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Erving Goffman and the ‘hyper-ritualization’ of advertising Erving Goffman’s observations about ‘hyper-ritualization’ in advertising have been under-utilised by researchers and received little attention within the marketing discourse (Manning 2008; Ytreberg 2002). Though Goffman’s framework for analysing gender role stereotyping in advertising has been frequently used, the overarching thesis of his work has not. This paper outlines Goffman’s analysis of advertising, places it within and aside his more recognised and applied work, and makes suggestions for wider application of ‘hyper-ritualization’ as a framework for scrutinising advertising. Making the first steps to fill this theoretical gap, this paper identifies the utility of Goffman’s work as twofold. Firstly, that further scrutiny and development of Goffman’s work from a theoretical perspective in relation to advertising is necessary, and secondly that through this the concept of ‘hyperritualization’ can be better utilised to contribute to broad debates surrounding the character of advertising. ‘Hyper-ritualization’ in advertising Goffman’s critique of advertising was first published in 1976 as a sole-authored special edition of the journal Studies in the Anthropology of Visual Communication and later, with minor amendments, as the 1979 monograph Gender Advertisements. Goffman (1979) argues that advertisements offered a clear representation of the socially defined and constructed nature of gender relations. He argued that gender representations in advertisements could best be understood through comparison with the parent-child relationship, with women behaving in a subordinate manner more appropriate for children. Beyond this analysis of gender roles, and more relevant to the themes of this paper, Goffman suggested there was a representation of normative perceptions of reality present in these images. His analysis of close to 400 advertisements showed the creation of a “pseudo-reality that is better than real” (Goffman 1979, p.23). This he refers to as ‘hyper-ritualization’: “By and large advertisers do not create the ritualized expressions they employ; they seem to draw upon the same corpus of displays, the same ritual idiom, that is the resource of all of us who participate in social situations and to the same end: the rendering of glimpsed action readable. If anything, advertisers conventionalize our conventions, stylize what is already a stylization, make frivolous use of what is already something considerably cut off from contextual controls. Their hype is hyper-ritualization.” (Goffman, 1979, p.84). Goffman’s analysis highlights a supposed ‘realism’ in advertising: a depiction of scenes which, though often not, could be real. He argues that advertising photographs should look strange to the viewer, because of this largely unattainable pseudo-reality, but often do not. This he attributes to the fact that, in such photographs, advertisers take something which exists and use it to form a distorted reflection. The senses and 1 occasions which do not exhibit the specific required social ideal, and the “dull footage” of everyday life, are stripped away. Goffman’s analysis of advertising as a hyper-ritualized replication of social interaction is a useful framework for the understanding of advertising deserving of greater attention and validation. This call for validation is echoed by Richard W. Pollay (1978) in his critique of Goffman’s special edition. Further work exploring and building on Goffman’s ‘hyperritualization’ can contribute to theoretical conceptions of advertising, and to broad debates regarding the role and character of advertising (for contributions, but a by no means exhaustive literature, on the role and character of advertising see Belk & Pollay, 1985; Boorstin, 1973; Bucklin, 1965; Holbrook, 1987; Lantos, 1987; Lasch, 1972; Lears, 1973; Leiss et al, 1997; Lippke, 1989; Marchand, 1985; Nelson, 1974; Pollay, 1985, 1986 & 1987; Scott, 1994; Simons, 2001; Williamson, 1978). The “other Goffman”? Gender Advertisements differs substantially from the bulk of Goffman’s more widely utilised work dealing with symbolic interaction. His seminal publication, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1956), built upon his doctoral dissertation and a subsequent essay, and forms a large part of the dramaturgical perspective of sociology developed by Goffman. Its focus is on face-to-face interaction and the performance this involves, outlining front- and back-stage differences in individuals. “He scrupulously noted the social exchanges between individuals, not only the words but also the tone, the accent, the body language, the gestures, the withdrawals, the silences.” (Hacking, 2004). Goffman (1956) argues that a theatrical projection of the self is evident in all such encounters. Goffman’s work centring on symbolic interaction continued most notably with Behavior in Public Places (1963), Interaction Ritual (1967), and Strategic Interaction (1969), which also made a significant contribution to the development of game theory. Further work dealt with the effect of total institutions on a patient’s selfidentity (Asylums, 1961) and the concealment of frailties of character in social situations to protect self-identity (Stigma, 1963). He was interested in how people constituted themselves, their self-definition, and the manner in which they were received (Hacking, 2004). “He made a simple point in understated, dramatic fashion: we are all