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The Social Life of Pure Sociology Author(s): Joseph H. Michalski Source: The Sociological Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 2 (Spring, 2008), pp. 253-274 Published by: Wiley on behalf of the Midwest Sociological Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40220067 . Accessed: 10/10/2014 00:06 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . Wiley and Midwest Sociological Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Sociological Quarterly. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Fri, 10 Oct 2014 00:06:24 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The Sociological Quarterly ISSN 0038-0253 THE SOCIAL LIFE OF PURE SOCIOLOGY Joseph H. Michalski* of Western Ontario College at The University King's University Marshall's (2008) critique of Black's (1995, 2000a, 2000b) pure sociology paradigm reveals his preferencefor studyingthe psychological propertiesof individuals, ratherthan developing a genuinelysociological frameworkforstudying"social life."The currentrejoinderconcentrateson fourmain issues,startingwith a discussion of the ontological statusof social lifeas a realitysui generis.The second section deals with the scientificstatus of pure sociology and clarifiesthe underlyinglogic of the explanatoryapproach. The thirdpart considersthe scientificadequacy or validityof pure sociology.Where the intellectualstakes are highest the theoreticalvalidityof - Marshall's critique falls flattest:the available evidence overwhelminglysup"pure sociology" portsthe theoreticalclaims of pure sociologists.By the same token,Marshall failsto demonstrate the utilityof psychologizingsocial life,or how the imputationof psychologicalvariablesenhances the explanatorypower of purelysociological models. The paper then reveals the hypocrisyof particularaspects of Marshall's critique,as the evidence indicatesthat he has used some similar elementsof theoryconstructionforwhich he has criticizedBlack and the pure sociology framework.The conclusion remindsreadersof the excitementof pure sociology's mission beyond the of irresolvablephilosophical quibbles. futility In his critiqueof Donald Black'sworkand the"puresociology"framework, Douglas in natureand hencenot Marshall(2008) raisesissuesthatareprimarily philosophical havelongbeen debated amenableto scientific preferences Paradigmatic investigation. resolvedamongsociologicalpractitioners they and, in manyinstances, accordingly: and communilines of different other each (ifpossible),pursue inquiry, ignore largely Marshallhasoptedfora different catemainlywithotherswhosharetheirassumptions. areaimedattrying hiscomments paradigm, path.Ratherthanignorethepuresociology an unbridled that endorses In a theperspective to discredit degree altogether. discipline the that one Turner intellectual of 2006a), mightimagine pluralism(Michalski2005a; at least or of source be a inspiration pursuitof the puresociologyprogramwould ForMarshall(2008),however, reassurance. byignorposesreal"dangers" puresociology life: "the social of features be the to he believes what psychological keyexplanatory ing of. . . persons"(p. 230). properties sociothatsatisfactory The heartof Marshall'scritiquethusinvolveshis insistence or of socialphenomenamustincludeindividuals qua individuals, logicalexplanations essentialist Armed with that term. of the sense in the traditional, psychological "people" forthe scholars claim,how does one advancethe debate?It is probablyimpossible, Black(1995) startsfromthepremise embraceirreconcilable ontologicalassumptions: thenotion from"individual distinct thatthereexistsa "socialreality" discarding reality," thatthe individualservesas the keyunitof analysisin his sociologicaltheorizing.1 "Direct all correspondence to JosephH. Michalski, Department of Sociology, King's UniversityCollege at The Universityof WesternOntario, London, Ontario, Canada; e-mail: [email protected] 49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 MidwestSociological TheSociological Society Quarterly This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Fri, 10 Oct 2014 00:06:24 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 253 The Social Life of Pure Sociology Joseph H. Michalski that Marshalldeniessuch possibilities. As a result,Marshall(2008) has determined withinhis highcourtof cognitiveappeal,the testimony of pure sociologyshould be banishedfromtheintellectual andunattainable" recordas "unnecessary, undesirable, in dialogueand, (p. 209). ThesecommentssuggestthatMarshallhas no realinterest missionof viewsofthescientific indeed,willnotlikelybe persuadedbyanyalternative will at those Hence the current article be directed puresociology. sociologists mainly whoremain whohavenotyetheardofpuresociologyand to thoseaudiencemembers excitedaboutthepossibility of forging a distinct bypsychosociologyunencumbered reductionism. logical I present a different Thisrejoinder concentrates on fourmainissues.First, interpretationoftheontological statusof"sociallife." Thesecondsectiondealswiththescientific statusofpuresociologyand clarifies theunderlying approach. logicoftheexplanatory in other The thirdpartconsidersthescientific of or adequacy validity puresociology, the extent to which with observable theoretical are consistent words, reality predictions andcapableofordering thefacts(Black1995).I demonstrate thatwheretheintellectual stakesarehighest Marshall's ofpuresociology), (i.e.,thetheoretical critiquefalls validity flattest: of pure theavailableevidenceoverwhelmingly the theoretical claims supports the the same Marshall fails to evidence token, By provideany regarding sociologists. variables sociallife,or how theimputation of psychological utilityof psychologizing enhancestheexplanatory powerofpurelysociologicalmodels.The paperthendemonstratesthehypocrisy of particular as theevidenceindiaspectsof Marshall'scritique, catesthathe has used somesimilarelementsof theoryconstruction forwhichhe has criticized Blackand thepuresociologyframework (cf.Marshall2002).The conclusion thenremindsreadersoftheexcitement ofpuresociology'smissionbeyondthefutility of irresolvable philosophical quibbles. THE ONTOLOGICAL STATUS OF SOCIAL LIFE Marshall(2008) does notbelievethat"sociallife," as conceptualized in Blackianterms, existsas an ontologically distincttypeof reality.His essentialist claim betrayshis own prophetic referents of any approach,thatis,that"people[are]theindispensable discussionaboutsocialphenomena.. . . Theoriesarepredicated the existence of upon someentity whoseproperties and behaviortheyseekto explain.In thesocialsciences, theseentitiesare people"(p. 214). In short,Marshallrefusesto acceptthatanother levelof realityexistssui generisor independently of theliving,breathing individuals underobservation. He has considerable in that As company regard. Mayhew(1980) once argued,mostsociologists and certainly socialpsychologists areat thecore"individualists" whorelyuponpsychology and humanmotivations to explainbehavior. For those who preferto engage in structuraland supraindividual such as analyses, thosecommitted to puresociology, the conversations withindividualists tendto be rareand are usuallyuselessin anyevent.Mayhew(1980:337)summarizes thepoint thusly: 254 TheSociological 49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 MidwestSociological Quarterly Society This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Fri, 10 Oct 2014 00:06:24 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Joseph H. Michalski The Social Life of Pure Sociology listeninthelanguageofindividualism. MostAmerican sociologists Theyhave,as the a to hear cultivated trained other structuralists say, incapacity any pointofview.. . . . . . talkto othersociologists (S)tructural onlyon veryrareoccasions. sociologists have to switchto the languageof Since,on theserareoccasions,structuralists in orderto be understood, structuralists individualism generally regardtheseconas a wasteoftime.2 