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Performance measures, pay and accountability: A Field Study in an audit firm Unfinished Draft 12th October 2007 Abstract: There is a growing strand of research that draws attention to management control settings in which psychologically derived notions of equity (for example) may override traditional notions of economically determined behaviour. A second strand of research has shown that subjectivity in performance measurement offers one way to overcome potentially problematic aspects of quantitative measures. This study seeks to develop both of these efforts to set the role of economic theorising into a richer perspective by introducing a sociologically informed theorisation of the role of measurement in processes of accountability. The ambition is to emphasise that both notions of economic rationality and psychological equity can be beneficially understood as an ongoing social achievement. The paper presents a detailed analysis of the role of quantitative measures in the profit-sharing process of a professional audit partnership. Informed by practice theory the study explores the role of metrics as a resource for collective action and evaluation played out through ongoing engagements and discussions in everyday activity as well as in formally designated evaluation and appraisal processes. Keywords: Subjectivity, Performance measurement, Accountability, Professional Service Firm Author: Christopher S. Chapman Saïd Business School University of Oxford Park End Street Oxford, OX1 1HP UK Tel: +44-1865-288908 Email: [email protected] Acknowledgements: I gratefully acknowledge the financial support of this research from the Economic and Social Research, Council Contract number RES-000-22-0204. I am also indebted to David Cooper, Laura Empson, and Keith Robson, and Steve Salterio, for their constructive questions and comments on earlier drafts of this paper. 1 Performance measures, pay and accountability: A Field Study in an audit firm Introduction There is a large literature that addresses the design of organisational incentive systems (c.f. Lambert and Larcker 1993; Merchant, Van der Stede, and Zheng 2003). The challenges of understanding the issue were clearly laid out long ago now (e.g. Ridgway 1956), yet it seems these same problems still confront us in accounts of the day to day practice of performance measurement. In their review of the literature, Lambert and Larcker (1993) review the economics-based literature together with literature drawing on insights from sociology. Confronted with apparent competition rather than co-operation between these two schools of research they conclude their paper with the suggestion that “Agency should use simpler models that include noneconomic factors. Sociology should recognise that there are strong links to pay for performance” P549. A decade on, Merchant et al (2003), likewise conclude that progress in our understanding has been hampered by an ongoing failure to talk across disciplines that might work together to address the challenge of performance measurement in a more comprehensive fashion. This paper seeks to respond to Larker & Lambert’s (1993) call by demonstrating the potential for sociological forms of theorisation to shed light on issues that have been raised as problematic in the extant economics-based literature. The intent is not to replace economic theorisation, but to open-out an understanding of the role of performance measures as incentives that draws on the practice turn in social theory (Barnes 2001; Ahrens and Chapman 2007). In the following analysis of a longitudinal field study carried out in a UK-based audit partnership1 the approach to performance measurement and profit-sharing will be explored with a view to understanding the role of performance measures in the ordering of the behaviour of the partners. A practice theorisation highlights that measures act not as objective indicators that directly guide action towards concrete ends, rather they represent a resource for individual and collective action, drawn on in daily action by partners in the constitution of those partnership goals and objectives. The economics-based literature on incentives emphasises issues of measurement and contractibility. Elegantly and comprehensively unpacking various problems of unintended and dysfunctional behaviours arising from incentive systems, Prendergast (1999) reviews this literature outlining various system design characteristics that might mitigate specific problems. He concludes that whilst as a body of work the agency literature has identified certain kinds of problems that it models well, in other areas the empirical support is “not resounding” and there remains “a large hole to fill” in terms of issues that have not proved tractable thus far. In the accounting literature, this form of economic theorisation has provided a powerful framework for assessing the question of organisational design in which the question of the degree of delegation of decision-making that is optimal is resolved through the contractibility of performance measures. This framework is successfully applied in Moers (2006), for example, where we see that organisational delegation 1 This research was carried out under a confidentiality agreement, and in order to protect anonymity of both the partnership and the interviewees, actual names and any operating statistics have been disguised. Hereafter the paper will refer to XYZ Partnership. 