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The Social Life of Pure Sociology
Author(s): Joseph H. Michalski
Source: The Sociological Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 2 (Spring, 2008), pp. 253-274
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The Sociological Quarterly ISSN 0038-0253
THE SOCIAL LIFE OF PURE SOCIOLOGY
Joseph H. Michalski*
of Western Ontario
College at The University
King's University
Marshall's (2008) critique of Black's (1995, 2000a, 2000b) pure sociology paradigm reveals his
preferencefor studyingthe psychological propertiesof individuals, ratherthan developing a
genuinelysociological frameworkforstudying"social life."The currentrejoinderconcentrateson
fourmain issues,startingwith a discussion of the ontological statusof social lifeas a realitysui
generis.The second section deals with the scientificstatus of pure sociology and clarifiesthe
underlyinglogic of the explanatoryapproach. The thirdpart considersthe scientificadequacy or
validityof pure sociology.Where the intellectualstakes are highest the theoreticalvalidityof
- Marshall's critique falls flattest:the available evidence overwhelminglysup"pure sociology"
portsthe theoreticalclaims of pure sociologists.By the same token,Marshall failsto demonstrate
the utilityof psychologizingsocial life,or how the imputationof psychologicalvariablesenhances
the explanatorypower of purelysociological models. The paper then reveals the hypocrisyof
particularaspects of Marshall's critique,as the evidence indicatesthat he has used some similar
elementsof theoryconstructionforwhich he has criticizedBlack and the pure sociology framework.The conclusion remindsreadersof the excitementof pure sociology's mission beyond the
of irresolvablephilosophical quibbles.
futility
In his critiqueof Donald Black'sworkand the"puresociology"framework,
Douglas
in natureand hencenot
Marshall(2008) raisesissuesthatareprimarily
philosophical
havelongbeen debated
amenableto scientific
preferences
Paradigmatic
investigation.
resolvedamongsociologicalpractitioners
they
and, in manyinstances,
accordingly:
and
communilines
of
different
other
each
(ifpossible),pursue
inquiry,
ignore
largely
Marshallhasoptedfora different
catemainlywithotherswhosharetheirassumptions.
areaimedattrying
hiscomments
paradigm,
path.Ratherthanignorethepuresociology
an
unbridled
that
endorses
In
a
theperspective
to discredit
degree
altogether. discipline
the
that
one
Turner
intellectual
of
2006a),
mightimagine
pluralism(Michalski2005a;
at
least
or
of
source
be
a
inspiration
pursuitof the puresociologyprogramwould
ForMarshall(2008),however,
reassurance.
byignorposesreal"dangers"
puresociology
life:
"the
social
of
features
be
the
to
he
believes
what
psychological
keyexplanatory
ing
of. . . persons"(p. 230).
properties
sociothatsatisfactory
The heartof Marshall'scritiquethusinvolveshis insistence
or
of socialphenomenamustincludeindividuals
qua individuals,
logicalexplanations
essentialist
Armed
with
that
term.
of
the
sense
in
the
traditional,
psychological
"people"
forthe scholars
claim,how does one advancethe debate?It is probablyimpossible,
Black(1995) startsfromthepremise
embraceirreconcilable
ontologicalassumptions:
thenotion
from"individual
distinct
thatthereexistsa "socialreality"
discarding
reality,"
thatthe individualservesas the keyunitof analysisin his sociologicaltheorizing.1
"Direct all correspondence to JosephH. Michalski, Department of Sociology, King's UniversityCollege at
The Universityof WesternOntario, London, Ontario, Canada; e-mail: [email protected]
49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 MidwestSociological
TheSociological
Society
Quarterly
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253
The Social Life of Pure Sociology
Joseph H. Michalski
that
Marshalldeniessuch possibilities.
As a result,Marshall(2008) has determined
withinhis highcourtof cognitiveappeal,the testimony
of pure sociologyshould
be banishedfromtheintellectual
andunattainable"
recordas "unnecessary,
undesirable,
in dialogueand,
(p. 209). ThesecommentssuggestthatMarshallhas no realinterest
missionof
viewsofthescientific
indeed,willnotlikelybe persuadedbyanyalternative
will
at
those
Hence
the
current
article
be
directed
puresociology.
sociologists
mainly
whoremain
whohavenotyetheardofpuresociologyand to thoseaudiencemembers
excitedaboutthepossibility
of forging
a distinct
bypsychosociologyunencumbered
reductionism.
logical
I present
a different
Thisrejoinder
concentrates
on fourmainissues.First,
interpretationoftheontological
statusof"sociallife."
Thesecondsectiondealswiththescientific
statusofpuresociologyand clarifies
theunderlying
approach.
logicoftheexplanatory
in other
The thirdpartconsidersthescientific
of
or
adequacy validity puresociology,
the
extent
to
which
with
observable
theoretical
are
consistent
words,
reality
predictions
andcapableofordering
thefacts(Black1995).I demonstrate
thatwheretheintellectual
stakesarehighest
Marshall's
ofpuresociology),
(i.e.,thetheoretical
critiquefalls
validity
flattest:
of pure
theavailableevidenceoverwhelmingly
the
theoretical
claims
supports
the
the
same
Marshall
fails
to
evidence
token,
By
provideany
regarding
sociologists.
variables
sociallife,or how theimputation
of psychological
utilityof psychologizing
enhancestheexplanatory
powerofpurelysociologicalmodels.The paperthendemonstratesthehypocrisy
of particular
as theevidenceindiaspectsof Marshall'scritique,
catesthathe has used somesimilarelementsof theoryconstruction
forwhichhe has
criticized
Blackand thepuresociologyframework
(cf.Marshall2002).The conclusion
thenremindsreadersoftheexcitement
ofpuresociology'smissionbeyondthefutility
of irresolvable
philosophical
quibbles.
THE ONTOLOGICAL STATUS OF SOCIAL LIFE
Marshall(2008) does notbelievethat"sociallife,"
as conceptualized
in Blackianterms,
existsas an ontologically
distincttypeof reality.His essentialist
claim betrayshis
own prophetic
referents
of any
approach,thatis,that"people[are]theindispensable
discussionaboutsocialphenomena.. . . Theoriesarepredicated
the
existence
of
upon
someentity
whoseproperties
and behaviortheyseekto explain.In thesocialsciences,
theseentitiesare people"(p. 214). In short,Marshallrefusesto acceptthatanother
levelof realityexistssui generisor independently
of theliving,breathing
individuals
underobservation.
He has considerable
in
that
As
company
regard. Mayhew(1980)
once argued,mostsociologists
and certainly
socialpsychologists
areat thecore"individualists"
whorelyuponpsychology
and humanmotivations
to explainbehavior.
For
those who preferto engage in structuraland supraindividual
such
as
analyses,
thosecommitted
to puresociology,
the conversations
withindividualists
tendto be
rareand are usuallyuselessin anyevent.Mayhew(1980:337)summarizes
thepoint
thusly:
254
TheSociological
49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 MidwestSociological
Quarterly
Society
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Joseph H. Michalski
The Social Life of Pure Sociology
listeninthelanguageofindividualism.
MostAmerican
sociologists
Theyhave,as the
a
to
hear
cultivated
trained
other
structuralists
say,
incapacity
any
pointofview.. . .