versations in dismissing theindividualist, shareMayhew'sperspective Puresociologists psyIf their intellectual to irrelevant to one wishes as objectives. chologicalperspective in a situation or "individual what does individual does s/he particular explainwhyany thenone shouldindeedtreatthepersonas theunitofanalybehavior," (psychological) thatimpingeuponthesentient, human sis.One canthenstudythefullrangeoffactors that one should This would direct that her/his naturally require responses. organism and buildbridgesin ordernotto excludethebiochemical drivers, factors, psychological affect mind and the human thatarefiltered constraints sociocultural thereby through For thosewho wishto engagein such thedecision-making capacitiesof individuals. withtheir haveno argument andpersonally I wishthemwellintheirendeavors research, in the work as such I not view do research. of least;it "dangerous" program particular forme as a sociologist. holdsno interest merely to thoseof us who are not Marshalldoes not extendthesamecourtesy, however, wecannot he life. of the fascinated Instead, arguesthatapparently by study psychological and have been observe"sociallife,"eventhoughmanyanalysts theorizing "observing" via network eitherinstructural or,morespecifically, sociallifeas defined terms, analysis, conBlackiansociologyfordecades(see further discussion).A greatmanysociologists for in who Those different in an life social engage puresociology, way. entirely ceptualize of the an to in or reduced located be life cannot understanding arguethatsocial example, withpsychoof humanbeings.Sociallifeis notsynonymous mindsand motivations It is not and no attitudes. no no "has for social life, feelings, thoughts, reality logical of mission the describes Black heads" in human located explanatory (Black1995:848). puresociologyand thefocuson sociallifeaccordingly: - thatspecifieshow - withoutpsychology of pure sociology I employa strategy sociallifevarieswiththeshapeof socialspace.Mybook TheBehaviorofLaw,for and andexplainthequantity thatpredict formulations containstheoretical example, between as such in social space, styleof law in variouslocationsand directions in vertical directions with various and elevations various at space,atvarious parties in and culturalspace,withvariouslocationsand directions distancesin relational case of the structure social the In this normative and sense, predicts space. corporate and explainshowitwillbe handled.(P. 830) therearecasesofsosociallifeexistsandcanbe observedeverywhere In summation, relativelocations,directions, definedand explainedby participants' cial interactions, fromeachotherin socialspace(Black1979a,1995;seeHorwitz2002).As anddistances thevertical, horizontal, socialspacehasfivedimensions: symbolic, developed, currently life social of form each of 1979a, normative 1995).To and (Black aspects corporate, actors the social identifies the involved, in social variations phenomena, analyst explain The Sociological Quarterly49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 Midwest Sociological Society This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Fri, 10 Oct 2014 00:06:24 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 255 The Social Life of Pure Sociology Joseph H. Michalski theirstructural locationsrelative toeachotherintheaforementioned multidimensional socialspace,and thedirectionin whichthebehaviorsflow.Forexample,an instance wherea wealthier individual suesa poorpersonwouldbe deemeda caseof"downward law."All else constant, thoseat higherelevationsin social space (i.e., thosewho are arepredicted bothto be morelikelyto initiate wealthier) legalproceedings againsttheir inferiors wheredisputesoccur,as wellas towinmoreoftenthanviceversa.The relative wealthof thedisputants, or onlyone measureof verticaldistance, though,represents one"factor" thatinfluences or typesof the"behavioroflaw."Othermaterial differences - alongwithvariations socialinequality further theactors'relative statuses qualify along eachoftheotherdimensions ofsocialspace.Allsuchstatusescan be directly observed and measured, as longas analysts indicators to capture appropriate operational identify relative and directions locations, distances, (e.g.,somesocialactorswillbe moreor less as measuredbythedegreetowhichtheysharea languageorreligion). similar, culturally The paradigmhasyetanotherkeyadvantageas a meansbywhichsociallifecanbe andexplained: on conceptualized puresociologydoesnotrequirethatone focusmerely thelawas suchor anyoneparticular formofsociallife.As Black(1995,2002)contends, thegeometric of socialrelationships can be utilizedto explainall typesof properties behavioral variations in socialspace.Jonathan Turner(2002a:667)assessestheconceptual framework of 'pure sociology'is thatit connects thusly:"The greatstrength - fromlawand socialcontrolto artor anyactivity - to universal behavior of properties socialstructures." Ifthesocialstructural in of do not remain invariant terms properties theirinfluences on socialbehavior, thenan important would be intellectual contribution to specify theconditions underwhichstructural influences vary,or whatotheraspects or perhapsevenheretofore undiscovered dimensions ofthegeometry ofsociallifemay causeperturbations. Marshall'scritiqueof thesupraindividual of sociallife Finally, conceptualization builtintothepuresociologyframework explicitly appliesequallyto anyandalltheories or anytypesof social"structures" exist positingthat"sociallocations"or "networks" of the individual actors who Black cannot be faulted independently occupypositions. fordeveloping rather thansocialpsychological or fortrying to sociological theory theory, on thelifeoftheindividual explaindifferent aspectsof socialliferatherthanfocusing mind.Severalsuch traditions alreadyexistin sociology, includingvariousgenresof structuralism and network Blau 1977;Mayhew1980;Kontopoulos1993; analyzes(e.g., Berkowitz 1997;Watts2004). In thecaseofpuresociology, Blackintroduced theapproachthreedecadesago as an distinct variantof nonpsychological extend, altogether analysisintendedto "simplify, and unifyknowledge swaths of and the bysubsuming large empiricalreality revealing connectionsbetweendissimilarphenomena"(Marshall2008:216). His underlying successin thatregardaccountsforwhyhisworkhas garnered majorAmericanSocioand thescholarhimself hasbeeninterviewed exten(ASA) awards,3 logicalAssociation in various contexts Vedantam Yet such obvious (Black2002,2005; sively 2007). despite and success,(Marshall2008) denouncesBlack'sworkas an widespreadrecognition thatitis"unscientific, abysmalfailure, atheoretic, concluding isolating, unparsimonious, 256 The Sociological Quarterly49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 Midwest Sociological Society This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Fri, 10 Oct 2014 00:06:24 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Joseph H. Michalski The Social Life of Pure Sociology as wellas impossible"(p. 229). Marunsubstantiated, unfalsifiable, sterile, restricted, whileostensibly an intellectual exudeshostility and conshall'scommentary, critique, One can understand, therefore, whyMayhew(1980) longago dismissedsuch tempt.4 worthless. as essentially "dialogues" theoriesand,ideally,to To be sure,scholarshaveeveryrightto criticizescientific the harshest of alternatives. The their critics, though,appearto be drivenmore proffer ratherthananyempiricalevidence.For example, preferences by theirphilosophical Marshallrepeatedly questionsthe ontologicalstatusof social lifeto insistthatonly similarto the can be observed.This seemsremarkably humanbeingsas individuals that "human advocates life"can be some wherein abortiondebate, "pro-choice" argue of thebrainstemand centralnervous viewedas contingent upon the development lifebeginsat conception. Bothposithat often advocates while argue "pro-life" system, their ifbasedupontheontologicalassumptions tionsare"true," underlying rhetorical strategies. thathumansociallifemuststart