publics mondiaux ? », Article appeared
in ‘Le Monde économique’. Oct 2007.
19 J.ATTALI “7 leçons de vie, survivre aux crises”, Ed. le livre de poche. May 2010
20 “ Dans la confusion, Copenhague s’achève sur un échec”. Article appeared in ‘Le Monde’. 19th December 2009
17
18
17
(deforestation is a good example). We are far from achieving the reduction of risks for
populations21. Vulnerability to natural and/or climate disaster is on the rise, as are potentially
intensified and massive humanitarian crises, worse than the crises that people living on the
riverbanks of the Sundarban Delta have experienced up until now. The most recent crisis,
Cyclone Aila (which hit in June 2009) caused thousands of victims and displaced thousands
more. Even now, six months after the disaster, many people are still stuck in a complex situation
somewhere between emergency and development. And future disasters could unfortunately
have an even more catastrophic impact.
21
TWIGG, John, Characteristics of a Disaster-resilient Community: A Guidance Note, Version 1, Disaster Risk
Reduction Interagency Coordination Group, August 2007, p. 6.
18
Partie 3
OBSERVATIONS, ALLIANCES AND CHALLENGES FOR HUMANITAIRIAN
ACTORS
3.1 THE CURRENT HUMANITARIAN SITUATION
Following the first realisation of the existence of climate disaster, there has been a catastrophic
impact on populations. Responses to mitigate this situation are extremely limited at every level,
from local to global. What role could humanitarian organisations play to strengthen the
resilience capacity of communities affected by these disasters - in terms of climate, the economy
and security? The analysis of numerous field projects (see Annex 2, fact sheets on humanitarian
practice) leads us to the following thoughts and conclusions.
In an emergency, the implementation of assistance projects is often delegated to NGOs
(particularly in ECHO's strategy), as was the case after cyclones Sidr and Aila, because NGOs are
usually more reactive than governments or international institutions. However, what is the
impact of these humanitarian programmes on people's resilience capacity?
Thinking on resilience "capacity building" is still in its early stages for humanitarian action.
However, Bangladesh has rapidly emerged as an important area to analyse, in order to better
19
understand the use of technical (infra)structure in zones affected by natural or climate disasters.
Technical structures, such as floodwater barricades, embankments, wells or even rainwater
collection, are undoubtedly useful in the short-term, but are limited as solutions in the longterm. Local materials which are used for such technical solutions are not resistant enough; they
deteriorate over time and are badly affected by the disasters in the Sundarban Delta region. The
result is that these infrastructures are actually destroyed each time there is a new disaster,
thereby increasing physical vulnerability (and indirectly economic vulnerability) in the villages,
and increasing the risk of a future humanitarian crisis.
In this global context of climate disasters, economic and security crises, it seems to be
essential to question humanitarian practice and to create links and coalitions between
actors and institutions, local, state and supra-state. It is obviously here that things become
complex. How can humanitarians integrate the notion of cooperation in order to promote
resilience, whilst still maintaining humanitarian values and principles? Yet the vulnerabilities of
communities continue to become more acute, despite the relief assistance provided in response
to Cyclone Aila by communities, local and national authorities, and NGOs. The question now is
how to move from a system which responds to humanitarian crises in an emergency, to a more
complete system which builds and strengthens people's resilience capacity long-term, even
whilst responding to an emergency in the short-term.
3.2 HUMANITARIAN PRACTICE AND STATE POLICY, A DILEMMA?
Clearly, humanitarian actors need to decide on policy, and how to position themselves in
relation to this issue. Three main types of strategic relations are possible, with communities,
states and supra-state actors:
1. Cooperate with the State and the International Community but also with all other nonstate actors, including private actors such as companies and centres of economic power.
This means cooperating on key questions such as land planning and programmes to
strengthen resilience capacity: adaptation, risk reduction, poverty reduction, etc. This
question is proving to be quite sensitive as it is also well-known that the Bangladesh
Government is very corrupt (according to Transparency International).