. . . talkto othersociologists
(S)tructural
onlyon veryrareoccasions.
sociologists
have to switchto the languageof
Since,on theserareoccasions,structuralists
in orderto be understood,
structuralists
individualism
generally
regardtheseconas a wasteoftime.2
versations
in dismissing
theindividualist,
shareMayhew'sperspective
Puresociologists
psyIf
their
intellectual
to
irrelevant
to
one
wishes
as
objectives.
chologicalperspective
in
a
situation
or
"individual
what
does
individual
does
s/he
particular
explainwhyany
thenone shouldindeedtreatthepersonas theunitofanalybehavior,"
(psychological)
thatimpingeuponthesentient,
human
sis.One canthenstudythefullrangeoffactors
that
one
should
This
would
direct
that
her/his
naturally
require
responses.
organism
and
buildbridgesin ordernotto excludethebiochemical
drivers,
factors,
psychological
affect
mind
and
the
human
thatarefiltered
constraints
sociocultural
thereby
through
For thosewho wishto engagein such
thedecision-making
capacitiesof individuals.
withtheir
haveno argument
andpersonally
I wishthemwellintheirendeavors
research,
in
the
work
as
such
I
not
view
do
research.
of
least;it
"dangerous"
program
particular
forme as a sociologist.
holdsno interest
merely
to thoseof us who are not
Marshalldoes not extendthesamecourtesy,
however,
wecannot
he
life.
of
the
fascinated
Instead,
arguesthatapparently
by study psychological
and
have
been
observe"sociallife,"eventhoughmanyanalysts
theorizing "observing"
via
network
eitherinstructural
or,morespecifically,
sociallifeas defined
terms,
analysis,
conBlackiansociologyfordecades(see further
discussion).A greatmanysociologists
for
in
who
Those
different
in
an
life
social
engage puresociology,
way.
entirely
ceptualize
of
the
an
to
in
or
reduced
located
be
life
cannot
understanding
arguethatsocial
example,
withpsychoof humanbeings.Sociallifeis notsynonymous
mindsand motivations
It is not
and
no
attitudes.
no
no
"has
for
social
life,
feelings,
thoughts,
reality
logical
of
mission
the
describes
Black
heads"
in
human
located
explanatory
(Black1995:848).
puresociologyand thefocuson sociallifeaccordingly:
- thatspecifieshow
- withoutpsychology
of pure sociology
I employa strategy
sociallifevarieswiththeshapeof socialspace.Mybook TheBehaviorofLaw,for
and
andexplainthequantity
thatpredict
formulations
containstheoretical
example,
between
as
such
in
social
space,
styleof law in variouslocationsand directions
in
vertical
directions
with
various
and
elevations
various
at
space,atvarious
parties
in
and culturalspace,withvariouslocationsand directions
distancesin relational
case
of
the
structure
social
the
In
this
normative
and
sense,
predicts
space.
corporate
and explainshowitwillbe handled.(P. 830)
therearecasesofsosociallifeexistsandcanbe observedeverywhere
In summation,
relativelocations,directions,
definedand explainedby participants'
cial interactions,
fromeachotherin socialspace(Black1979a,1995;seeHorwitz2002).As
anddistances
thevertical,
horizontal,
socialspacehasfivedimensions:
symbolic,
developed,
currently
life
social
of
form
each
of
1979a,
normative
1995).To
and
(Black
aspects
corporate,
actors
the
social
identifies
the
involved,
in
social
variations
phenomena, analyst
explain
The Sociological Quarterly49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 Midwest Sociological Society
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255
The Social Life of Pure Sociology
Joseph H. Michalski
theirstructural
locationsrelative
toeachotherintheaforementioned
multidimensional
socialspace,and thedirectionin whichthebehaviorsflow.Forexample,an instance
wherea wealthier
individual
suesa poorpersonwouldbe deemeda caseof"downward
law."All else constant,
thoseat higherelevationsin social space (i.e., thosewho are
arepredicted
bothto be morelikelyto initiate
wealthier)
legalproceedings
againsttheir
inferiors
wheredisputesoccur,as wellas towinmoreoftenthanviceversa.The relative
wealthof thedisputants,
or
onlyone measureof verticaldistance,
though,represents
one"factor"
thatinfluences
or typesof
the"behavioroflaw."Othermaterial
differences
- alongwithvariations
socialinequality
further
theactors'relative
statuses
qualify
along
eachoftheotherdimensions
ofsocialspace.Allsuchstatusescan be directly
observed
and measured,
as longas analysts
indicators
to capture
appropriate
operational
identify
relative
and directions
locations,
distances,
(e.g.,somesocialactorswillbe moreor less
as measuredbythedegreetowhichtheysharea languageorreligion).
similar,
culturally
The paradigmhasyetanotherkeyadvantageas a meansbywhichsociallifecanbe
andexplained:
on
conceptualized
puresociologydoesnotrequirethatone focusmerely
thelawas suchor anyoneparticular
formofsociallife.As Black(1995,2002)contends,
thegeometric
of socialrelationships
can be utilizedto explainall typesof
properties
behavioral
variations
in socialspace.Jonathan
Turner(2002a:667)assessestheconceptual framework
of 'pure sociology'is thatit connects
thusly:"The greatstrength
- fromlawand socialcontrolto artor anyactivity
- to universal
behavior
of
properties
socialstructures."
Ifthesocialstructural
in
of
do
not
remain
invariant
terms
properties
theirinfluences
on socialbehavior,
thenan important
would
be
intellectual
contribution
to specify
theconditions
underwhichstructural
influences
vary,or whatotheraspects
or perhapsevenheretofore
undiscovered
dimensions
ofthegeometry
ofsociallifemay
causeperturbations.
Marshall'scritiqueof thesupraindividual
of sociallife
Finally,
conceptualization
builtintothepuresociologyframework
explicitly
appliesequallyto anyandalltheories
or anytypesof social"structures"
exist
positingthat"sociallocations"or "networks"
of
the
individual
actors
who
Black
cannot
be
faulted
independently
occupypositions.
fordeveloping
rather
thansocialpsychological
or fortrying
to
sociological
theory
theory,
on thelifeoftheindividual
explaindifferent
aspectsof socialliferatherthanfocusing
mind.Severalsuch traditions
alreadyexistin sociology,
includingvariousgenresof
structuralism
and network
Blau
1977;Mayhew1980;Kontopoulos1993;
analyzes(e.g.,
Berkowitz
1997;Watts2004).
In thecaseofpuresociology,
Blackintroduced
theapproachthreedecadesago as an
distinct
variantof nonpsychological
extend,
altogether
analysisintendedto "simplify,
and unifyknowledge
swaths
of
and
the
bysubsuming
large
empiricalreality revealing
connectionsbetweendissimilarphenomena"(Marshall2008:216). His
underlying
successin thatregardaccountsforwhyhisworkhas garnered
majorAmericanSocioand thescholarhimself
hasbeeninterviewed
exten(ASA) awards,3
logicalAssociation
in
various
contexts
Vedantam
Yet
such
obvious
(Black2002,2005;
sively
2007). despite
and success,(Marshall2008) denouncesBlack'sworkas an
widespreadrecognition
thatitis"unscientific,
abysmalfailure,
atheoretic,
concluding
isolating,
unparsimonious,
256
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Joseph H. Michalski
The Social Life of Pure Sociology
as wellas impossible"(p. 229). Marunsubstantiated,
unfalsifiable,
sterile,
restricted,
whileostensibly
an intellectual
exudeshostility
and conshall'scommentary,
critique,
One can understand,
therefore,
whyMayhew(1980) longago dismissedsuch
tempt.4
worthless.
as essentially
"dialogues"
theoriesand,ideally,to
To be sure,scholarshaveeveryrightto criticizescientific
the
harshest
of
alternatives.
The
their
critics,
though,appearto be drivenmore
proffer
ratherthananyempiricalevidence.For example,
preferences
by theirphilosophical
Marshallrepeatedly
questionsthe ontologicalstatusof social lifeto insistthatonly
similarto the
can be observed.This seemsremarkably
humanbeingsas individuals
that
"human
advocates
life"can be
some
wherein
abortiondebate,
"pro-choice"
argue
of thebrainstemand centralnervous
viewedas contingent
upon the development
lifebeginsat conception.
Bothposithat
often
advocates
while
argue
"pro-life"
system,
their
ifbasedupontheontologicalassumptions
tionsare"true,"
underlying rhetorical
strategies.
thathumansociallifemuststart
Marshallassumesthe"pro-life"
positionbyinsisting
do not denythatindividuals
withthe conceptionof individuals.Blackiantheorists
life"emergesat the levelof
that
"social
but
of
a
form
argue
organiclife,
represent
Blackian
the
I thusassume
interactions.