Marshallassumesthe"pro-life" positionbyinsisting do not denythatindividuals withthe conceptionof individuals.Blackiantheorists life"emergesat the levelof that "social but of a form argue organiclife, represent Blackian the I thusassume interactions. "pro-choice" position.The Speakingformyself, choiceoftenlandsme in hotwaterwiththosewhotakethe"pro-life" position,forI am and shouldhavethat can individuals to who wish that those concede to study willing Others to be not does Such choice. amongus reciprocated. appear though, generosity, on a to focus are willingto abortthe individualqua individual,choosinginstead suchnormative different engenders conceptionof sociallife.Thatdecision,however, as Marshall such individualists that times at may actuallydenigratethe outrage that such imminent the about poses.Indeed, thinking "dangers" approachbytalking as thefinal execution an intellectual theymightevenpropose,perMarshall'scritique, "In kla Black's(1995:850)statement: insteada simpledivorce, 1wouldsuggest solution.5 I do not frompsychology." I declareindependence thenameof sociology, therefore, butjiltedpartners endin bitterness, believethatall suchdivorcesmustnecessarily may feelotherwise. DeductiveReasoningand SociologicalExplanation or concernthatMarshallraisesinvolvesthecovering-law A secondsignificant strategy deductive According puresociologyexplanations. approachthatcharacterizes reasoning to Marshall(2008),the"restofthescientific [hasdismissed]thecoveringcommunity formof explanation" lawmodelas an unsoundand unsatisfying (p. 213). Really?That who scientists willbe newsto thegreatmanytheoretical (sociologicaland otherwise) While thatorderthefacts.6 continueto propounddeductivetheoriesas explanations Marshall criticizesBlack for what he perceivesto be audacious claims and he shouldbe morecarefulwithhis ownverbiage.Salmon(1989) overgeneralizations, modelor hypothetico-deductive reasoning, maynotbe enamoredof thecovering-law Neitherdoes but surelyhe does not speakforthe"restof thescientific community." Marshall. 49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 MidwestSociological Society TheSociological Quarterly This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Fri, 10 Oct 2014 00:06:24 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 257 The Social Life of Pure Sociology Joseph H. Michalski The debateaboutthenatureof scientific explanationand causalitywillcontinue both within and indefinitely, beyondsociology(e.g.,Jasso1988,1989;Collins1989; Turner1989;Bradie1996;Pearl2000).One criticism ofdeductive strategies, reasoning thatmight of additional"mechanisms" though,revolvesaroundthe identification rendertheproposedrelationships moreunderstandmore"satisfying" or purportedly able.In Marshall'sscientific reduces to the"psychothat world, "understanding" always In contrast, othersaresatisfied whentheoretical logical"aspectsofthehumancondition. orderthebroadestarrayof factspossibleunderspecified conditions. propositions Relationaldistance,forexample,maybe one key"cause"underlying the use or nonuseoflawin responsetoviolence,ifthatfactoraloneshouldhelpto orderthefacts Considerthefollowing threehypothetical thesamewoman:her casesinvolving reliably. strikesher- all in exactly partnerstrikesher,a neighborstrikesher,and a stranger thesamefashionandallinthecontext In thefirst ofdisputes. case,thewomanresponds in the second case she allies and back, by fighting attemptsto shamethe gathers and in thethirdcase she contactsthepolice.Ceterisparibus,relational perpetrator, distanceappearsto be criticalforunderstanding and explainingthesevariationsin conflict management strategies. Whileeveryexplanatory one can stilldefendthe has certainlimitations, strategy deduce utilityof deductivereasoningmodelsto the extentthatone can accurately behavioraloutcomesfromtheoretical For instance,studentslearnin propositions. thattheforce"gravity" canbe explainedbythefollowing introductory physics "covering all else constant: varies withdistancesquaredbetween law,"holding gravity inversely at workhere,otherthandistanceand the objectswithmass.Whatis the"mechanism" mass of the objectsin question?Otheraspectsof the physicaluniversemayyetbe discovered to shedfurther the but,as currently formulated, lighton therelationship, law a does remarkable of the known facts. No one gravitational job ordering complains abouttheabsenceofadditionalmechanisms. Marshall(2008) complains, is notcausation"(p. 213) and though,that"correlation thatwe maybe guiltyof offending children" with a propositional formthat "young adherestothedeductive modeofexplanation. Mostsocialscientists are reasoning surely awarethattheconditionsforcausalityrequirethatthecause precedetheeffect both thatthe relatedfactorscovary,and thatthe relationship logicallyand temporally, observedis notspurious.Thatlatterrequirement oftenprovesquitedifficult to achieve, in Hence we use the termceterisparibusin our especially nonlaboratory settings. theoretical workto assume"allelseconstant," orhavingcontrolled foranyotherfactors thatmayinfluence theoriginalrelationship. Marshall(2008) correctly notesthata keyexplanatory aspectfrompuresociology consistsof"sociallocation"(p. 215). In addition,one can add suchelements as "direc"socialrepulsion," and "acceleration," tion,""socialgravitation," thoughthesewould thathe refuses to acknowledge. compelMarshallto enterintoa purelysocialuniverse statesthat,"In instituting hisself-imposed Instead,Marshallincorrectly tabooon talking aboutpeople,Blackeschewscausalmechanisms as well"(p. 214). No, puresociology linkedto psychology as necessary to simplyeschewsthe use of causal mechanisms 258 TheSociological 49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 MidwestSociological Quarterly Society This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Fri, 10 Oct 2014 00:06:24 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Joseph H. Michalski The Social Life of Pure Sociology sociallife(i.e.,thebehaviorof law,violence,medicine,ideas,welfare, etc.). explaining inpuresociologyinvolvesocialgeometry as with the laws The"causalmechanisms" and, a different of These to mechanisms of physics, understanding "causality." correspond conditions thatpredict andrelational socialvariations thusincludetheextantgeometric and forcesdefinedwithina multidior thebehaviorofsociallife:directions, locations, - a central withrelative task socialspace.Wherethesecanbe identified mensional clarity of anytheoretical propositions system puresociologyyieldssome ratherpowerful are uniformities and,as Merton( [1949]1967)mightargue,"severalseemingly disparate seento be interrelated" 151). (p. and equilibrium writesthat"Gravity, Marshall(2008) further electrons, entropy, and statesthat,whether entities to forces, unobserved, observed, processes, correspond of theirindicators"(p. 215). are believedto existindependently or unobservable, and to forces, "socialattraction," entities, "law,"and"sociallocation"correspond Exactly: of attraction and the "social forces" states.Froma puresociologystandpoint, however, thathelpto orderthefactsof "causal"conditions repulsionareamongtheunderlying suchas law, or dependent variables, "sociallife"(e.g.,thebehavioroflaw).Keyentities havebeen definedclearlyand studiedwidely.For example,theconceptof relational in numerousstudies(e.g.,Jacobs1994;Dawson2003; distancehasbeenoperationalized to our Kan and Phillips2003; Phillips2003; Kuan 2004) and has contributed greatly cases similar that otherwise notion of (the vary technically understandinglegalrelativity in general(Black 1990,2007; and conflictmanagement withtheirsocial geometry) Tucker1999a,1999b). "Bothlaw' and 'social location'are Marshall(2008) thenwritesthe following: withan existence real referent some absent and beyondtheir variables, demonstrably to but to nor to neither said be can cause, behave, only vary"(p. 215). indicators, they thatlaw and concedes Marshall That statement requiressome seriousinterrogation. thatmake