2. Advocate for damages to be paid and lobby the State and International Institutions to
defend the interests of vulnerable populations affected by the impacts of climate change,
massive poverty, etc.
3. Provide means to vulnerable people to help them mobilise, defend their own
interests, support their creativity, their strength and their strategies in order for them to
be able to withstand different crises. The impact of climate disaster is only the tip of the
iceberg in terms of vulnerability. As has already been explained, it is because people
already suffer from economic, political and social vulnerability that they are even more
affected by natural hazards.
For humanitarian action, the question of strengthening the resilience capacity of communities to
climate, economic and security crises must be looked at in the light of these three types of
strategic relations. In today's world, it seems essential to work in cooperation with all actors
involved, whilst at the same time continuing to highlight their different respective
responsibilities. The community and its local dynamics must of course always be central to
decision-making. In this respect, it is fundamental to better take into account the communities
that we support, in order to further support their work. History has proved time and again that
profound change nearly always comes from within a society itself. Faced with the failure of the
global approach to see ‘local’, we must now focus on local solutions from a global perspective.
20
We must start by using our local programmes to help us better understand what people think
about their living conditions, natural disasters and climate change. What changes would
individual people like to see taking place, and how can the community reach its goals?
Faced with the crises expected within the next decade, the international community and the
State invest too little in durable solutions that strengthen the resilience capacity of communities.
People unfortunately know that they can only really count on themselves. They therefore put in
place survival strategies. Unfortunately, we still fail to properly recognise or understand these
strategies, which are based on people’s identity, traditions, knowledge, relations with the risks,
creativity and collective dynamics (in order to put pressure on current governance in terms of
risk reduction). We should work together, supporting their strategies in the face of climate,
economic and security risks, whilst also bringing knowledge and power to advocate on their
behalf in future political decisions.
3.3 CHALLENGES AND PERSPECTIVES FOR HUMANITARIAN ACTION
First Challenge:
Manage the possible contradictions between aiming for rapid results and strengthening
resilience capacity in the long-term.
For the work of the humanitarian community, reducing risks and strengthening resilience
capacity is a central new challenge. In practice, humanitarian aid is too often judged solely on
operational programme results, and not enough on the dynamics of strengthening people’s
resilience capacity to disasters.22 As well as providing an effective response to ‘basic needs’,
humanitarian interventions should also aim to have a positive impact in the long-term, above
and beyond project implementation. With this objective in mind, the link between relief,
rehabilitation and development (link between humanitarian aid and cooperation for
development) can be consolidated, and those people supported by projects should be less
vulnerable for future possible climate disasters and /or natural disasters.
Evidence for this tension between short and long-term impact can be found in the humanitarian
practices observed in the Sundarban area, six months after cyclone Aila. All the humanitarian
programmes focus on the short-term, so despite the humanitarian presence, people are actually
not less vulnerable to possible future disasters. Water pumps, rainwater collection ponds (to
compensate for river salinisation), raised houses and flood barrier construction (to protect
villages), all of these interventions are limited to short or medium term impact, and there is little
leverage to encourage long-term development. (see Annexs, fact sheets on humanitarian
practices).
Two reasons should be highlighted to explain the limits observed in current humanitarian
practice. The first reason is that rapid and visible results are encouraged by top-level
management, and various different donors. It cannot be denied that available funds for disaster
prevention are still somewhat limited, which hardly encourages NGOs to invest in specific DRR
programmes which would involve capacity building. Especially as capacity building is often hard
to quantify, and perhaps produces less visible results (Action Aid, 2006). It can be noted that the
Millenium Development Goals, with their specific objectives for health, education etc, may well
reinforce the trend of prioritising rapid results. The second reason is that there is a critical lack
of indicators and evaluation of capacity building in terms of resilience and risk reduction. The
mechanisms and dynamic processes are still little known. In fact, in recent years, research has
22
Experience has shown that these two objectives ‘operational’ and ‘capacity building’ are often
contradictory, at least in the short term.