"pro-choice"
position.The
Speakingformyself,
choiceoftenlandsme in hotwaterwiththosewhotakethe"pro-life"
position,forI am
and
shouldhavethat
can
individuals
to
who
wish
that
those
concede
to
study
willing
Others
to
be
not
does
Such
choice.
amongus
reciprocated.
appear
though,
generosity,
on a
to
focus
are willingto abortthe individualqua individual,choosinginstead
suchnormative
different
engenders
conceptionof sociallife.Thatdecision,however,
as
Marshall
such
individualists
that
times
at
may actuallydenigratethe
outrage
that
such
imminent
the
about
poses.Indeed,
thinking
"dangers"
approachbytalking
as thefinal
execution
an intellectual
theymightevenpropose,perMarshall'scritique,
"In
kla Black's(1995:850)statement:
insteada simpledivorce,
1wouldsuggest
solution.5
I do not
frompsychology."
I declareindependence
thenameof sociology,
therefore,
butjiltedpartners
endin bitterness,
believethatall suchdivorcesmustnecessarily
may
feelotherwise.
DeductiveReasoningand SociologicalExplanation
or
concernthatMarshallraisesinvolvesthecovering-law
A secondsignificant
strategy
deductive
According
puresociologyexplanations.
approachthatcharacterizes
reasoning
to Marshall(2008),the"restofthescientific
[hasdismissed]thecoveringcommunity
formof explanation"
lawmodelas an unsoundand unsatisfying
(p. 213). Really?That
who
scientists
willbe newsto thegreatmanytheoretical
(sociologicaland otherwise)
While
thatorderthefacts.6
continueto propounddeductivetheoriesas explanations
Marshall criticizesBlack for what he perceivesto be audacious claims and
he shouldbe morecarefulwithhis ownverbiage.Salmon(1989)
overgeneralizations,
modelor hypothetico-deductive
reasoning,
maynotbe enamoredof thecovering-law
Neitherdoes
but surelyhe does not speakforthe"restof thescientific
community."
Marshall.
49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 MidwestSociological
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TheSociological
Quarterly
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257
The Social Life of Pure Sociology
Joseph H. Michalski
The debateaboutthenatureof scientific
explanationand causalitywillcontinue
both
within
and
indefinitely,
beyondsociology(e.g.,Jasso1988,1989;Collins1989;
Turner1989;Bradie1996;Pearl2000).One criticism
ofdeductive
strategies,
reasoning
thatmight
of additional"mechanisms"
though,revolvesaroundthe identification
rendertheproposedrelationships
moreunderstandmore"satisfying"
or purportedly
able.In Marshall'sscientific
reduces
to the"psychothat
world, "understanding"
always
In contrast,
othersaresatisfied
whentheoretical
logical"aspectsofthehumancondition.
orderthebroadestarrayof factspossibleunderspecified
conditions.
propositions
Relationaldistance,forexample,maybe one key"cause"underlying
the use or
nonuseoflawin responsetoviolence,ifthatfactoraloneshouldhelpto orderthefacts
Considerthefollowing
threehypothetical
thesamewoman:her
casesinvolving
reliably.
strikesher- all in exactly
partnerstrikesher,a neighborstrikesher,and a stranger
thesamefashionandallinthecontext
In thefirst
ofdisputes.
case,thewomanresponds
in
the
second
case
she
allies
and
back,
by fighting
attemptsto shamethe
gathers
and in thethirdcase she contactsthepolice.Ceterisparibus,relational
perpetrator,
distanceappearsto be criticalforunderstanding
and explainingthesevariationsin
conflict
management
strategies.
Whileeveryexplanatory
one can stilldefendthe
has certainlimitations,
strategy
deduce
utilityof deductivereasoningmodelsto the extentthatone can accurately
behavioraloutcomesfromtheoretical
For instance,studentslearnin
propositions.
thattheforce"gravity"
canbe explainedbythefollowing
introductory
physics
"covering
all
else
constant:
varies
withdistancesquaredbetween
law,"holding
gravity
inversely
at workhere,otherthandistanceand the
objectswithmass.Whatis the"mechanism"
mass of the objectsin question?Otheraspectsof the physicaluniversemayyetbe
discovered
to shedfurther
the
but,as currently
formulated,
lighton therelationship,
law
a
does
remarkable
of
the
known
facts.
No
one
gravitational
job ordering
complains
abouttheabsenceofadditionalmechanisms.
Marshall(2008) complains,
is notcausation"(p. 213) and
though,that"correlation
thatwe maybe guiltyof offending
children"
with
a propositional
formthat
"young
adherestothedeductive
modeofexplanation.
Mostsocialscientists
are
reasoning
surely
awarethattheconditionsforcausalityrequirethatthecause precedetheeffect
both
thatthe relatedfactorscovary,and thatthe relationship
logicallyand temporally,
observedis notspurious.Thatlatterrequirement
oftenprovesquitedifficult
to achieve,
in
Hence we use the termceterisparibusin our
especially nonlaboratory
settings.
theoretical
workto assume"allelseconstant,"
orhavingcontrolled
foranyotherfactors
thatmayinfluence
theoriginalrelationship.
Marshall(2008) correctly
notesthata keyexplanatory
aspectfrompuresociology
consistsof"sociallocation"(p. 215). In addition,one can add suchelements
as "direc"socialrepulsion,"
and "acceleration,"
tion,""socialgravitation,"
thoughthesewould
thathe refuses
to acknowledge.
compelMarshallto enterintoa purelysocialuniverse
statesthat,"In instituting
hisself-imposed
Instead,Marshallincorrectly
tabooon talking
aboutpeople,Blackeschewscausalmechanisms
as well"(p. 214). No, puresociology
linkedto psychology
as necessary
to
simplyeschewsthe use of causal mechanisms
258
TheSociological
49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 MidwestSociological
Quarterly
Society
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Joseph H. Michalski
The Social Life of Pure Sociology
sociallife(i.e.,thebehaviorof law,violence,medicine,ideas,welfare,
etc.).
explaining
inpuresociologyinvolvesocialgeometry
as
with
the
laws
The"causalmechanisms"
and,
a
different
of
These
to
mechanisms
of physics,
understanding "causality."
correspond
conditions
thatpredict
andrelational
socialvariations
thusincludetheextantgeometric
and forcesdefinedwithina multidior thebehaviorofsociallife:directions,
locations,
- a central
withrelative
task
socialspace.Wherethesecanbe identified
mensional
clarity
of anytheoretical
propositions
system puresociologyyieldssome ratherpowerful
are
uniformities
and,as Merton( [1949]1967)mightargue,"severalseemingly
disparate
seento be interrelated"
151).
(p.
and equilibrium
writesthat"Gravity,
Marshall(2008) further
electrons,
entropy,
and statesthat,whether
entities
to forces,
unobserved,
observed,
processes,
correspond
of theirindicators"(p. 215).
are believedto existindependently
or unobservable,
and
to forces,
"socialattraction,"
entities,
"law,"and"sociallocation"correspond
Exactly:
of
attraction
and
the
"social
forces"
states.Froma puresociologystandpoint,
however,
thathelpto orderthefactsof
"causal"conditions
repulsionareamongtheunderlying
suchas law,
or dependent
variables,
"sociallife"(e.g.,thebehavioroflaw).Keyentities
havebeen definedclearlyand studiedwidely.For example,theconceptof relational
in numerousstudies(e.g.,Jacobs1994;Dawson2003;
distancehasbeenoperationalized
to our
Kan and Phillips2003; Phillips2003; Kuan 2004) and has contributed
greatly
cases
similar
that
otherwise
notion
of
(the
vary
technically
understandinglegalrelativity
in general(Black 1990,2007;
and conflictmanagement
withtheirsocial geometry)
Tucker1999a,1999b).