1 choices are related to available performance measures in terms of their degree of sensitivity, precision and verifiablility. The more (less) that performance measures exhibit these characteristics the greater (lesser) the degree of delegation. There has also been much research examining the potential for incentive system design to elicit effort to improve performance. Banker, Lee, and Potter (1996), for example present a field study that demonstrates the performance improvements in response to incentive design. Elaborating on their main finding that the introduction of an incentive payment systems in a retail organisation does increase performance over time, they also find that the performance is weaker during the sales season, when a higher percentage of temporary staff are employed. The argument here is that due to their shorter time horizon for evaluating their efforts and rewards temporary staff exert less effort. In a later study Banker et al (2000) find that “more productive” staff self-select (both in and out) in response to incentive system design. The explanatory power of such economic framings of behaviour having been ably analysed and demonstrated in a wide body of literature a tempting conclusion is that the nature of the intentions, interests and capabilities of the people may be excluded from organisational design deliberations, since the salient aspects of these personal characteristics may be effectively captured, expressed and analysed through the economics of incentive design structure. Quite apart from more sociologically oriented studies that have highlighted the danger such an assumption (e.g. Ezzamel and Willmott 1998), economics-based research itself provides us clear indications that this is not the case. Banker et al (1996) p203, for example, discuss literature that has demonstrated that whilst the effect of incentives is clear for “boring or monotnous work”, or where solutions are “mechanical”. However this same literature suggests that where work is “interesting for its own sake”, or where the task at hand has “neither a clear solution procedure, nor an obvious way to create or discover one” then financial incentives may have the reverse effect. Even in situations where we might expect performance improvements from financial incentives, Meyer and Gupta (1994) identify an effect whereby measures “run down” over time, gradually losing their power to discriminate good from bad performance. They observe two main reasons behind this degeneration in the variance of measures. The first is that people learn to manage activities better, resulting in improved performance across the board whereby laggards catch up with leaders. The second is that people learn how to manage the reporting of performance. The challenge of performance measurement and accountability lies in understanding the nature of circumstances that might encourage the desirable effects of the former reason, whilst inhibiting the latter. In addressing this question, it would seem that a greater attention to the individuals involved might be required. Recently, work has begun to emerge that seeks to address incentive problems drawing on insights from economics and psychology (e.g. Towry 2003; Colletti, Sedatole, and Towry 2005) introduce issues such as team identity, trust and fairness, for example. In Towry (2003), for example, her experiment found that a strong team identity degraded the effectiveness of a vertical approach to control, but enhanced a horizontal one. Further psychologically informed research such as Sprinkle (2000) has shown that incentives may improve performance only after considerable feedback and experience. 2 A related stream of research that has sought to expand the reach of economic theorisations of incentives relates to the issue of subjectivity in performance measurement. These studies have sought to understand how firms may choose to design incentive structures that allow for the fact that measurement of performance is challenged by a variety of intractable problems such as dealing with situations where there is not a clearly observable individual output measure, or when there is a need to back-out unintended or uncontrollable effects (e.g. Gibbs et al. 2004; Rajan and Reichelstein 2006). However subjectivity from an agency perspective is difficult to handle, raising the spectre of biased measurement. Moers (2005), for example, finds in his study that subjectivity lead to a compression of performance ratings as supervisors unduly inflated the subjective assessments of their subordinates. A result that echoes Prendergast’s (1993) framing that this is to be expected, since individual managers will wish to avoid the unpleasant business of awarding poor evaluations if they are relatively unencumbered by the costs of failing to do this. In their field study of performance measures and incentive design, Ittner, Larcker, and Meyer (2003) report on an organisation that became frustrated with the unintended consequences of tieing remuneration to metrics in a formulaic way, and shifted to an entirely subjective basis of remuneration. The challenges of establishing this as a means of operation were amply demonstrated as this approach was quickly dropped. In seeking to understand the various ways in which incentives may become implicated in organisational action in both positive and detrimental ways, there is much to be gained from developing their theorisation from sociological perspective where there is a long tradition of exploration research into the nature of accountability in its organisational context (Roberts and Scapens 1985; Hoskin and Macve 1988; Roberts 1990; Ahrens 1996; Quattrone and Hopper 2005). Understood from a sociological perspective incentive systems do not simply function, they may act to construct individuals in certain ways (Miller and O'Leary 1987; Hoskin and Macve 1988). But those ways are not always the ones originally intended by system designers. Sociologically informed research has helped to highlight the role of institutionalisation in generating loose coupling between financial control systems and operations (e.g. Berry et al. 1985), often observing a conflict between financial concerns and potentially competing professional or vocational agendas (e.g. Dent 1991; Oakes, Townley, and Cooper 1998) that have shaped and been shaped by emerging calculative regimes. In their study (Covaleski et al. 1998) explored the interaction between large accounting firms’ implementations of Management by Objectives schemes with mentoring and appraisal systems. Drawing on a Foucauldian analysis they describe the intent of the MBO process as disciplinary in nature aimed at the construction of the individual as a “self-regulating clone” of the