21
been more focused on factors of vulnerability rather than on people’s own resilience
mechanisms. In terms of operations and depending on the context, we must find a compromise
and promote a more effective and systematic monitoring and evaluation process in order to
really change the quality of humanitarian action.23
Second Challenge:
Governance and questioning relations between local, state and supra-state actors
In the current context of world-wide economic, climate and security crises, many high-risk
countries are likely to see a rise in poverty and vulnerability, and therefore an increase in the
risk of humanitarian disasters. Furthermore, environmental degradation is on the rise, which
will most probably lead to an increasingly dramatic impact on the world’s climate, and on
humankind itself. The main conclusion we can draw from this situation of global crisis is that the
question of survival is not just about the ‘here and now’. It depends on a long-term perspective.
And one thing is certain; people’s resilience capacity does not only depend on conservation and
a miraculous return to traditional livelihoods in order to cope with the current crises (from
economic crises to climate change). Communities’ resilience capacity to climate, economic and
security crises are at the heart of much wider socio-political thinking. Because of this, attempting
to lessen crises (by improving the way in which they are managed, and by better anticipating
them) presupposes research work on the very functioning of the system itself. And the question
of climate change and its impact on people presupposes behaviour change and a change in
development models. Taking these factors into account, we find that there is a real scientific
opportunity to probe and reinvent the paths of development.
Today, humanitarian actors are questioning their practice at local level, in order to support the
people most vulnerable to climate to cope with new risks and potential future conflicts over
space and resources. Numerous NGOs are currently trying to help people by aiming to reduce
the gap between them and their governments at both local and regional level. However, the
process of change and real strengthening of resilience capacity is still too insignificant, even if it
is the first step in a new way of working for humanitarian actors.
The example of women’s committees (ref. Annex 2: Fact Sheets for humanitarian practice –
Social practices) follows this logic, by linking communities to political debates in order to reduce
people’s vulnerability. This type of programme is interesting because the populations decide for
themselves what their priorities are, and how they expect to achieve their objectives. The NGO is
simply a support to make things happen. This type of social structure is undoubtedly more part
of the development style of working than humanitarian, but both sectors should share
techniques in order to constructively manage the transitions from emergency to development
(as was the case after Cyclone Aila).
On a global level, new alliances between local, humanitarian, state, supra-state and even nonstate actors are being established (or at least studied), in order to prepare together for the
future. Certain alliances could potentially bring into question humanitarian values and
principles, but seem essential nevertheless because they contribute to strengthening resilience
capacities. Furthermore, such activities cannot be conducted by one actor alone, but must be
worked on via partnerships with a diverse range of actors. Strengthening resilience means
working together. It does not involve competition between different actors, but cooperation,
and seeking out partnerships. The fundamental issue at stake, of course, is to give a voice to
those people affected, in order to live together on this planet.24
23
Christian Castellanet and Céline Blanc, GRET, ‘Assistance technique et renforcement des capacités
: problématiques et grandes tendances’, 2007.
24
Cf. Pierre Henri Chalvidan « Après le déluge, Babel ?... », La lettre du forum de Delphes, n°58, janvier 2005
22
ANNEXES
1. HUMANITARIAN PRACTICE FACT SHEETS
-
POTABLE WATER
EMBANKMENTS
HABITAT
ECONOMY AND FOOD SECURITY
SOCIAL PRACTICES
2. BIBLIOGRAPHY
23
HUMANITARIAN PRACTICE FACT SHEETS
POTABLE WATER
Individual rainwater collection recepticles
Risk reduction strategy
Collecting rainwater. As rivers and groundwater in the
Sundarban Delta become more and more saline,
ingenious solutions have been developed by local
people in order to compensate for the lack of potable
water.