"Bothlaw' and 'social location'are
Marshall(2008) thenwritesthe following:
withan existence
real
referent
some
absent
and
beyondtheir
variables,
demonstrably
to
but
to
nor
to
neither
said
be
can
cause,
behave,
only vary"(p. 215).
indicators,
they
thatlaw and
concedes
Marshall
That statement
requiressome seriousinterrogation.
thatmake
butthenclaimsthatthereareno"realreferents"
sociallocationare"variables,"
None of
butsimply"vary."
themplausible.He thenarguesthatthesedo not"behave,"
variables
as
measured
and
be
can
two
thatmakessense.Yes,the
operationalized
concepts
that"varies,"by definition,
forpurposesof empiricalresearch.Moreover,
anything
I am notsurewhatMarshallmeansbyan"existence
"behaves."
beyondtheirindicators,"
thatexist,if
otherthanwhatexistsat theconceptuallevel.Whatarethe"realreferents"
themselves?
nottheactualindicators
social control"and
of law as "governmental
To dismissthe conceptualization
strikesme as ratherdisingenuous
and, to use
the empiricalmeasuresas "arbitrary"
or
definitions
like
not
does
measures,
If
Marshall
unwarranted.
Marshall's
term,
specific
all
Besides, complexconceptsrequireanalytic
thenhecancertainly
proposealternatives.
decisionsto defineand measuretheirvariousdimensions.
Whyshouldlaw be any
from(or anymore"reified"
different
than)otherimportant
conceptsthatsocialsciencrime,
tistshavedebatedandstudiedfordecades,suchas industrialization,
bureaucracy,
and countlessothers?
alienation,
Hence Marshallfallsback upon the speciousconclusionthatlaw- whichBlack
- suffers
from
socialcontrol"
as "governmental
(1976:3)definesclearlyand eloquently
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259
The Social Life of Pure Sociology
Joseph H. Michalski
"definitional
and does not"haveanyconnectionto therealworld"Marshall
fluidity"
I
"as defined
can
(2008:215).
onlyagreeifwe add thephraseto theendofthatsentence
If
means
to suggest
conventional
social
Marshall."
Marshall
such
as
by
analysts
Douglas
thenI
thatBlades owntheorizing
and conceptualizing
constitute
subjective
processes,
law
an
"unvaliconcur.
To
definition
of
is
that
Black's
concise
claim,
completely
though,
dozens
datedand referent-free
theoretical
construct"
is simplywrong.Moreimportant,
and
various
of othersocialscientists
to puresociology
(includingthosesympathetic
and have generatedan
skeptics)have studiedlaw using Black'sconceptualization
of
research
that
validates
the
impressive
body empirical
generaltheoryoflaw.
THEORETICAL VALIDITY
Thus we arriveat thecruxof thedebate.At theend of thephilosophical
bantering,
Marshall'scritiquefailsmostspectacularly
in addressing
the singlemostimportant
issue:thevalidityof Black'sformulations
and thoseof puresociologyin general.In
conformto thefacts?Indeed,we can expand
essence,do thetheoretical
propositions
that
to
examine
whether
upon
question
puresociologyin generalyieldspropositions
thathelp orderthe availableevidencemoreeffectively
framethanothertheoretical
works.HereinMarshalloffersan incomplete,
and altogether
selective,
irresponsible
assessment
ofextantliterature
andHindelang
twostudies(Gottfredson
bycitingexactly
failto provideconfirmatory
1979;Avakame,Fyfe,and McCoy 1999) thatapparently
A morecarefulreviewwoulddemonstrate
evidence.7
thatBlack'stheoryin particular
diversebodyofresearch,
whether
intended
to
helpsto organizean incredibly
explicitly
testhistheoretical
orintermsofwhatBlack(1995:843)refers
to
predictions
impartially
as "naiveevidence"gathered
forresearch
not
tests
of
purposes involving
pure
analytic
The mostresponsible
wouldbe to conducta metaanalysis
sociology.
approach,though,
ofextantresearch.
Withoutsuchan analysisin hand,one has to relyupon theever-growing
bodyof
research
intended
to
test
A
formulations.
literature
search
of
empirical
puresociology's
Abstracts
more
than
100
citations
a
of
Sociological
produced
involvingvariety theoretical and empiricaldiscussionsof Donald Black'sworkand puresociologyin general,
or
apartfromthevariousbooksand editedvolumesproduceddirectly
byBlackhimself
those
more
within
the
tradition.
Some
six
dozen
by
working
exclusively
puresociology
citations
refer
to peer-reviewed
conference
and dissertajournalarticles,
presentations,
tionsthathavetesteddirectly
or indirectly
different
aspectsof Black'stheoryof law
and/orthegeneraltheoryof conflict
thebehaviorof violence,or other
management,
substantive
areassuchas welfare,
and mentalillness.The degreeto
medicine,
religion,
whichthesestudieshaveprovidedstrongsupport,mixedsupport,or a relative
lackof
has beensummarized
in TableI.8
supportforthepuresociologyframework
In thefirst
considertheevidencethatbearsuponthetheoretical
instance,
of
validity
Black'sextensive
setofpropositions
advancedin TheBehavior
which
ofLaw,
obviously
has inspireddozensof empiricalanalyses.Thesestudieshaveproducedresultslargely
consistent
withBlack'sgeneraltheoryoverthe years:morethan70 percentof the
260
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The Social Life of Pure Sociology
Joseph H. Michalski
TABLE 1. Empirical Tests of Pure Sociology in JournalArticles,Conference Proceedings,and
Dissertations,1979-2006*
Substantivearea
Strongsupport
Mixed support
Weak/nosupport
Totals
Theory of law
Conflictmanagement
Violence
Other areas
71.1 percent
100.0
11.1 percent
0
0
17.8 percent
0
0
0
45 cases
13 cases
9 cases
5 cases
N = 72
Pure sociology
100.0
100.0
81.9 percent
0
6.9 percent
11.1 percent
*The publicationsselectedwere based on a May 2007 literaturesearch in Sociological Abstracts
mainlyrefereedjournal articlesand conferencepresentationswithempiricalevidence
identifying
or "data" of some kind. In addition, nearlyone dozen Ph.D. dissertations(excluding those by
Donald Black's students)were included.
evidenceforvariousaspectsof
has yieldedstrongly
research
confirmatory
supportive,
whilelessthanone in five
Another11 percenthas producedmixedresults,
thetheory.
contradict
Theseresultsdirectly
studiesindicatedweakor no supportforthetheory.9
to
has
been
work
where
his
that
research,
Marshall's(2008) claim
subjected impartial
theresults
overtime
havenotfaredwell"(p. 218).To thecontrary,
"Black'spropositions
haveprovidedan extraordinarily
Perhapstheenorsupport.10
highdegreeofempirical
of
law
and
the
Black's
mousrangeofstudiesdrawing
(1976)theory
overwhelming
upon
helpexplainwhyeightacademicslaudedTheBehaviorofLaw on the
supportreceived
of itspublicationwithcommentaries
25thanniversary
publishedin a Contemporary
Perrucci
and
"Continuities
2002).
(Miller
Symposium"
Sociology
WhileTheBehaviorofLaw has beenthemostwidelystudiedof Black'sworks,the
ofpuresociologyhasbeenappliedin recentyearsto thestudy
moregeneralframework
and a rangeof othersubof conflict
(or socialcontrol)moregenerally
management
illness.Of themorethan
and
mental
areassuchas welfare,
stantive
medicine,
religion,
intheliteraidentified
conference
and
articles
refereed
dozen
two
presentations
journal
These
framework.
theoretical
for
the
turesearch,all have providedstrongsupport
and powerful
studiesbode wellforthefutureof puresociology.Such an innovative
ambitious
most
realize
their
framework
mayhelpsociologicalpractitioners
conceptual
science
social
a
dreamsto develop trulyexplanatory
(Black2000a).
haveidentified
In total,then,morethan80 percentof puresociologypublications
andnearlynineofeverytenstudieshave
withtheframework,
consistent
evidencehighly
Theseareremarkable
theframework.
with
consistent
least
at
results
partially
produced
editedvolumes,
research-based
the
exclude
since
chapters,
many
they
especially
figures,
and manyofhiscolleagues(e.g.,Horwitz1982;
and booksproducedbyBlackhimself
1988,1993;Cooney1991,1998;Tucker
Black1984a,1984b,1989,1998;Baumgartner
These
1992,1999a,1999b).
providean evenbroaderarrayofcross-cultural
monographs
theanalysisevenmoreheavilyin thedirecskew
would
which
and historical
evidence,
Muchother"naiveevidence"
tionofclearand unequivocalsupportfortheframework.
culled fromotherscholars'researchoftenprovesconsistentwith the theoretical
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261
The Social Life of Pure Sociology
Joseph H. Michalski
Black1995:842-5).The evidence
of puresociologyas well(see,generally,
predictions
somewhat
inconsistent
withpuresociologyhasbeenquitesparsebycomparison,
and,in
or
to
mostinstances,
has failedto capturethe essenceof the theory
operationalize
and
influences
or controlforconfounding
(e.g.,Gottfredson
keyaspectsappropriately
1979).11
Hindelang
and whohave
thetheorymorecarefully
whohaveinterpreted
Amongsociologists
the
withthetheory, resultshave
fashionedempiricaltestsmorecloselyin alignment
beenfarmorecompelling
(e.g.,Borg1992,1998;Borgand Parker2001;Cooney1994,
and Phillips2003;
1997;Flavin2001;Chappell,DeWees,and Borg2003;Geiger-Oneto
KanandPhillips2003;Kuan2004;Lee2005;PhillipsandCooney2005;Campbell2005).