butthenclaimsthatthereareno"realreferents" sociallocationare"variables," None of butsimply"vary." themplausible.He thenarguesthatthesedo not"behave," variables as measured and be can two thatmakessense.Yes,the operationalized concepts that"varies,"by definition, forpurposesof empiricalresearch.Moreover, anything I am notsurewhatMarshallmeansbyan"existence "behaves." beyondtheirindicators," thatexist,if otherthanwhatexistsat theconceptuallevel.Whatarethe"realreferents" themselves? nottheactualindicators social control"and of law as "governmental To dismissthe conceptualization strikesme as ratherdisingenuous and, to use the empiricalmeasuresas "arbitrary" or definitions like not does measures, If Marshall unwarranted. Marshall's term, specific all Besides, complexconceptsrequireanalytic thenhecancertainly proposealternatives. decisionsto defineand measuretheirvariousdimensions. Whyshouldlaw be any from(or anymore"reified" different than)otherimportant conceptsthatsocialsciencrime, tistshavedebatedandstudiedfordecades,suchas industrialization, bureaucracy, and countlessothers? alienation, Hence Marshallfallsback upon the speciousconclusionthatlaw- whichBlack - suffers from socialcontrol" as "governmental (1976:3)definesclearlyand eloquently The Sociological Quarterly49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 Midwest Sociological Society This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Fri, 10 Oct 2014 00:06:24 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 259 The Social Life of Pure Sociology Joseph H. Michalski "definitional and does not"haveanyconnectionto therealworld"Marshall fluidity" I "as defined can (2008:215). onlyagreeifwe add thephraseto theendofthatsentence If means to suggest conventional social Marshall." Marshall such as by analysts Douglas thenI thatBlades owntheorizing and conceptualizing constitute subjective processes, law an "unvaliconcur. To definition of is that Black's concise claim, completely though, dozens datedand referent-free theoretical construct" is simplywrong.Moreimportant, and various of othersocialscientists to puresociology (includingthosesympathetic and have generatedan skeptics)have studiedlaw using Black'sconceptualization of research that validates the impressive body empirical generaltheoryoflaw. THEORETICAL VALIDITY Thus we arriveat thecruxof thedebate.At theend of thephilosophical bantering, Marshall'scritiquefailsmostspectacularly in addressing the singlemostimportant issue:thevalidityof Black'sformulations and thoseof puresociologyin general.In conformto thefacts?Indeed,we can expand essence,do thetheoretical propositions that to examine whether upon question puresociologyin generalyieldspropositions thathelp orderthe availableevidencemoreeffectively framethanothertheoretical works.HereinMarshalloffersan incomplete, and altogether selective, irresponsible assessment ofextantliterature andHindelang twostudies(Gottfredson bycitingexactly failto provideconfirmatory 1979;Avakame,Fyfe,and McCoy 1999) thatapparently A morecarefulreviewwoulddemonstrate evidence.7 thatBlack'stheoryin particular diversebodyofresearch, whether intended to helpsto organizean incredibly explicitly testhistheoretical orintermsofwhatBlack(1995:843)refers to predictions impartially as "naiveevidence"gathered forresearch not tests of purposes involving pure analytic The mostresponsible wouldbe to conducta metaanalysis sociology. approach,though, ofextantresearch. Withoutsuchan analysisin hand,one has to relyupon theever-growing bodyof research intended to test A formulations. literature search of empirical puresociology's Abstracts more than 100 citations a of Sociological produced involvingvariety theoretical and empiricaldiscussionsof Donald Black'sworkand puresociologyin general, or apartfromthevariousbooksand editedvolumesproduceddirectly byBlackhimself those more within the tradition. Some six dozen by working exclusively puresociology citations refer to peer-reviewed conference and dissertajournalarticles, presentations, tionsthathavetesteddirectly or indirectly different aspectsof Black'stheoryof law and/orthegeneraltheoryof conflict thebehaviorof violence,or other management, substantive areassuchas welfare, and mentalillness.The degreeto medicine, religion, whichthesestudieshaveprovidedstrongsupport,mixedsupport,or a relative lackof has beensummarized in TableI.8 supportforthepuresociologyframework In thefirst considertheevidencethatbearsuponthetheoretical instance, of validity Black'sextensive setofpropositions advancedin TheBehavior which ofLaw, obviously has inspireddozensof empiricalanalyses.Thesestudieshaveproducedresultslargely consistent withBlack'sgeneraltheoryoverthe years:morethan70 percentof the 260 The Sociological Quarterly49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 Midwest Sociological Society This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Fri, 10 Oct 2014 00:06:24 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The Social Life of Pure Sociology Joseph H. Michalski TABLE 1. Empirical Tests of Pure Sociology in JournalArticles,Conference Proceedings,and Dissertations,1979-2006* Substantivearea Strongsupport Mixed support Weak/nosupport Totals Theory of law Conflictmanagement Violence Other areas 71.1 percent 100.0 11.1 percent 0 0 17.8 percent 0 0 0 45 cases 13 cases 9 cases 5 cases N = 72 Pure sociology 100.0 100.0 81.9 percent 0 6.9 percent 11.1 percent *The publicationsselectedwere based on a May 2007 literaturesearch in Sociological Abstracts mainlyrefereedjournal articlesand conferencepresentationswithempiricalevidence identifying or "data" of some kind. In addition, nearlyone dozen Ph.D. dissertations(excluding those by Donald Black's students)were included. evidenceforvariousaspectsof has yieldedstrongly research confirmatory supportive, whilelessthanone in five Another11 percenthas producedmixedresults, thetheory. contradict Theseresultsdirectly studiesindicatedweakor no supportforthetheory.9 to has been work where his that research, Marshall's(2008) claim subjected impartial theresults overtime havenotfaredwell"(p. 218).To thecontrary, "Black'spropositions haveprovidedan extraordinarily Perhapstheenorsupport.10 highdegreeofempirical of law and the Black's mousrangeofstudiesdrawing (1976)theory overwhelming upon helpexplainwhyeightacademicslaudedTheBehaviorofLaw on the supportreceived of itspublicationwithcommentaries 25thanniversary publishedin a Contemporary Perrucci and "Continuities 2002). (Miller Symposium" Sociology WhileTheBehaviorofLaw has beenthemostwidelystudiedof Black'sworks,the ofpuresociologyhasbeenappliedin recentyearsto thestudy moregeneralframework and a rangeof othersubof conflict (or socialcontrol)moregenerally management illness.Of themorethan and mental areassuchas welfare, stantive medicine, religion, intheliteraidentified conference and articles refereed dozen two presentations journal These framework. theoretical for the turesearch,all have providedstrongsupport and powerful studiesbode wellforthefutureof puresociology.Such an innovative ambitious most realize their framework mayhelpsociologicalpractitioners conceptual science social a dreamsto develop trulyexplanatory (Black2000a). haveidentified In total,then,morethan80 percentof puresociologypublications andnearlynineofeverytenstudieshave withtheframework, consistent evidencehighly Theseareremarkable theframework. with consistent least at results partially produced editedvolumes, research-based the exclude since chapters, many they especially figures, and manyofhiscolleagues(e.g.,Horwitz1982; and booksproducedbyBlackhimself 1988,1993;Cooney1991,1998;Tucker Black1984a,1984b,1989,1998;Baumgartner These 1992,1999a,1999b). providean evenbroaderarrayofcross-cultural monographs theanalysisevenmoreheavilyin thedirecskew would which and historical evidence, Muchother"naiveevidence" tionofclearand unequivocalsupportfortheframework. culled fromotherscholars'researchoftenprovesconsistentwith the theoretical The Sociological