Long-term resistance
of individual
recepticles
Weak resistance
Mitigated resistance
Cyclones and
storms
Floods
Rising sea levels
X
x
x
Resistance
Rainwater collection
Risk reduction strategy
Collecting rainwater with a filtering system. (Village:
Koalatola, 370 persons, 70 houses, Mongla District).
NGO: RUPANTAR and BCAS: “Bangladesh Center for
Advance Study”.
Long-term resistance of brick
reservoir
Cylones and
storms
Floods
Rising sea
levels
If villages
disappear, so do
the reservoirs
Weak resistance
Mitigated resistance
Resistance
Brick and concrete
reservoir is highly
resistant to
cyclones according
to the SDC
The reservoir is
protected. However,
it is only during the
rainy season that it
fills up and is really
useful.
24
Strengthening
resilience capacities
No impact
Little strengthening of
capacity
Rise in living Personnal
standards
security
x
Mitigated strengthening
Food
security
x
Economic
security
Asset
security
Spacial
security
x
x
x
x
Significant strengthening
Humanitarian
Practice
The project
strengthens
the
resilience of
different
groups
The water
reserves
aim to
increase
The project
the quantity
aims for
of potable
positive
water for
impacts
the village.
beyond
But the
implementati quantity of
on
water
stocked is
still
insufficient
and limited
The post-project
phase is
anticipated and
planned for
In certain contexts,
preparation and/or
prevention
strategies are
planned
People’s
vulnerability may
The NGO
worsen with the
Rupantar (with
climate crisis. Both
BCAS) has
space and
trained local
resources are
teams to manage
under threat, and
the installation.
could disappear
However, the
under seawater.
sustainability and
Prevention and
cost of this
preparation
maintenance has
strategies are
not yet been
limited because of
discussed
the complexity of
the situation
The economic and
technical viability, as
well as management
issues, is thought out
in certain cases
The limited capacity of
the reservoir is such
that the water can only
be used for individual
consumption (and
neither for animals nor
for growing vegetables
at household level) In
order to optimise the
impact of this type of
programme,
partnerships and new
funding should be
commited to
supporting this project.
Likelihood of the population replicating this system:
It is impossible for the communities to develop these systems using the human and financial
means currently available to them.
From ‘ponds to pots’
Risk reduction strategy
Rainwater is stocked in this open air reserve. This
‘pond’ is protected by embankments on all sides
which prevent the saltwater infiltrating and mixing
with this rainwater. Usually we can find pumps
with filters close to these types of ponds, which
clean the water making it safe to drink.
Unfortunately many of these pumps are no longer
working properly (lack of money to maintain them,
damaged and broken after Cyclone Aila, etc), but
people still continue to drink the water.
25
NGO: RUPANTAR, Oxfam, SDC "Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation"
Pondwater purification system
Oxfam, individual system for
purifying pondwater
Long-term
resistance
SDC, Pump with filtering
system for purifying
pondwater
Cyclones and
storms
Floods
Rising sea levels
At the moment, these
ponds are in isolated parts
of the waterways,
however, there are huge
risks for the future
Weak resistance
Mitigated
resistance
Depends on the
resistance of the
embankments to the
strength of the
disaster
Depends on the
resistance of the
embankments to
the rising water
and the pressure
this puts on the
structures
Resistance
Strengthening
resilience capacities
Rise in living Personnal
standards
security
Food
security
Economic
security
Asset
security
No impact
Little strengthening of
capacity
Mitigated strengthening
Significant strengthening
Spacial
security
x
x
x
x
x (cheptels)
x
26
NGO
Practice.
The project
strengthens the
resilience of
different groups
The programme
(rehabilitation or
construction of
embankments)
aims to strengthen
the resilience of
communities. This
water enables
people to survive
The project
despite the
aims for
positive
increasing scarcity
impacts
of potable water. It
beyond
also provides
implementation water for livestock.
However, there
are two
preconditions: the
resistance of
protective
embankments and
that the pumps
function!