In anyevent,Marshalldemonstrates
thefutility
of his theoretical
critiquenotonlyby
failingto considerthemuchlargerbodyof evidencethatsupportsthework(byboth
Blackiansand non-Blackiansalike), but by not offering
any crediblealternative
or improvement
Black's
for
example,law does not vary
upon
generaltheory.If,
of the
withrelationaldistance,thenwho wouldnot welcomea further
specification
Whatadditionaltheoretical
relationship?
mighthelpaccountformoreof the
insights
in lightoftheoverwhelmfactsthantheproposition
orders?
Not
surprisingly,
currently
the
over
the
has
received
pastthreedecades,Marshall
ingempiricalsupport paradigm
whattheintroduction
failstooffer
orspecific
evidencethatdemonstrate
anysuggestions
ofpsychological
variableswoulddo to enhancetheexplanatory
powerofthetheoryof
law- or anyotheraspectofsociallife.
COMMONALITIES
IN EXPLANATORY STRATEGIES?
Marshallcriticizes
Blackforthelimitedscopeofhistheory,
thatnothing
canbe
suggests
discovered
fromBlackiantheory,
anddismisses
an endlessparade
hisapproachof"citing
ofexamples. . . pluckedfromthetotality
ofhumanhistory"
(Marshall2008:216,219).
Marshall(2002) usesa similarstrategy
toillustrate
theexplanatory
valueof
Interestingly,
hisowntheorizing
aboutthenonutilitarian
natureof rituals:
on theSabbath,orthoeffort
Byforbidding
anykindofevenmarginally
productive
doxJudaism
we
providesa hardand fastmonopolyon ritualattributions.
Similarly,
canmakesenseofthewidespread
the
and
that
requirements
products paraphernalia
- includingNavajo sand paintings,
of ritual
in Ganesh,and the waninga
effigies
- be destroyed
afteruse. The same
(ceremonialpole) of whichDurkheimwrites
makessenseofmonasticpractices
suchas weavingbasketsonlyto immeprinciple
1991),and
diatelyburnthem,and movingpilesofsandbackand forth(Baumeister
oftheinjunction
thattheEucharist
containno cheese,lestitbecomea meal.(p. 376)
The strategy
in thecontextof Marshall'swork,as he demonsuffices
apparently
strates
howa diversesetoffactspertaining
to ritualsmightbe orderedthrough
theuse
ofhispropositions.
Blackandcolleaguesemploysimilarstrategies
intheirefforts
tohelp
orderthe factsin regardto thebehaviorof law and otherformsof social life.But
Marshall(2008) writesinstead,"The paradeof arguablycongruent
correlations
and
can be impressive,
butitis farfrom
examplesthatBlacktrotsout foreachproposition
262
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Joseph H. Michalski
The Social Life of Pure Sociology
is toillustrate
theapplicability
ofthetheory
to
(p. 219).Thepoint,however,
convincing"
divisionof labormeansthatthoseengagedin empirical
diversecases.The scientific
to developmoremethodologically
havea responsibility
research
rigoroustestsof the
of China,Geiger-Oneto
and
suchas Wong's(2000) workon theQingdynasty
theory,
in
the
of
social
statuses
and
Lee's
of
encounters,
impact
police
Phillips'(2003) study
variablesupon homicideclearancerates.
(2005) researchon theimpactof extralegal
to confirm
histheory
HenceMarshall's
harangueaboutBlack'ssupposedfailure
lengthy
advance
the
cause
science
Black
and
Marshall
of
Both
misses
the
by
point.
completely
The
use
and
theoretical
of
historical
with
their
consistent
propositions.
citingexamples
methodfortesting
theirideas
evidencemaynotbe themostsystematic
cross-cultural
and theplausibility
of the
to our understanding
butsurelycontributes
moreformally,
additional
contributions
Suchtheoretical
theories.
require
merely
testing.
Marshalldoes not help his cause by notingthatempiricaltesting
Furthermore,
thatBlackianconcepts
or bycomplaining
ofkeyvariables,
requiresmorespecification
are complex.Sociologistshave long workedwith complexor "multidimensional"
thesewithspecificindicators
and operationalizing
defining
conceptsand constructs,
dimensions.
on particular
focus
or
thatoftensimplify
phenomenaconsiderably merely
social movements,
Whoeverstudiesindustrialization,
welfare,
inequality,
democracy,
and myriadothersociologicalconceptscan attestto similarproblemsof complexity.
Blackcannotbe faulted
here,unlessMarshallwouldrequestthatBlackspendmoretime
howbestto do theirjob.
researchers
and advisingfrontline
actingas a methodologist
to eitherfund
itseemsto me,hasto do withthosewhoareunwilling
Therealproblem,
measureandtestkeyideasderivedfromtheory.
to adequately
ortakethetimenecessary
direction
The chargethatBlackdoes not provideus withsufficient
methodological
with
what
to
strive
what
theorists
confuse
me as a redherring.
strikes
accomplish
Why
aresupposedto do?12
and researchers
methodologists
social
observesthatsociallife,evenin a five-dimensional
Marshall(2008) correctly
that
of
.
.
.
exceeds
data
of
sheer
"the
that
and
is
universe, complex
necessary
quantity
committed
not
dissuade
should
researchers,
anyknowndataset"(p. 224). Complexity
to
and
the
from
necessary
challenges
computational
methodological
tackling
though,
does notrequiretensofmillionsof
Attheveryleast,sociologicalresearch
testtheories.
Eventhemostcomplexdatasetimaginable
dollarsto erectparticleaccelerators.
surely
to mapthemathematiwiththecomputing
wouldpalein comparison
powernecessary
in size
cal groupknownas E8, the solutionof whichrequireda file60 gigabytes
of
the
that
revealed
The
solution
Foundation
Science
2007).
symmegroup
(National
triesin theE8 rootsystemconsistsof 240 vectorsin an eight-dimensional
space.The
theorists"
dimensions
contend)
(as "string
therefore,
universe,
mayhavemore
physical
thanpreviously
physics.This claimhas been a sourceof
imaginedin conventional
someofwhomhavequestioned
considerable
physicists,
amongtheoretical
controversy
cannotbe tested(e.g.,
that
as
such
theories
of
value
the
theory" apparently
"string
rightly
team
solutionthatan international of 18 researchers
Smolin2006).The mathematical
however,
necessaryto
discovered,
produceempiricalbreakthroughs
may ultimately
can be used
In
of
value
the
short,
complexity
stringtheory.
evaluating explanatory
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263
The Social Life of Pure Sociology
Joseph H. Michalski
neitheras an excuseto dismissBlackiantheoryoutright
norto claimthatitcannotbe
falsified.
Thatremainstobe seen,eventhoughmostresearch
hasverified
variousaspects
far.
thus
Blackhasinitiated
an intellectual
and developeda greatmanytestable
breakthrough
even
considerable
work
remains
forthosewhowouldundertake
propositions, though
thechallenge
inthestudyoflaw,socialcontrol,
and
crime, beyond(Senechalde la Roche
1995,1996,2001;Cooney2006).Themultidimensional
analysesofpossibleinteractions
and empirical
dimensions
amongdifferent
requiremuchmorerigorous
methodologies
not
It
to
mention
additional
2005b).