Quarterly49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 Midwest Sociological Society This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Fri, 10 Oct 2014 00:06:24 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 261 The Social Life of Pure Sociology Joseph H. Michalski Black1995:842-5).The evidence of puresociologyas well(see,generally, predictions somewhat inconsistent withpuresociologyhasbeenquitesparsebycomparison, and,in or to mostinstances, has failedto capturethe essenceof the theory operationalize and influences or controlforconfounding (e.g.,Gottfredson keyaspectsappropriately 1979).11 Hindelang and whohave thetheorymorecarefully whohaveinterpreted Amongsociologists the withthetheory, resultshave fashionedempiricaltestsmorecloselyin alignment beenfarmorecompelling (e.g.,Borg1992,1998;Borgand Parker2001;Cooney1994, and Phillips2003; 1997;Flavin2001;Chappell,DeWees,and Borg2003;Geiger-Oneto KanandPhillips2003;Kuan2004;Lee2005;PhillipsandCooney2005;Campbell2005). In anyevent,Marshalldemonstrates thefutility of his theoretical critiquenotonlyby failingto considerthemuchlargerbodyof evidencethatsupportsthework(byboth Blackiansand non-Blackiansalike), but by not offering any crediblealternative or improvement Black's for example,law does not vary upon generaltheory.If, of the withrelationaldistance,thenwho wouldnot welcomea further specification Whatadditionaltheoretical relationship? mighthelpaccountformoreof the insights in lightoftheoverwhelmfactsthantheproposition orders? Not surprisingly, currently the over the has received pastthreedecades,Marshall ingempiricalsupport paradigm whattheintroduction failstooffer orspecific evidencethatdemonstrate anysuggestions ofpsychological variableswoulddo to enhancetheexplanatory powerofthetheoryof law- or anyotheraspectofsociallife. COMMONALITIES IN EXPLANATORY STRATEGIES? Marshallcriticizes Blackforthelimitedscopeofhistheory, thatnothing canbe suggests discovered fromBlackiantheory, anddismisses an endlessparade hisapproachof"citing ofexamples. . . pluckedfromthetotality ofhumanhistory" (Marshall2008:216,219). Marshall(2002) usesa similarstrategy toillustrate theexplanatory valueof Interestingly, hisowntheorizing aboutthenonutilitarian natureof rituals: on theSabbath,orthoeffort Byforbidding anykindofevenmarginally productive doxJudaism we providesa hardand fastmonopolyon ritualattributions. Similarly, canmakesenseofthewidespread the and that requirements products paraphernalia - includingNavajo sand paintings, of ritual in Ganesh,and the waninga effigies - be destroyed afteruse. The same (ceremonialpole) of whichDurkheimwrites makessenseofmonasticpractices suchas weavingbasketsonlyto immeprinciple 1991),and diatelyburnthem,and movingpilesofsandbackand forth(Baumeister oftheinjunction thattheEucharist containno cheese,lestitbecomea meal.(p. 376) The strategy in thecontextof Marshall'swork,as he demonsuffices apparently strates howa diversesetoffactspertaining to ritualsmightbe orderedthrough theuse ofhispropositions. Blackandcolleaguesemploysimilarstrategies intheirefforts tohelp orderthe factsin regardto thebehaviorof law and otherformsof social life.But Marshall(2008) writesinstead,"The paradeof arguablycongruent correlations and can be impressive, butitis farfrom examplesthatBlacktrotsout foreachproposition 262 The Sociological Quarterly49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 Midwest Sociological Society This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Fri, 10 Oct 2014 00:06:24 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Joseph H. Michalski The Social Life of Pure Sociology is toillustrate theapplicability ofthetheory to (p. 219).Thepoint,however, convincing" divisionof labormeansthatthoseengagedin empirical diversecases.The scientific to developmoremethodologically havea responsibility research rigoroustestsof the of China,Geiger-Oneto and suchas Wong's(2000) workon theQingdynasty theory, in the of social statuses and Lee's of encounters, impact police Phillips'(2003) study variablesupon homicideclearancerates. (2005) researchon theimpactof extralegal to confirm histheory HenceMarshall's harangueaboutBlack'ssupposedfailure lengthy advance the cause science Black and Marshall of Both misses the by point. completely The use and theoretical of historical with their consistent propositions. citingexamples methodfortesting theirideas evidencemaynotbe themostsystematic cross-cultural and theplausibility of the to our understanding butsurelycontributes moreformally, additional contributions Suchtheoretical theories. require merely testing. Marshalldoes not help his cause by notingthatempiricaltesting Furthermore, thatBlackianconcepts or bycomplaining ofkeyvariables, requiresmorespecification are complex.Sociologistshave long workedwith complexor "multidimensional" thesewithspecificindicators and operationalizing defining conceptsand constructs, dimensions. on particular focus or thatoftensimplify phenomenaconsiderably merely social movements, Whoeverstudiesindustrialization, welfare, inequality, democracy, and myriadothersociologicalconceptscan attestto similarproblemsof complexity. Blackcannotbe faulted here,unlessMarshallwouldrequestthatBlackspendmoretime howbestto do theirjob. researchers and advisingfrontline actingas a methodologist to eitherfund itseemsto me,hasto do withthosewhoareunwilling Therealproblem, measureandtestkeyideasderivedfromtheory. to adequately ortakethetimenecessary direction The chargethatBlackdoes not provideus withsufficient methodological with what to strive what theorists confuse me as a redherring. strikes accomplish Why aresupposedto do?12 and researchers methodologists social observesthatsociallife,evenin a five-dimensional Marshall(2008) correctly that of . . . exceeds data of sheer "the that and is universe, complex necessary quantity committed not dissuade should researchers, anyknowndataset"(p. 224). Complexity to and the from necessary challenges computational methodological tackling though, does notrequiretensofmillionsof Attheveryleast,sociologicalresearch testtheories. Eventhemostcomplexdatasetimaginable dollarsto erectparticleaccelerators. surely to mapthemathematiwiththecomputing wouldpalein comparison powernecessary in size cal groupknownas E8, the solutionof whichrequireda file60 gigabytes of the that revealed The solution Foundation Science 2007). symmegroup (National triesin theE8 rootsystemconsistsof 240 vectorsin an eight-dimensional space.The theorists" dimensions contend) (as "string therefore, universe, mayhavemore physical thanpreviously physics.This claimhas been a sourceof imaginedin conventional someofwhomhavequestioned considerable physicists, amongtheoretical controversy cannotbe tested(e.g., that as such theories of value the theory" apparently "string rightly team solutionthatan international of 18 researchers Smolin2006).The mathematical however, necessaryto discovered, produceempiricalbreakthroughs may ultimately can be used In of value the short, complexity stringtheory. evaluating explanatory The Sociological Quarterly49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 Midwest Sociological Society This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Fri, 10 Oct 2014 00:06:24 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 263 The Social Life of Pure Sociology Joseph H. Michalski neitheras an excuseto dismissBlackiantheoryoutright norto claimthatitcannotbe falsified. Thatremainstobe seen,eventhoughmostresearch hasverified variousaspects far. thus Blackhasinitiated an intellectual and developeda greatmanytestable breakthrough even considerable work remains forthosewhowouldundertake propositions, though thechallenge inthestudyoflaw,socialcontrol, and crime, beyond(Senechalde la Roche 1995,1996,2001;Cooney2006).Themultidimensional analysesofpossibleinteractions and empirical dimensions amongdifferent requiremuchmorerigorous methodologies not It to mention additional 2005b). (Michalski