The postproject
phase is
anticipated
and planned
for
In certain
contexts,
preparation
and/or prevention
strategies are
planned
The economic and
technical viability, as
well as management
issues, is thought out
in certain cases
Individual
vulnerability,
coupled with the
increased
The
intensity and
objectives of
frequence of
this type of
cyclones, limits
project are
the positive
access to
impact of this
potable
type of project in
water for
the long-term. At
people,
the same time as
livestock,
these technical
etc. Postconstructions,
project,
Rupantar also
better food
maintains
security is
numerous risk
also an aim.
prevention
activities
(awareness
building,
preparation, etc.)
The monitoring and
maintenance of these
embankments is
currently being
discussed. However,
partnerships with
other NGOs or
companies in the
area are not planned
as yet. To what
extent do populations
have the means to
maintain these
systems themselves?
Will the
embankments resist
future disasters?
Likelihood of the population replicating this system:
It is impossible for people to pay for these types of reservoirs themselves. The price is
approximately 1,185,000 Takas or 11,850 Euros (which only covers the pond). In the longterm, maintainance of this type of structure is too expensive for the community.
27
EMBANKMENTS
Risk reduction strategy
The structure is made out of bamboo and sacks of sand or soil, forming canals for the
riverwater (saline), protecting houses, crops and land from the rising water levels and also
from high tides.
NGOs and State: Government, RUPANTAR and SDC (Swiss Agency for Development
Cooperation). within the framework of a ‘cash for work / livelihoods’ programme.
Long-term resistance
of this type of
embankment
Cyclones and
storms
Floods
Rising sea levels
These embankments
are often damaged
by the increasingly
strong high tides
Weak resistance
Mitigated resistance
Depends on the
resistance of
the
embankments
to the strength
of the disaster
Depends on the
resistance of the
embankments to the
rising water and the
pressure this puts on the
structures
Resistance
Strengthening
resilience capacities
Rise in living Personnal
standards
security
Food
security
Economic
security
Asset
security
Spacial
security
No impact
Little strengthening of
capacity
Mitigated strengthening
Significant strengthening
x (not
directly)
x
x
x (not
directly)
x
x (but limited)
28
NGO
Practice
The project
strengthens The post-project
the resilience phase is anticipated
and planned for
of different
groups
The
(re)constructio
n of
embankments
enables
assets and
people to be
protected,
whilst also
providing
The project
economic
aims for
support
positive
(through cash
impacts
for work or
beyond
implementati cash for
livelihoods).
on
Indirect social
and economic
exchange
because
these
embankments
are often also
roads. Local
economy is
supported.
The post-project
phase is thoughtthrough, but limited.
Only repeated
transfers, at regular
intervals, enable
people to plan their
spending and to
invest in savings in
the longer term. A
treasury seems to
allow the
accumulation of
assets, reducing
poverty and thereby
reducing risks
(Tanner et Mitchell,
2008b) than
occasional and
irregular transfers
(Devereux and CollNoire 2007; Marcus
2007). However, the
local materials used
to construct these
embankments are
not resistant
enough.
In certain
contexts,
preparation
and/or
prevention
strategies are
planned
The economic and
technical viability,
as well as
management
issues, is thought
out in certain
cases
Context of
recurring natural
disasters, and
increasing
individual
vulnerability.
Development of
partnerships,
and strong
cooperation
between the
State and its
embankment
reconstruction
strategies.
The cash transfer
programmes can
contribute to
accumulating
assets, as well as
generating and
multiplying
economic effects,
by creating new25.
As climate change
increasingly puts
stress on
livelihoods (ADB et
al. 2003) cash
transfers could
play an important
role in attenuating
chronic poverty.
Likelihood of the population replicating these dykes:
Constructing 3 kilometres of embankment costs approximately 30,000 Euros. Governmental
or international aid is essential.
25
jobs (GTZ 2005, 2006 and Mattinen Ogden 2006; Slater et al.; DFID 2004; Devereux, 2006).