(Michalski
maybe that
testing,
analyticinsights
socialspaceprovidesa variety
oflocationsthatproducesimilaroutcomesviatheprocess
to
of equifinality.
The use of qualitative
comparative
analysismightbe one strategy
suchan
comparesystematic
samplesof similarcases,but no one has yetattempted
ofpuresociology.
analysiswithintheframework
Marshall's
of
workwithintheBlackiantradition
Finally,
critique extanttheoretical
claimsthat
deservesspecialconsideration.
For example,Marshall(2008) incorrectly
them
"Black(1995:844)induceshispropositions
fromestablished
correlations,
presents
inthelawlikeformof'x varieswithy,'andclaimsthathisformulation
qualifies
'arguably
as a sociologicallawoflaw'" (p. 212). To be clear,Black(1976,1979a)has developeda
deductive
framework
thefivedimensions
ofsocialspaceidentified
conceptual
involving
The theoryideallyshouldapplyacrosssimilarcases of social behavior
previously.
and acrosshumanhistory.
Blackhas conductedhisownfield
spanningdiversecultures
as
well
as
reviewed
evidenceto
the
and anthropological
historical
research,
extensively
determine
whether
or notcasestendto be consistent
withhistheoretical
formulations.
Once more,Marshall'scriticisms
oftheBlackianapproacharetaintedifone considers
hisonepreviouspublication.
In particular,
Marshall's
efforts
todevelopthepropositions
inhisworkparallelBlack'sapproachin manyways,exceptfortheobviousparadigmatic
differences.
Considerthefollowing
examples:
TheamountofBelief/Belonging
relatedtothedegree
generated
bya ritualis directly
ofEffervescence
itinducesin theparticipants.
(Marshall2002:371)
Beliefand belongingare positively
affected
of the
by Co-Presence,
independent
(Marshall2002:371)
presenceor absenceofotherfactors.
focusof thedependentvariables,
thepropositions
Apartfromthepsychological
sound remarkably
Blackian.In fact,one mightbe temptedto restatethemin quasiBlackianterms.Forexample,one couldsuggestthattheformer
couldbe
proposition
restated:
Ceterisparibus,"beliefand belongingvarydirectly
witheffervescence."
The
latterproposition
be
restated
Ceterisparibus,"beliefand belonging
might
accordingly:
withorganization."
The maindifference
is thatpuresociologists
are not
varydirectly
interested
in studying
or attempting
to explainpatently
psychological
phenomenasuch
as beliefsand feelings
ofbelonging.13
Additionalexamplesculled fromMarshall'sown theoreticalwork illustrate
further
theratherhypocritical
stancethathe assumesin denouncingBlack'swork.14
264
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Joseph H. Michalski
The Social Life of Pure Sociology
moreprecisely
For example,Marshall(2008) takesBlackto taskfornot specifying
of his propositions,
as wellas forfailingto specify
functions
whether
thearithmetic
combined
to
arrive
at
more
indicators
should
be
or not certain
generalpredictions
of theoretical
(p. 222). Yet Turner(2006b) notes that the precisequantification
in the conceptual(and creative)aspects
is a secondaryconsideration
formulations
of theorydevelopment.
Moreover,
comparethe nexttwo examplesfromMarshall's
withtheirbehavioralfocus.As such,I
instructive
(2002) work,whichare especially
and restatedthemin Blackian
both Marshall'soriginalpropositions
havepresented
terms:
themorelikelytheuse ofdark"The smallerthenumberofpersonsparticipating,
nessand disguise"(p. 373).
withorganization
"Ritualdisguisevariesinversely
Puresociology:
(groupsize)."
willbe
theprevalence
ofritualpractices
groupsand movements,
Amongvoluntary
of theirbeliefand assumptions
to
to the correspondence
proportional
inversely
mainstream
culturein whichtheylive.(p. 374)
thoseoftheprevailing,
withconventionality."
"Ritualpractices
Puresociology:
varyinversely
and
Marshallthensupportshisclaimsbyrelying
upona diverserangeofhistorical
have
and
others
who
like
Black
much
cross-cultural
produced
pure
sociology
examples,
2003,2004).Indeed,ifone
1993;Cooney1998;Michalski
(e.g.,Black1976;Baumgartner
Marshall's
thenthere
of
on
the
behavioral
wereto focusexclusively
aspects
theory,
Itis
withtheBlackianapproachto puresociology.
wouldseemtobe somecompatibility
The maindifferat timestoyieldsimilarpredictions.
theories
notunusualfordifferent
of
withthe aforementioned
ence,as demonstrated
examples,relatesto thecriterion
six
words
to
state
last
Forexample,the
actuallyrequiresonly
proposition
"parsimony."
"Ritualpracticesvary
ifone controlsfor"voluntary
groupsand movements":
clearly,
with
inversely conventionality."
thevalueofparsimony,
One further
examplebeyondMarshall'sworkdemonstrates
In particular,
similarpredictions.
distincttheoriesproffer
whereotherwise
especially
shouldhavean impacton
Dawson (2003) arguesthatrelationaldistancepredictably
have
killedtheirspousesas
who
to
howthecriminal
justicesystemresponds partners
the
occur
homicides
where
those
with
following couple'sseparation.She
compared
similarpredictions:
thatoffer
theories
to threedistinct
refers
(1) thehouseholdthreshand (3) therelational
ofvictimautonomy
oldhypothesis;
(2) theperception
hypothesis;
Thesearestatedas follows:
distancehypothesis.
who killestrangedintimatepartnersare beyondthe thresholdof
1) defendants
becausevictimsare
maleruleas recognized
legaldoctrines
bypatriarchal
legitimate
or dependent.
as thedefendant's
no longerrecognized
wife,wife-equivalent,
victim
forexample,
each
known
to
who
are
defendants
and
victims
other,
2) Among
in the
a
role
to
often
be
more
or
perceived play
may
provocation precipitation
in law.
violencethatoccurs,thereby
culpability
reducingdefendant
distance.
relational
with
varies
Law
3)
directly
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265
The Social Life of Pure Sociology
Joseph H. Michalski
Whichtheory
thesamegeneralpattern,
shouldbe deemed"correct"?
Theyallpredict
eventhoughtheunderlying
in
I
differs
each
case.
optforthelatter
proposition
reasoning
forthreereasons.First,
in evaluating
scientific
Occam'srazorapplies:Ifwecan
theories,
relationaldistanceor intimacy,
thenwhyadd more
explainthepatternbymeasuring
factorsand "metaphysical
stubble"to complicatethe issue?The moreparsimonious
explanationstemsfromBlack'swork,forin merelysix wordsthe hypothesis
yields
thesamepredictions
in regardtocriminal
of
orthe"behavior
precisely
justiceresponses
- eachofwhichrequiresmorethan30 words.
law"as thefirst
twohypotheses
twohypotheses
that
"mechanisms"
Second,thefirst
requirethatwe assessdifferent
not
even
be
amenable
to
or
at
least
add
that
may
empirical
testing,
unnecessary
layers do
not predictanything
different
fromBlack'swork.Whatconstitutes
of
the"threshold
malerule"inlegaldoctrines?
Do weneedtoknowwhatpatterns
ofreasoning
legitimate
occurinthe"sealedchamber
thatisthehumanmind"(Cooney2002:660)toobservethe
same behavioraloutcomes?And how do we adjudicatebetweenthe thresholdand
claims?Relational
distanceseemsto be thecommonthreadunderlying
each
culpability
of thesetheories,
whatever
impactthatmayhaveupon thevariousmeansbywhich
participants
interpret
legaldoctrines.
a
third
benefit
accruesto thefocuson lawand relational
distanceas thekey
Finally,
framework:
Theproposition
ordersthesamefactstoexplainmore
explanatory
generality.
thansimply
willbe subjecttomorelawthan
whyseparation
killings
byestranged
partners
intactkillings.