maybe that testing, analyticinsights socialspaceprovidesa variety oflocationsthatproducesimilaroutcomesviatheprocess to of equifinality. The use of qualitative comparative analysismightbe one strategy suchan comparesystematic samplesof similarcases,but no one has yetattempted ofpuresociology. analysiswithintheframework Marshall's of workwithintheBlackiantradition Finally, critique extanttheoretical claimsthat deservesspecialconsideration. For example,Marshall(2008) incorrectly them "Black(1995:844)induceshispropositions fromestablished correlations, presents inthelawlikeformof'x varieswithy,'andclaimsthathisformulation qualifies 'arguably as a sociologicallawoflaw'" (p. 212). To be clear,Black(1976,1979a)has developeda deductive framework thefivedimensions ofsocialspaceidentified conceptual involving The theoryideallyshouldapplyacrosssimilarcases of social behavior previously. and acrosshumanhistory. Blackhas conductedhisownfield spanningdiversecultures as well as reviewed evidenceto the and anthropological historical research, extensively determine whether or notcasestendto be consistent withhistheoretical formulations. Once more,Marshall'scriticisms oftheBlackianapproacharetaintedifone considers hisonepreviouspublication. In particular, Marshall's efforts todevelopthepropositions inhisworkparallelBlack'sapproachin manyways,exceptfortheobviousparadigmatic differences. Considerthefollowing examples: TheamountofBelief/Belonging relatedtothedegree generated bya ritualis directly ofEffervescence itinducesin theparticipants. (Marshall2002:371) Beliefand belongingare positively affected of the by Co-Presence, independent (Marshall2002:371) presenceor absenceofotherfactors. focusof thedependentvariables, thepropositions Apartfromthepsychological sound remarkably Blackian.In fact,one mightbe temptedto restatethemin quasiBlackianterms.Forexample,one couldsuggestthattheformer couldbe proposition restated: Ceterisparibus,"beliefand belongingvarydirectly witheffervescence." The latterproposition be restated Ceterisparibus,"beliefand belonging might accordingly: withorganization." The maindifference is thatpuresociologists are not varydirectly interested in studying or attempting to explainpatently psychological phenomenasuch as beliefsand feelings ofbelonging.13 Additionalexamplesculled fromMarshall'sown theoreticalwork illustrate further theratherhypocritical stancethathe assumesin denouncingBlack'swork.14 264 The Sociological Quarterly49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 Midwest Sociological Society This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Fri, 10 Oct 2014 00:06:24 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Joseph H. Michalski The Social Life of Pure Sociology moreprecisely For example,Marshall(2008) takesBlackto taskfornot specifying of his propositions, as wellas forfailingto specify functions whether thearithmetic combined to arrive at more indicators should be or not certain generalpredictions of theoretical (p. 222). Yet Turner(2006b) notes that the precisequantification in the conceptual(and creative)aspects is a secondaryconsideration formulations of theorydevelopment. Moreover, comparethe nexttwo examplesfromMarshall's withtheirbehavioralfocus.As such,I instructive (2002) work,whichare especially and restatedthemin Blackian both Marshall'soriginalpropositions havepresented terms: themorelikelytheuse ofdark"The smallerthenumberofpersonsparticipating, nessand disguise"(p. 373). withorganization "Ritualdisguisevariesinversely Puresociology: (groupsize)." willbe theprevalence ofritualpractices groupsand movements, Amongvoluntary of theirbeliefand assumptions to to the correspondence proportional inversely mainstream culturein whichtheylive.(p. 374) thoseoftheprevailing, withconventionality." "Ritualpractices Puresociology: varyinversely and Marshallthensupportshisclaimsbyrelying upona diverserangeofhistorical have and others who like Black much cross-cultural produced pure sociology examples, 2003,2004).Indeed,ifone 1993;Cooney1998;Michalski (e.g.,Black1976;Baumgartner Marshall's thenthere of on the behavioral wereto focusexclusively aspects theory, Itis withtheBlackianapproachto puresociology. wouldseemtobe somecompatibility The maindifferat timestoyieldsimilarpredictions. theories notunusualfordifferent of withthe aforementioned ence,as demonstrated examples,relatesto thecriterion six words to state last Forexample,the actuallyrequiresonly proposition "parsimony." "Ritualpracticesvary ifone controlsfor"voluntary groupsand movements": clearly, with inversely conventionality." thevalueofparsimony, One further examplebeyondMarshall'sworkdemonstrates In particular, similarpredictions. distincttheoriesproffer whereotherwise especially shouldhavean impacton Dawson (2003) arguesthatrelationaldistancepredictably have killedtheirspousesas who to howthecriminal justicesystemresponds partners the occur homicides where those with following couple'sseparation.She compared similarpredictions: thatoffer theories to threedistinct refers (1) thehouseholdthreshand (3) therelational ofvictimautonomy oldhypothesis; (2) theperception hypothesis; Thesearestatedas follows: distancehypothesis. who killestrangedintimatepartnersare beyondthe thresholdof 1) defendants becausevictimsare maleruleas recognized legaldoctrines bypatriarchal legitimate or dependent. as thedefendant's no longerrecognized wife,wife-equivalent, victim forexample, each known to who are defendants and victims other, 2) Among in the a role to often be more or perceived play may provocation precipitation in law. violencethatoccurs,thereby culpability reducingdefendant distance. relational with varies Law 3) directly The Sociological Quarterly49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 Midwest Sociological Society This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Fri, 10 Oct 2014 00:06:24 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 265 The Social Life of Pure Sociology Joseph H. Michalski Whichtheory thesamegeneralpattern, shouldbe deemed"correct"? Theyallpredict eventhoughtheunderlying in I differs each case. optforthelatter proposition reasoning forthreereasons.First, in evaluating scientific Occam'srazorapplies:Ifwecan theories, relationaldistanceor intimacy, thenwhyadd more explainthepatternbymeasuring factorsand "metaphysical stubble"to complicatethe issue?The moreparsimonious explanationstemsfromBlack'swork,forin merelysix wordsthe hypothesis yields thesamepredictions in regardtocriminal of orthe"behavior precisely justiceresponses - eachofwhichrequiresmorethan30 words. law"as thefirst twohypotheses twohypotheses that "mechanisms" Second,thefirst requirethatwe assessdifferent not even be amenable to or at least add that may empirical testing, unnecessary layers do not predictanything different fromBlack'swork.Whatconstitutes of the"threshold malerule"inlegaldoctrines? Do weneedtoknowwhatpatterns ofreasoning legitimate occurinthe"sealedchamber thatisthehumanmind"(Cooney2002:660)toobservethe same behavioraloutcomes?And how do we adjudicatebetweenthe thresholdand claims?Relational distanceseemsto be thecommonthreadunderlying each culpability of thesetheories, whatever impactthatmayhaveupon thevariousmeansbywhich participants interpret legaldoctrines. a third benefit accruesto thefocuson lawand relational distanceas thekey Finally, framework: Theproposition ordersthesamefactstoexplainmore explanatory generality. thansimply willbe subjecttomorelawthan whyseparation killings byestranged partners intactkillings. In addition, relational distancecanbe usedas an explanatory ateach factor of the from the likelihood of an in arrest the first stage legalprocess, occurring placeright on through totheultimate ofotherwise similarcases(Black1976, disposition seemingly thusenjoyscleartheoretical thatis,greater 1989).TheBlackianproposition advantages, within a more framework Black (see 1995). explanatory power parsimonious CONCLUSIONS Marshalloffers a