performers in the interest of order.” (Manning 2008, p. 679). This performance in the pursuit of normative expectations of order or reality can also be seen in Goffman’s conception of ‘hyper-ritualization’ in advertising. Though Gender Advertisements is a clear break from the work summarised above, most notably in that it does not deal with in-person interactions, some central ideas retain importance. The presentation of self-identity in a manner designed to provoke positive reception in specific contexts certainly shares similarities with a presentation of polished behaviours in the hyper-ritualization of advertising. Manning’s (2008, p.680) conception, that a central theme of Goffman’s work is an ordering that emerges from social performances embedded in a particular social situation, also reflects this: “a performance is a sequence of gestures, postures, verbalizations or actions seen by others (seen, not talked about) and responded to. The notion of response is an important validating point; it is through the response that the first move is confirmed as existing or having meaning.” It is a key argument of this paper that the postures and actions seen, but not talked about, and validated by a response, are 2 present in the advertising images Goffman analysed. This response is driven by the pseudo-reality reflected in the images; what is seen carries a significant enough illusion of social realities and norms to be accepted and responded to. It is for this reason more attention should be given to Goffman’s analysis of advertising and ‘hyper-ritualization’ to position it amongst his own, and others’ work, and to expand understanding of it. Goffman in advertising literature Rather than taking Goffman’s overarching theory of ‘hyper-ritualization’ and testing this in other advertising contexts, most subsequent use of Gender Advertisements has lacked ambition. Most scholars utilise Goffman’s content analysis framework, to further scrutinise advertising for representations of gender. Much work looks only to recreate, or utilise a slightly amended method, to analyse magazine advertising in later periods (or across historical periods) finding that many of the subtle gender stereotypes highlighted by Goffman remain (Bell & Milic 2002; Belknap & Leonard II 1991; Kang 1997; Lindner 2004; Mager & Helgeson 2011). Some work has employed the framework in slightly different contexts, though the emphasis remains on gender stereotypes rather than wider representations through ‘hyper-ritualization’. For example, the framework has been applied to scrutinise the use of gender stereotypes in tourism brochure images (Sirakaya & Sonmez 2000); the use of sexual rhetoric in ‘lads magazines’ (Krassas et al. 2003); and to analyse gender and leadership displays in the images on university homepages (Hoover et al. 2013). Elsewhere the method has been extended to incorporate analysis of gender role representations alongside race (Baker 2005; Millard & Grant 2006). Though useful in examining Goffman’s method of analysis, these fail to articulate the potential value of his work to the field of advertising – an odd feature of Goffman’s legacy and one which deserves to be remedied. Ytreberg (2002) has outlined the impact Goffman has had on media studies through use of his dramaturgical perspective (see Altheide, 1985; Dayan and Katz, 1994; Gitlin, 1980; Meyrowitz, 1985; Thompson, 1995), ‘footing’ and his production format typology of roles (see Fairclough, 1995; Scannell, 1991). However despite this contribution and the acknowledgement inherent in this work of Goffman as a theorist of social interaction there has been rare engagement with Goffman in terms of theoretical reflections on the mass media (Ytreberg, 2002). In advocating Goffman’s theory of ‘hyperritualization’ to be built on theoretically, through its contribution to advertising discourse, this paper to some extent echoes Ytreberg’s call. Similarly Ytreberg highlights an emphasis, even within media studies specifically, on Goffman’s early work on symbolic interaction as opposed to Gender Advertisements, Frame Analysis (1974) which scrutinises a large amount of empirical material from mass media, and his other contribution on mass communication Forms of Talk (1981), and particularly its essay ‘Radio Talk’. Toward a Goffmanian theory of advertising Ytreberg has posited an argument for Goffman’s work on mass media and communication to be taken more seriously from a theoretical perspective. He argues that Goffman views social interactions of the mass media such as advertising as interpreted with greater plurality due to their capacity for de- and re-contextualization. 3 For Goffman “advertisements mediate the ritualized interaction orders of society in a way that anticipates and is already adapted to the variety of readings it will be subject to.” (Ytreberg, 2002, p. 486). In the same way as individuals try to interact in a manner appropriate to the arena in which interactions are disseminated so must mass communications such as advertising. However, mass communicators have even less control than an individual in a social interaction over reception. It is for this reason that mass media interaction must be hyper-ritualized, condensing social interactions, stripping away the superfluous background noise, in order to counter this impending plurality of interpretation (Ytreberg, 2002). Mass communicators such as advertisers are not the only actors trying to counteract this plurality. The respondents to mass communication do so also, as