29
Habitat
Raised Houses
Risk reduction strategy
Raising homes can protect them from floods.
ONG: RUPANTAR and OXFAM within the “cash for work”
framework.
Village: PUSSUR, 200 inhabitants.
Long-term resistance of
this type of house
Cyclones and
storms
Floods
Rising sea levels
Weak resistance
Mitigated resistance
X
x
X
Resistance
Strengthening
resilience capacities
No impact
Little strengthening of
capacity
Rise in living Personnal
standards
security
Food
security
x
Mitigated strengthening
x
Economic
security
Asset
security
Spacial
security
x
x
x
x
Significant strengthening
NGO Practice
The project
strengthens
the
resilience of
different
groups
The positive
impact beyond
implementation
is significant.
The project aims for
People have
positive impacts
greater
beyond implementation
security with
regard to
future
disasters.
The postproject
phase is
anticipated
and
planned
for
In certain contexts,
preparation and/or
prevention strategies
are planned
Natural disasters are
naturally recurring
phenomena. People’s
vulnerability to climate
risk s are such that
alongside this project
Rupantar also carries
out risk awarenessbuilding, and disaster
prevention activities.
The economic
and technical
viability, as well
as management
issues, is
thought out in
certain cases
Local resources
are supported,
and people are
asked to
contribute to the
houses in their
villages. Also,
local materials
are used.
30
Good practice and lessons learnt
The security of the family is strengthened during the rainy season. However, the
sustainability of this type of structure largely depends on how heavy the rainy season. We
should also be conscious of the difficulties surrounding land rights, in order to support local
land law.
Likelihood of the population replicating this system:
Difficult for the populations unless they receive outside support. Cost: 7,000 Takas (€70).
Individual anti-cyclone shelter
Cyclone risk reduction strategy
Cyclone resistant family shelters. Made out of concrete and
steel. During a cyclone: people go up to the first floor where
there are reserves of food and water, and also toilets. The
main room should be approximately 20 sq metres in size. The
whole family, and the neighbours, can find safety if there is a
crisis.
NGO: RUPANTAR
Long-term resistance
for this type of shelter
Cyclones and
storms
Floods
Rising sea levels
Weak resistance
Mitigated resistance
Resistance
Strengthening
resilience capacities
No impact
Little strengthening of
capacity
X
x
x
Rise in living Personnal
standards
security
Economic
security
Asset
security
x
Spacial
security
x
x
Mitigated strengthening
Significant strengthening
Food
security
x
x
x
31
The project
strengthens the
NGO Practice
resilience of
different groups
The project
aims for
positive
impacts
beyond
implementation
The postproject
phase is
anticipated
and
planned for
In certain contexts,
preparation and/or
prevention
strategies are
planned
The economic
and technical
viability, as well
as management
issues, is
thought out in
certain cases
This type of structure
offers physical
protection to a family.
But this does not mean
that following the
disaster the family will
be more resilient.
Likelihood of the population replicating this system:
This type of prototype is very rare in this area, for the simple reason that it is too expensive
for local people. The price of a single shelter : 2,000,000 Takas (20,000 Euros). For this
prototype the family’s contribution was 100,000 Takas. The NGO RUPANTAR funded the
rest.
32
Economy and food security
Prawn and crab farming
Adaptive strategy and fighting poverty
With increasing soil and water salinity, people have tried
to adapt and develop new economic activities.
NGO: RUPANTAR and BCAS: Bangladesh Center for
Advance Study
Long-term resistance
Weak resistance
Mitigated resistance
Cyclones and
storms
Floods
X
X
Rising sea levels
X
Resistance
Strengthening
resilience capacities
Rise in living Personnal
standards
security
No impact
Little strengthening of
capacity
Economic
security
Asset
security
x
Mitigated strengthening
Significant strengthening
Food
security
x
x
Spacial
security
x
x
x
The project
strengthens the
NGO Practice
resilience of
different groups
This type of
sylvofisheries, has
enabled certain
households to make a
The project
living by selling prawns
aims for
and crabs on the local
positive
market. But the
impacts
negative environmental
beyond
repercussions are not
implementation
negligeable :
deforestation, water
pollution, reduction of
biodiversity.