philosophical withwhichwewill primarily critiqueof"puresociology" have to agreeto disagreein mostinstances.His claimthatwe cannothave a pure divorcedfromthepsychology oftheindividual, doesnotstandup to critical sociology, ortheempirical evidence. AsBaumgartner scrutiny (2002:646-47)hasargued, "Nothing moreeffectively undermines theclaimthatsomething is impossible thanto do it TheBehavior inwhichthemindsofhuman ofLawproceedstolayouta powerful theory actorsplayno roleat all; a purelysocial-leveltheoryis not onlypossible,then,but alreadyexists." The ontological statusof"socialreality" hasbeendebatedforyearsbyphilosophers ofscience.Marshalloffers no newinsights, butinsteadcritiques basedon puresociology certainphilosophical Forexample, Marshall(2008) insistsuponpsycholoassumptions. levelof analysis:"Farfromspoilingsociology'sscientific gismas thepreferred aspiraoffers itsbestguideto,andmeansof,realizing tions,psychology them"(p. 210). Indeed, Marshall'sstaunchcommitment topsychology leadshimto explainthedevelopment of in otherwords,as a function ofthediscipline's puresociologyin psychological terms, 266 The Sociological Quarterly49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 Midwest Sociological Society This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Fri, 10 Oct 2014 00:06:24 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Joseph H. Michalski The Social Life of Pure Sociology to be a psychologist, one wonders (Black's?)"insecurity" (p. 211). Withoutpretending withwarningsof the"dangers"and "perils"of pure about the chargeof insecurity Afterall,whatcould be moredangerousthana radicallysociologicaland sociology. to thestudyofsociallifethat incorrect" (Black1995:830)alternative "epistemologically Most academic havebuilt obviatestheneedforindividualist explanations? sociologists on someversionofpsychological often theircareersandreputations reasoning, claiming thatvariousexternalforcesshape or set constraints upon individualbehavior.Pure a radicalbreakfromsuchconventional thinking. sociologyconstitutes does notwishto departfromthe"businessas usual"approach however, Marshall, that has long hamperedsociology'sintellectualgrowth.Instead,he expressesan totheanalysisoftheindividual, andtobuilding topsychology, unabashedcommitment - noneofwhichcanbe considered controversial. One can readily "disciplinary bridges" In an agewherevirtually behavioraccordingly. anyonecan studyandexplainindividual the and others are troubled factthat Marshall claimto be doingsociology, by perhaps his theterm"puresociology"to characterize Black(1995,2000a,b)has appropriated without means Pure psychology. simply sociology though, sociology, uniqueapproach. thenwhynotlabeltheapproach"Blackiansociology," Ifothersareoffended bytheterm, I thinkwe can livewithalternaor,perhapslesseponymically, sociology"? "geometric whatever the cannotlivewiththatversionof sociology, tives.YetMarshallapparently nomenclature. elseone mightwishto debateat thephilosophical Whatever level,thecapacityfor with consistent and thetheoretical Black'sformulations puresociologyto explanations accountforsocialvariationand to "orderthefacts"remainsthesinglemostimportant HereBlack(1995:844)initially scientific in evaluating consideration argues: credibility. workenjoysso muchempiricalsupportthatitsvalidityis "Muchof mytheoretical The missionof science,though,consistsof continually quesnearlyunquestionable." or not whether to determine evidence or and adducing theory, challenging tioning the followBlack thus offers under hold theoretical scrutiny. empirical propositions up or simplyagnostictowardhis work:"Let ingchallengeto thosewho are antagonistic and contemporary assemblea collectionof cross-cultural, historical, anyoneanywhere evidencethatshowsotherwise" (p. 844).No onehascomeclose.Asshowninthepresent workand theparadigmof evidence the supportsBlack'stheoretical decisively paper, all such Marshall empiricalwork,while ignoresnearly puresociologymoregenerally. demBlack'sworkor otherwise evidencethatcontravenes failingto offersubstantive are"wrong"or invalid.Evenworse,he doesnotoffer histheories onstrates anyideasor thathelp organizeexistingfacts(or thatmight formulations theoretical alternative than better theoryfrompuresociology. existing predictnewfactsnotknown) withhumansubjectivity, cogInstead,Marshall'sownworkis entirely preoccupied He neither brainfunctioning. and ultimately, appearsto havestudiedlaw nition,affect, withextanttheoriesand muchfamiliarity nordoes he demonstrate or socialcontrol, staked out an alternative He has concern. his central evidence.Theseissuesare not different to investigate theoretical phenomenafromthatwhichhe altogether strategy the creationof beliefand belongingby focusingon a has critiqued:to understand The Sociological Quarterly49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 Midwest Sociological Society This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Fri, 10 Oct 2014 00:06:24 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 267 The Social Life of Pure Sociology Joseph H. Michalski blending of sociology and psychology.As Marshall (2002:369) describeshis mission: "This infusionof psychologicalresearchis less an usurpingof Durkheim'ssociological insightthan a validation of it. I submit that if the currentmodel is not sufficiently sociological,then neitherwas his."I agree on both counts. I do not quarrel,however,withMarshall'sinterestin pursuingsocial psychologyand the study of human beliefs.Such an approach is highlyconventionalin mainstream social science. As stated at the outset, I do not expect my comments to persuade Dr. Marshall. He has shown himselfto be committedfullyto conventionalsocial psychologicalthinkingthatprizesthe individualas the key"actor"and "unitof analysis"to explain whys/he"behaves"in particularways.15His careershould thrivein the current intellectualclimate. Last, I do not question the scientificlegitimacyof looking at the human organismin greaterdepth,perhaps with the intentof discoveringthe "mechanisms" which guide individual choice, preferences,needs, desires, and purposes. I suspect that one will have to commit more fullyto neurobiologyto come up with answersto questions regardingwhat motivatesindividualorganismsto act as theydo. For those who may be interestedin the human organismand explainingmental processes,I wish themGodspeed in theirendeavors.I merelyconfessthatthose subjectsdo not interestme, any more than the scientificstudyof cellularbehavior,neurochemical reactions,or flowers. I am farmore interestedin "pure sociology,"or the studyof behavioralvariationsin social space. Withinthat framework,social phenomena ("social life") are theorizedto vary in systematicways with their locations and directionsin social space, without referenceto the human mind. To those readerswho are intriguedby such conceptualizationsand explanatorypossibilities,I would encourageyou to considerstudyingsocial lifethroughsuch a radicallysociological lens. Peeringever more deeplyinto the social universevia pure sociology yields excitingdiscoveriesnot unlike those that physical scientistssometimes encounterin theirstudies (e.g., the existenceof "dark matter"). Perhaps some readers will have sufficientcreativityand the serendipityto discover altogethernew dimensionsof the social universethatwill contributein profoundways to furthering our understandingof social life. In the meantime,I cordiallyextendan "invitationto pure sociology"and to join a communityof scholarscommittedto "sociologywithoutborders"(see Michalski,forthcoming). I view such work as especiallyusefulin opening up a global dialogue about potentiallyuniversaldynamicsof social behavior,which are predictedto apply across timeand space forcomparablecases. Focusingour analyticpowerson therelationaland contextualaspects of social situationsaffordsus an opportunityideallyto discoverthe underlyingprinciplesthat predictand explain all formsof social life.What could be more excitingthan establishingan