In addition,
relational
distancecanbe usedas an explanatory
ateach
factor
of
the
from
the
likelihood
of
an
in
arrest
the
first
stage
legalprocess,
occurring
placeright
on through
totheultimate
ofotherwise
similarcases(Black1976,
disposition
seemingly
thusenjoyscleartheoretical
thatis,greater
1989).TheBlackianproposition
advantages,
within
a
more
framework
Black
(see
1995).
explanatory
power
parsimonious
CONCLUSIONS
Marshalloffers
a philosophical
withwhichwewill
primarily
critiqueof"puresociology"
have to agreeto disagreein mostinstances.His claimthatwe cannothave a pure
divorcedfromthepsychology
oftheindividual,
doesnotstandup to critical
sociology,
ortheempirical
evidence.
AsBaumgartner
scrutiny
(2002:646-47)hasargued,
"Nothing
moreeffectively
undermines
theclaimthatsomething
is impossible
thanto do it
TheBehavior
inwhichthemindsofhuman
ofLawproceedstolayouta powerful
theory
actorsplayno roleat all; a purelysocial-leveltheoryis not onlypossible,then,but
alreadyexists."
The ontological
statusof"socialreality"
hasbeendebatedforyearsbyphilosophers
ofscience.Marshalloffers
no newinsights,
butinsteadcritiques
basedon
puresociology
certainphilosophical
Forexample,
Marshall(2008) insistsuponpsycholoassumptions.
levelof analysis:"Farfromspoilingsociology'sscientific
gismas thepreferred
aspiraoffers
itsbestguideto,andmeansof,realizing
tions,psychology
them"(p. 210). Indeed,
Marshall'sstaunchcommitment
topsychology
leadshimto explainthedevelopment
of
in otherwords,as a function
ofthediscipline's
puresociologyin psychological
terms,
266
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Joseph H. Michalski
The Social Life of Pure Sociology
to be a psychologist,
one wonders
(Black's?)"insecurity"
(p. 211). Withoutpretending
withwarningsof the"dangers"and "perils"of pure
about the chargeof insecurity
Afterall,whatcould be moredangerousthana radicallysociologicaland
sociology.
to thestudyofsociallifethat
incorrect"
(Black1995:830)alternative
"epistemologically
Most
academic
havebuilt
obviatestheneedforindividualist
explanations?
sociologists
on someversionofpsychological
often
theircareersandreputations
reasoning, claiming
thatvariousexternalforcesshape or set constraints
upon individualbehavior.Pure
a radicalbreakfromsuchconventional
thinking.
sociologyconstitutes
does notwishto departfromthe"businessas usual"approach
however,
Marshall,
that has long hamperedsociology'sintellectualgrowth.Instead,he expressesan
totheanalysisoftheindividual,
andtobuilding
topsychology,
unabashedcommitment
- noneofwhichcanbe considered
controversial.
One can readily
"disciplinary
bridges"
In an agewherevirtually
behavioraccordingly.
anyonecan
studyandexplainindividual
the
and
others
are
troubled
factthat
Marshall
claimto be doingsociology,
by
perhaps
his
theterm"puresociology"to characterize
Black(1995,2000a,b)has appropriated
without
means
Pure
psychology.
simply
sociology
though,
sociology,
uniqueapproach.
thenwhynotlabeltheapproach"Blackiansociology,"
Ifothersareoffended
bytheterm,
I thinkwe can livewithalternaor,perhapslesseponymically,
sociology"?
"geometric
whatever
the
cannotlivewiththatversionof sociology,
tives.YetMarshallapparently
nomenclature.
elseone mightwishto debateat thephilosophical
Whatever
level,thecapacityfor
with
consistent
and thetheoretical
Black'sformulations
puresociologyto
explanations
accountforsocialvariationand to "orderthefacts"remainsthesinglemostimportant
HereBlack(1995:844)initially
scientific
in evaluating
consideration
argues:
credibility.
workenjoysso muchempiricalsupportthatitsvalidityis
"Muchof mytheoretical
The missionof science,though,consistsof continually
quesnearlyunquestionable."
or
not
whether
to
determine
evidence
or
and
adducing
theory,
challenging
tioning
the
followBlack
thus
offers
under
hold
theoretical
scrutiny.
empirical
propositions up
or simplyagnostictowardhis work:"Let
ingchallengeto thosewho are antagonistic
and contemporary
assemblea collectionof cross-cultural,
historical,
anyoneanywhere
evidencethatshowsotherwise"
(p. 844).No onehascomeclose.Asshowninthepresent
workand theparadigmof
evidence
the
supportsBlack'stheoretical
decisively
paper,
all
such
Marshall
empiricalwork,while
ignoresnearly
puresociologymoregenerally.
demBlack'sworkor otherwise
evidencethatcontravenes
failingto offersubstantive
are"wrong"or invalid.Evenworse,he doesnotoffer
histheories
onstrates
anyideasor
thathelp organizeexistingfacts(or thatmight
formulations
theoretical
alternative
than
better
theoryfrompuresociology.
existing
predictnewfactsnotknown)
withhumansubjectivity,
cogInstead,Marshall'sownworkis entirely
preoccupied
He neither
brainfunctioning.
and ultimately,
appearsto havestudiedlaw
nition,affect,
withextanttheoriesand
muchfamiliarity
nordoes he demonstrate
or socialcontrol,
staked
out an alternative
He
has
concern.
his
central
evidence.Theseissuesare not
different
to investigate
theoretical
phenomenafromthatwhichhe
altogether
strategy
the creationof beliefand belongingby focusingon a
has critiqued:to understand
The Sociological Quarterly49 (2008) 253-274 © 2008 Midwest Sociological Society
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267
The Social Life of Pure Sociology
Joseph H. Michalski
blending of sociology and psychology.As Marshall (2002:369) describeshis mission:
"This infusionof psychologicalresearchis less an usurpingof Durkheim'ssociological
insightthan a validation of it. I submit that if the currentmodel is not sufficiently
sociological,then neitherwas his."I agree on both counts.
I do not quarrel,however,withMarshall'sinterestin pursuingsocial psychologyand
the study of human beliefs.Such an approach is highlyconventionalin mainstream
social science. As stated at the outset, I do not expect my comments to persuade
Dr. Marshall. He has shown himselfto be committedfullyto conventionalsocial psychologicalthinkingthatprizesthe individualas the key"actor"and "unitof analysis"to
explain whys/he"behaves"in particularways.15His careershould thrivein the current
intellectualclimate. Last, I do not question the scientificlegitimacyof looking at the
human organismin greaterdepth,perhaps with the intentof discoveringthe "mechanisms" which guide individual choice, preferences,needs, desires, and purposes. I
suspect that one will have to commit more fullyto neurobiologyto come up with
answersto questions regardingwhat motivatesindividualorganismsto act as theydo.
For those who may be interestedin the human organismand explainingmental processes,I wish themGodspeed in theirendeavors.I merelyconfessthatthose subjectsdo
not interestme, any more than the scientificstudyof cellularbehavior,neurochemical
reactions,or flowers.
I am farmore interestedin "pure sociology,"or the studyof behavioralvariationsin
social space. Withinthat framework,social phenomena ("social life") are theorizedto
vary in systematicways with their locations and directionsin social space, without
referenceto the human mind. To those readerswho are intriguedby such conceptualizationsand explanatorypossibilities,I would encourageyou to considerstudyingsocial
lifethroughsuch a radicallysociological lens. Peeringever more deeplyinto the social
universevia pure sociology yields excitingdiscoveriesnot unlike those that physical
scientistssometimes encounterin theirstudies (e.g., the existenceof "dark matter").
Perhaps some readers will have sufficientcreativityand the serendipityto discover
altogethernew dimensionsof the social universethatwill contributein profoundways
to furthering
our understandingof social life.