The postproject
phase is
anticipated
and planned
for
In certain
contexts,
preparation
and/or
prevention
strategies are
planned
The economic and
technical viability,
as well as
management
issues, is thought
out in certain cases
The economic
vulnerabilities are
likely to worsen
with the impact of
recurrent
disasters, which
are increasingly
destructive.
This programme is
economicly viable
and should enable
people to become
more and more
financially selfsufficient. And this
should in turn lessen
the risk of food
crises, economic
crises etc.
33
Likelihood of the population replicating this system:
Difficult. Cost: 8,000 Takas (80 Euros).
Vegetable Gardens
Risk reduction strategy and poverty reduction
Disasters and climate change have destroyed many
agricultural crops. Combined with rising food prices, it
is increasingly difficult for people to access basic foods
items. These vegetable gardens can therefore be an
important subsistence strategy.
NGO: RUPANTAR and BCAS (Bangladesh Center for
Advance Study), KOALATOLA village
Long term resistance
Weak resistance
Mitigated resistance
Cyclones and
storms
Floods
Rising sea levels
x
x
X
Resistance
Strengthening
resilience capacities
No impact
Little strengthening of
capacity
Rise in living Personnal
standards
security
Food
security
Economic
security
Asset
security
x
x
Spacial
security
x
x
Mitigated strengthening
x
x
Significant strengthening
The project
strengthens the
NGO Practice
resilience of different
groups
This type of activity is not
expensive, and is
The project
accessible to everyone. The
aims for
products can be consumed
positive
by the family and/or sold on
impacts
the local market. But the
beyond
main problem is still access
implementation to land and water, and the
acute vulnerability to
disasters.
The postproject
phase is
anticipated
and
planned
for
In certain
contexts,
preparation
and/or
prevention
strategies are
planned
The economic and
technical viability,
as well as
management
issues, is thought
out in certain cases
Economic viability
and self-sufficiency of
affected communities.
The project
strengthens people’s
capacity to cope with
rising or variable
prices for basic
foodstuffs.
34
Likelihood of the population replicating this system:
The cost for a medium-sized garden is approximately 3,000 Takas (30 euros). This
investment is feasible for most people, but they need to have land to plant, and also access
to water.
Boat and fishing material
Adaptive strategy and poverty reduction
Families with means can invest in fishing activities. Some NGOs also support this kind of
programme. Boosting the economy is crucial in order to support livelihoods and strengthen
resilience capacities. In this context it is equally important to consider other opportunities
above and beyond agriculture and fishing (which are easily affected by natural and/climate
disasters. In this regard, it is interesting to pay attention to operators, services and small
companies, as well as to agriculture and fishing.
95% of local markets functioned soon after Cyclone Sidr and food was available in the
market (even though prices were high, due to the scarcity of products). Local traders quickly
got their businesses up and running again, though this of course does not mean that they
were economically strong. Disasters and climate change affects households’ livelihoods and
therefore their consumption, which in turn has an impact on the local economy. This is a
vicious circle, because if these crisis factors were reduced, then collective vulnerability would
no longer rise. In parallel, much emphasis is also put on the notion of ‘helping those in need’
and solidarity between community members (Oxfam, 2008). In this context, there should be a
real drive to pay greater attention to the impacts of humanitarian or development
interventions, as there is potential for negative impacts on the local economy and market.
35
Social Practice
“Pot for Song” Traditional practice of civil education
“Early warning can never have more
than a small impact if people are not able
to take the right decision in terms of
preventative action, or evacuation”
Rupantar NGO
Risk reduction strategies and prevention
Carrying out preventative activities and strengthening the capacity of communities to be
more resilient to disasters.