highlighted by Goffman’s analysis of broadcast radio in Forms of Talk. Here he showed that the slightest mispronunciation, accidental innuendo and other errors were observed to be derided by listeners in a manner far outweighing the likely response within social interaction, where such mistakes would expect to be politely disattended. Hyperritualization in such communication is only increased in response to the hypercriticality of the responding audience (Ytreberg, 2002). A key feature of Goffman’s work – both on social interaction and mass communication – is his concept of editing, undertaken in order to create or script an illusion. Editing, particularly in the form of omitting the unwanted messages transferred in the quantitatively dominating “dull footage” of everyday life, is a key feature of both the hyper-ritualization of advertising and projections of self-identity and performance in social interaction (Goffman 1956, 1963, 1974, 1979, 1981; Psathas, 1995; Ytreberg, 2002). Goffman’s concept of ‘framing’ is pertinent to both social interaction and, more importantly here, mass communications such as advertising. Goffman (1986, p. 21) loosely equates framing with the production of meaning; frames render “a meaningless aspect of the scene into something that is meaningful”. This, Ytreberg (2002) argues, is done by showing how frames are anchored in the social order and how primary frameworks are subjected to many layers of meanings. Within frames important keys – the conventions by which a given activity, already meaningful as a primary framework, is transformed into something similar to the activity but seen and responded to differently by participants and viewers – play a significant role in the creation of meaning for viewers (Goffman, 1986; Ytreberg, 2002). Of particular importance in keying and framing is the dramatic scripting outlined by Goffman (1986) as the personal experiences depicted and made available to an audience through television, newspapers, radio and other forms of mass media or communication. “This corpus of transcriptions is of special interest, not merely because of its social importance in our recreational life, or, as already suggested, because of the availability of so much explicit analysis of these materials; their deepest significance is that they provide a mock-up of everyday life, a put-together script of unscripted social doings, and thus are a source of broad hints concerning the structure of this domain.” (Goffman, 1986, p. 53) 4 Here we can see the connection between mass communications such as advertising and social interaction at play in Goffman’s work, a feature neglected by too many critics. Goffman’s dramatic scriptings, or ‘hyper-ritualizations’ – be they those in advertising photographs, radio broadcasts or the planned presentations of self in everyday social interaction – is the medium through which notions of reality, and normative expectations, are created and identified. Ytreberg (2002) highlights the prominent frailty of the thesis Goffman begins to create in Gender Advertisements, its brevity. Though Goffman alludes to similar themes in his other work of the late 1970s, that mass communication is always about scripting illusions, and builds on earlier work to arrive at the concept, he does not explicitly develop ‘hyper-ritualization’ further. Conclusions Goffman posits that his work on gender in advertising is an analysis of the gender dynamics in society as distilled and presented within mass media communication. It is often presented by scholars as a departure from his other work on symbolic interaction and performance in the pursuit of accessible social meaning and order. Following a call to scrutinise this particular work from a more theoretical perspective, it is evident that it offers a more fundamental commentary on the influence of mass media, and particularly advertising, on social interactions that emerges as an extension of Goffman’s previous work rather than a departure from it. Rather than the gender dynamics ostensibly presented as the contribution of Goffman’s work on advertising, the truly interesting dynamic is that created between the receiver (target of the advertisement) and the scripted illusion, by the ‘hyperritualization’ of everyday interactions. The social dynamic that Goffman offers a commentary on is the complicity of the receiver by way of them recognising hyperritualized cultural forms and responding to them through subsequent performances. As normative social orders are condensed into snapshot advertisements that use touchstones for our daily lives, we internalise the snapshots but fail to adequately extrapolate the typical narrative that underpins such stereotypes. Therefore, the stereotype becomes a normative expectation in subsequent social performances and interactions in real life. This embeds the stereotyped characters, the stylised dynamic and the condensed language into our normative social order and lexicon. Enduring mass media communications therefore move quickly from presenting an aspirant parallel reality to being interpreted as reflective and affirming of the way we live our lives. Through further interrogation of the Goffmanian concept of ‘hyperritualization’ and associated concepts from the wider discourse a more nuanced theoretical understanding of the character of advertising and its relationship with lived experience can be achieved. 5 References Altheide, D. L. (1985). Media Power. California: Sage. 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