intellectualcore of sociologicalknowledgethathelps orderthebroadestarrayof knownfactspossible across culturesand acrosshistory?And that,dear colleagues,is the ultimateaim of pure sociology.There will alwaysbe critics, but skeptics,and those who oppose the scientificmission of pure sociologyaltogether, do not despair and do not lose your focus. The intellectualmomentumlinked to the Blackian revolutioncontinuesto grow,as an increasinglyinternationalfieldof scholars 268 The Sociological Quarterly49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 Midwest Sociological Society This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Fri, 10 Oct 2014 00:06:24 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Joseph H. Michalski The Social Life of Pure Sociology the and researchers developsmoresophisticated empiricaltestsand refinesfurther derived from As Turner in concludes puresociology. Jonathan principles explanatory and the of paradigm puresociology:16 assessingBlack'swork is to derivegeneralizations fromgeneraltheoretical One methodof consolidation in Black's like those "puresociology"program.If thiswere presented principles, science.In a veryrealsense, be a much better would done,sociology explanatory He has Blackhasdonehisjob as a theorist. developedgeneraltheoretical principles; theirexplanatory and he has illustrated powerwithexamplesfromwidelydiverse oriented. to becomemore theoretically literatures. Now,it is up to researchers (Turner2002a:667) NOTES 1Black incorrect" ofbeing"epistemologically to suchcriticisms previously, (1995) hasresponded violatesconventional well awarethathis "workinevitably conceptionsof reality"(p. 830). defenseof pure readersare encouragedto consultBlack's(1995) epistemological Interested thesinglemostimportant (2002) describesas "arguably paper sociology-whichBaumgartner and theintellectual foundations understand insociology" everpublished (p. 648)- tomorefully logicofhiswork. andas uncompromisingly as forcefully ( 1980:335)arguesthecaseagainstindividualism 2Mayhew and individuas Black's(1995) polemicdefenseofpuresociology, claimingthatstructuralism thattheywould and definitions alism"areso farapartand employsuchdifferent terminologies conceivedas twoentirely be moreaccurately separatefieldsofstudy.. . . The criticalaspectsof individualist for to intended are regard just whystructuralists sociologists clarify essay [my] notonlyas a deadend,but,indeed,notevenas sociology' individualism (emphasisadded).Pure whileindividualist wouldagreewithMayhew's comments, justas sociologists clearly sociologists the voices once current the Not will offended. be again privileges symposium surprisingly, surely or puresociologists (one article).Hencemy ofindividualists (threearticles)overstructuralists thatI simplydeclineto participate accordingly. colleaguesforthemostpartsuggested 3Forexample,Blackhas beenawardedtheTheoryPrizeof theASA'sTheoryDivisionand the BookAwardoftheASA'sLawDivisionforTheSocialStructure ofRightandWrong Distinguished PrizebytheLawDivisionfor"The Scholarship (Black[ 1993]1998),as wellas theDistinguished ofPureSociology"(Black1995). Epistemology describes Marshallrepeatedly his puresociologyin generaland/orBlack's throughout critique, as such invectives with "banal,""shallow," in "absurd," "impoverished," reasoning particular "doubtful," "unfounded," "pedestrian," "counterproductive," "unsound," "unsatisfying," "meager," and"irresponsible" "irrelevant," (amongothers). "Anoutsidermightreasonably as follows: theconsequences predict 5Cooney(2002) summarizes theheightened ofsociologicalexplanation, wouldwelcomethesimplification thatthediscipline ofpsychology thebanishment and theenhanceddisciplinary autonomy generality, explanatory elevates causes that one is the this Black's all Of no: deviations, upset, consistently Alas, brings. and blowsminds.We who workwithBlack'stheoryhavelonglearned,for blood pressures, to avoidthepointifat all possiblewhensubmitting papersto journals:Editorsand instance, it" around heads their cannot 660). reviewers (p. get just work:"[M]y theoriesare of his theoretical 6Turner recently (2006b),forexample,has written historians" described events a few with to laws, (p. 457). by covering designed explain, The Sociological Quarterly49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 Midwest Sociological Society This content downloaded from 210.212.93.44 on Fri, 10 Oct 2014 00:06:24 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 269 The Social Life of Pure Sociology Joseph H. Michalski 7Black (1979b) long ago demonstratedthe logical flawsof Gottfredsonand Hindelang's (1979) renderedtheirtestingirrelevant. empirical"test"of his theory,which effectively 8Thus the currentanalysisexcludes all worksand evidence produced by Black himself,as well as those books and chaptersproduced by colleagues workingwithinthe pure sociology tradition. ^he studiesincluded in the table are presentedwithoutcriticallyanalyzingtheirmethodologies, or identifying those thatdo not appear to understandor operationalizekeyconceptsadequately. If one wereto removethose studiesfrominclusion,the degreeto whichevidencecontradictsthe generaltheoryof law would be reduced further. 10Weshould not forgeteitherthatThe BehaviorofLaw has not merelyinspiredempiricalresearch, but thata greatmanyscholarswho do notworkwithinthe traditionhave describedBlack's work as "brilliant... a major breakthrough... a crashingclassic" (Nader 1976), as "the most importantcontributionevermade to the sociologyof law" (Sherman 1978:11), and as havingprovided a "long awaited synthesisof sociolegal scholarship,presentinga generalmodel of thebehaviorof law in social lifeand layinga conceptual foundationforfuturecomparativeresearchon law in history,sociology,and ethnography"(Koch 1977:149). In short,TheBehaviorofLaw has endured as arguablythe most elegant,parsimonious, and powerfultheoryof law ever developed (see Baumgartner2002). 11 As Cooney (2002:659) explains,"Adequate testsof Black's theoryrequire new kinds of data, a point thatperhaps Black and those of us who use his work have not sufficiently emphasized." 12Turner (2002a:667) argues,forexample,that"A maturescience does not expectitstheoriststo be researchers,nor does it expectitsresearchersto be theorists,but it does requirethatitsresearchers spend at least some of theireffortstestingthe plausibilityof theories." 13Notetoo thatthe issue is notthatpure sociologyhas nothingto offerwithrespectto the analysis of rituals,religion,and ideas. On the contrary,to the extentthat these are conceptualized as theoreticaland empiricalworkhas expressionsof"social life"thatvaryin social space, interesting been advanced in recentyears (e.g., Tucker2002; Richardson2006). 14Thereare a greatmanyotherissues thatcould be addressedwithadditional space. For example, Marshall (2008) criticizeswhat he perceivesto be a certaindegreeof"reification"in Black's work (pp. 215, 216). Yet Marshall (2002) has the luxuryto reifyconcepts in his own work,such as the the essentialthrustof Durkheim's followingself-descriptionof his theory:"Most significantly, model is maintained, since the externaland coercive facticityof society remains the reality behind religion"(p. 369). 15AsHorwitz (2002:643) explains: "[M]any sociologists,especially those in the fields such as criminologyand law thatare closestto Black's work,are not accustomed to thinkingsociologically.They explain social lifethroughthe motives,beliefs,and characteristicsof individuals." ^Turner's comments are especiallyintriguingin that he does not personallyuse the "pure sociology" approach in his work and has absolutelyno professionalinvestmentsin the theoretical strategy.For example, Turner's (2002b) interestsand theoreticalapproach in his monograph Face toFace focuson the microlevelproperties,biological and culturalembeddednessunderlying individualencounterswithone anotherthatproduce varyingprimaryand secondaryemotions. 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