In the meantime,I cordiallyextendan "invitationto pure sociology"and to join a
communityof scholarscommittedto "sociologywithoutborders"(see Michalski,forthcoming). I view such work as especiallyusefulin opening up a global dialogue about
potentiallyuniversaldynamicsof social behavior,which are predictedto apply across
timeand space forcomparablecases. Focusingour analyticpowerson therelationaland
contextualaspects of social situationsaffordsus an opportunityideallyto discoverthe
underlyingprinciplesthat predictand explain all formsof social life.What could be
more excitingthan establishingan intellectualcore of sociologicalknowledgethathelps
orderthebroadestarrayof knownfactspossible across culturesand acrosshistory?And
that,dear colleagues,is the ultimateaim of pure sociology.There will alwaysbe critics,
but
skeptics,and those who oppose the scientificmission of pure sociologyaltogether,
do not despair and do not lose your focus. The intellectualmomentumlinked to the
Blackian revolutioncontinuesto grow,as an increasinglyinternationalfieldof scholars
268
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Joseph H. Michalski
The Social Life of Pure Sociology
the
and researchers
developsmoresophisticated
empiricaltestsand refinesfurther
derived
from
As
Turner
in
concludes
puresociology. Jonathan
principles
explanatory
and
the
of
paradigm puresociology:16
assessingBlack'swork
is to derivegeneralizations
fromgeneraltheoretical
One methodof consolidation
in
Black's
like
those
"puresociology"program.If thiswere
presented
principles,
science.In a veryrealsense,
be
a
much
better
would
done,sociology
explanatory
He
has
Blackhasdonehisjob as a theorist.
developedgeneraltheoretical
principles;
theirexplanatory
and he has illustrated
powerwithexamplesfromwidelydiverse
oriented.
to becomemore theoretically
literatures.
Now,it is up to researchers
(Turner2002a:667)
NOTES
1Black
incorrect"
ofbeing"epistemologically
to suchcriticisms
previously,
(1995) hasresponded
violatesconventional
well awarethathis "workinevitably
conceptionsof reality"(p. 830).
defenseof pure
readersare encouragedto consultBlack's(1995) epistemological
Interested
thesinglemostimportant
(2002) describesas "arguably
paper
sociology-whichBaumgartner
and
theintellectual
foundations
understand
insociology"
everpublished
(p. 648)- tomorefully
logicofhiswork.
andas uncompromisingly
as forcefully
( 1980:335)arguesthecaseagainstindividualism
2Mayhew
and individuas Black's(1995) polemicdefenseofpuresociology,
claimingthatstructuralism
thattheywould
and definitions
alism"areso farapartand employsuchdifferent
terminologies
conceivedas twoentirely
be moreaccurately
separatefieldsofstudy.. . . The criticalaspectsof
individualist
for
to
intended
are
regard
just whystructuralists
sociologists
clarify
essay
[my]
notonlyas a deadend,but,indeed,notevenas sociology'
individualism
(emphasisadded).Pure
whileindividualist
wouldagreewithMayhew's
comments,
justas
sociologists
clearly
sociologists
the
voices
once
current
the
Not
will
offended.
be
again
privileges
symposium
surprisingly,
surely
or puresociologists
(one article).Hencemy
ofindividualists
(threearticles)overstructuralists
thatI simplydeclineto participate
accordingly.
colleaguesforthemostpartsuggested
3Forexample,Blackhas beenawardedtheTheoryPrizeof theASA'sTheoryDivisionand the
BookAwardoftheASA'sLawDivisionforTheSocialStructure
ofRightandWrong
Distinguished
PrizebytheLawDivisionfor"The
Scholarship
(Black[ 1993]1998),as wellas theDistinguished
ofPureSociology"(Black1995).
Epistemology
describes
Marshallrepeatedly
his
puresociologyin generaland/orBlack's
throughout critique,
as
such
invectives
with
"banal,""shallow,"
in
"absurd,"
"impoverished,"
reasoning particular
"doubtful,"
"unfounded,"
"pedestrian,"
"counterproductive,"
"unsound,"
"unsatisfying,"
"meager,"
and"irresponsible"
"irrelevant,"
(amongothers).
"Anoutsidermightreasonably
as follows:
theconsequences
predict
5Cooney(2002) summarizes
theheightened
ofsociologicalexplanation,
wouldwelcomethesimplification
thatthediscipline
ofpsychology
thebanishment
and theenhanceddisciplinary
autonomy
generality,
explanatory
elevates
causes
that
one
is
the
this
Black's
all
Of
no:
deviations,
upset,
consistently
Alas,
brings.
and blowsminds.We who workwithBlack'stheoryhavelonglearned,for
blood pressures,
to avoidthepointifat all possiblewhensubmitting
papersto journals:Editorsand
instance,
it"
around
heads
their
cannot
660).
reviewers
(p.
get
just
work:"[M]y theoriesare
of his theoretical
6Turner
recently
(2006b),forexample,has written
historians"
described
events
a
few
with
to
laws,
(p. 457).
by
covering
designed explain,
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269
The Social Life of Pure Sociology
Joseph H. Michalski
7Black (1979b) long ago demonstratedthe logical flawsof Gottfredsonand Hindelang's (1979)
renderedtheirtestingirrelevant.
empirical"test"of his theory,which effectively
8Thus the currentanalysisexcludes all worksand evidence produced by Black himself,as well as
those books and chaptersproduced by colleagues workingwithinthe pure sociology tradition.
^he studiesincluded in the table are presentedwithoutcriticallyanalyzingtheirmethodologies,
or identifying
those thatdo not appear to understandor operationalizekeyconceptsadequately.
If one wereto removethose studiesfrominclusion,the degreeto whichevidencecontradictsthe
generaltheoryof law would be reduced further.
10Weshould not forgeteitherthatThe BehaviorofLaw has not merelyinspiredempiricalresearch,
but thata greatmanyscholarswho do notworkwithinthe traditionhave describedBlack's work
as "brilliant... a major breakthrough... a crashingclassic" (Nader 1976), as "the most importantcontributionevermade to the sociologyof law" (Sherman 1978:11), and as havingprovided
a "long awaited synthesisof sociolegal scholarship,presentinga generalmodel of thebehaviorof
law in social lifeand layinga conceptual foundationforfuturecomparativeresearchon law in
history,sociology,and ethnography"(Koch 1977:149). In short,TheBehaviorofLaw has endured
as arguablythe most elegant,parsimonious, and powerfultheoryof law ever developed (see
Baumgartner2002).
11
As Cooney (2002:659) explains,"Adequate testsof Black's theoryrequire new kinds of data, a
point thatperhaps Black and those of us who use his work have not sufficiently
emphasized."
12Turner
(2002a:667) argues,forexample,that"A maturescience does not expectitstheoriststo be
researchers,nor does it expectitsresearchersto be theorists,but it does requirethatitsresearchers spend at least some of theireffortstestingthe plausibilityof theories."
13Notetoo thatthe issue is notthatpure sociologyhas nothingto offerwithrespectto the analysis
of rituals,religion,and ideas. On the contrary,to the extentthat these are conceptualized as
theoreticaland empiricalworkhas
expressionsof"social life"thatvaryin social space, interesting
been advanced in recentyears (e.g., Tucker2002; Richardson2006).
14Thereare a greatmanyotherissues thatcould be addressedwithadditional space. For example,
Marshall (2008) criticizeswhat he perceivesto be a certaindegreeof"reification"in Black's work
(pp. 215, 216). Yet Marshall (2002) has the luxuryto reifyconcepts in his own work,such as the
the essentialthrustof Durkheim's
followingself-descriptionof his theory:"Most significantly,
model is maintained, since the externaland coercive facticityof society remains the reality
behind religion"(p. 369).
15AsHorwitz (2002:643) explains: "[M]any sociologists,especially those in the fields such as
criminologyand law thatare closestto Black's work,are not accustomed to thinkingsociologically.They explain social lifethroughthe motives,beliefs,and characteristicsof individuals."
^Turner's comments are especiallyintriguingin that he does not personallyuse the "pure sociology" approach in his work and has absolutelyno professionalinvestmentsin the theoretical
strategy.For example, Turner's (2002b) interestsand theoreticalapproach in his monograph
Face toFace focuson the microlevelproperties,biological and culturalembeddednessunderlying
individualencounterswithone anotherthatproduce varyingprimaryand secondaryemotions.
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