NGO: RUPANTAR
Strengthening
resilience capacities
No impact
Little strengthening of
capacity
Rise in living Personnal
standards
security
NGO Practice
Economic
security
Asset
security
Spacial
security
x
(information)
x
x
x
x
(information) (information) (information)
Mitigated strengthening
Significant strengthening
Food
security
x
(information)
The project
strengthens the
resilience of
different groups
Building awareness
in the community of
the dangers and
The project
risks of disasters
aims for
(techniques to
positive
protect animals and
impacts beyond
goods are given
implementation
priority). Resilience
capacities are
therefore supported.
The postproject phase
is anticipated
and planned
for
In certain contexts,
preparation and/or
prevention strategies
are planned
The economic
and technical
viability, as
well as
management
issues, is
thought out in
certain cases
This type of programme,
for a wide audience,
communicates easy-toEvaluating this understand messages and
therefore has a strong
type of
impact. During 2009,
programme
RUPANTAR carried out
could
appropriate.
1,166 presentations, and
therefore built awareness
for an audience of one
and a half million people.
36
Remarks
Awareness building seems to be more difficult for international actors (due to the language
and culture barriers). Yet, the messages are absolutely crucial in order to strengthen
people’s capacity to protect themselves against risks, when they occur.
Likelihood of the population passing on key messages:
The messages passed on can be later communicated to other people in the village who were
not able to attend the meeting, or to people in other nearby villages.
Local community for disaster management
Strengthening
capacity,
risk-reduction
strategies
Group within a village, for managing disasters.
Strengthens governance, and the relevance of
humanitarian practices.
NGO: ASHROY and SDC “Swiss Agency for
Development and Coorporation”
Strengthening
resilience capacities
Rise in living Personnal
standards
security
Food
security
Economic
security
Asset
security
Spacial
security
No impact
Little strengthening of
capacity
Mitigated strengthening
x (depend
choices and
Significant strengthening
priorities)
x (depend
choices and
priorities)
x (depend
choices and
priorities)
x (depend
choices and
priorities)
x (depend
x (depend
choices and choices and
priorities)
priorities)
Remarks
The project is based on a participatory approach. The group for managing disasters is made
up of a dozen people, chosen by the local population themselves, with an obligatory quota of
women. Facilitation techniques, influenced by AHROY (Bangladeshi NGO) are used to
enable communities to assess their vulnerabilities and their capacities in the face of certain
potential dangers. Their involvement in identifying the proplems, solutions, and putting in
place their own strategies, puts them in a position of responsibility and increases their
involvement in the project.
37
Women’s committees
Risk reduction strategy, combatting poverty
and marginalisation. Lobbying.
Social organisation, community taking a stand and
lobbying the local government (social protection).
Valuing the role of women in the community.
NGO: SHUSHILAN
Remarks
This type of activity reinforces women’s role within
the community, and their capacity to organise
themselves in order to have better access to political institutions, and to make their voices
heard. The NGO facilitates the creation of this type of space, for learning and discussion. It
also helps the voice of the community to be heard by the local authorities.
Questioning the limits?
This community is a Hindu community. However, the majority of people in Bangladesh are
Muslim. Would this type of community management also be feasible in a community of
people of the Muslim faith? Another point to consider is the notable marginalisation of men in
this type of organisation.
Conclusion
Each of these practices has its limits, both in terms of sustainability and in terms of financial
cost. Managing situations in transition is challenging. Better linking relief, rehabilitation and
development (LRRD) in such a way that relief aid always has a realistic exit strategy in mind,
without leaving a gap, is no mean feat. Strengthening resilience capacity is a complex issue especially when we bear in mind the dramatic situation in which Bangladesh finds itself today
– and strategies to reduce the risks are highly likely to bring into question current governance
at every level, from local to global.
38
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Annexes
Annexe 1:
Definition of social protection, international agencies
Annexe 2:
Map of embankment in Bangladesh
43