organisation. The representational power of the measurement system was held to construct a field of visibility over professional action. The most potent effect of such a field of visibility is to engender forms of behaviour shaped by the anticipation of the way in which it might be seen by others through the measurement system, whether negative or positive, based on fear of shame, or the anticipation of pride. As explained in Roberts (2001), p.1552 3 He who is subjected to a field of visibility, and who knows it, assumes responsibility for the constraints of power, he makes them play spontaneously on himself. He inscribes in himself the power relation in which he simultaneously plays both roles. (Foucault 1979), pp. 202-3 Such individualising forms of accountability emphasise formal hierarchical accountability and involve the production and reproduction of a sense of self as singular and solitary with only an external and instrumental relationship with others in the organisation (Roberts 1991). Roberts argues that such individualising forms of accountability by treating individuals as effectively appendices to their representation through performance measures, may contribute to the very problems of opportunism, shirking, and manipulation of measurement processes that they were intended to preclude. In relation to the prevalence of agency thinking, with its strong emphasis on the visibility of the isolated individual, this presents the danger that systems designed to mitigate instrumental behaviour may actually serve to produce it (Roberts 2001; Cohen and Holder-Webb 2006). Building on his earlier ideas concerning accountability Roberts (2001) seeks to reformulate the problem of corporate governance away from an agency based understanding of organisation as a problem of securing the interests of remote owners. In the context of professional service firms, the agency problem of remote shareholders has traditionally been at least partially mitigated through the organisational form of the professional partnership (Greenwood and Empson 2003). This point notwithstanding studies of control in professional firms emphasise that distance and individualising tendencies are prevalent in the largest public accounting firms at least (Covaleski et al. 1998; Anderson-Gough, Grey, and Robson 2001). In the big accounting firms studied by Covaleski et al. (1998) the field of visibility helped reinforce a fracture between clearly distinguished hierarchical groups. There was seen to be a clear divide between both the interests and expertise of administrative (managerial and distant) and line (subordinate and local) partners. In their study they go onto unpack in detail the complex ways in which the field of visibility constructed through MBO programmes interacted with lines of resistance and attempts to recapture a sense of professional autonomy through the mentoring system. In the firms that they studied this became a subtle interconnection between coercion and resistance. Such resistance notwithstanding, the effectiveness with which professionals’ interests and intentions were shaped are strikingly demonstrated through the character of “Bottom-Line Bob” (Covaleski et al. 1998), p. 317. When talking with a partner who had experienced two types of mentoring, a clear and unambiguous preference was expressed for the mentor who acted at a distance and dealt with concrete performance metrics. The other mentors’ attempts to build up shared norms of professionalism and service through discussions of autonomy and client service were perceived by the junior partner as less clear and a worrying source of uncertainty. Perceiving himself as an individual subject to a field of visibility, the partner actively preferred someone who would help them construct himself as a normalised individual. The potentially individualising effects of systems of accountability and the security thereby deliverable by hard numbers can also be seen in Marginson and Ogden’s 4 (2005) recent study of the role of budgets in relation to empowerment. This study found the strict use of budgetary targets operated as a means to relieve the role ambiguity that subordinates perceived in the face of a programme of empowerment and decentralisation. In their firm, empowerment was again constructed as a distancing exercise between senior and operational management. Strict budgetary targets therefore provided a clear yardstick for the assessment of the appropriateness of chosen actions in the face of this delegation (see also, Otley, 1978 ). Here again we see the chosen form of accountability revolving around the isolation of the individual as the locus of decision, resulting in desire for reassurance (but through accounting rather than a sense of collective agreement), in this case through the budget. Roberts (2001) contrasts this individualising approach with systems of accountability more complexly implicated in the construction of both strategic and ethical subjectivities. Socialising forms of accountability, he argues would emphasise faceto-face accountability between people of relatively equal power and which may constitute a sense of interdependence of self and other both instrumentally and morally. A concern echoed in the finding of Otley and Pearce (1995) that dysfunctional performance measurement behaviour (in terms of under-reported hours and lower audit quality) were lower in situations where managers exhibited a high consideration leadership style. Treating people as people and not simply as measures has effects. A finding clearly demonstrated in Kachelmeier and Towry (2002), where simply the carrying out of a negotiation face to face as opposed to over a computer link produced significantly different transfer pricing outcomes. An effect labelled in the study as “humanisation”. In terms of contemporary debates concerning management control, the emphasis on dialogue and debate as a means of constructing more collective lines of action suggests the importance of coming to understand how socialising forms of accountability might work. The very notion of management control systems is imbued with the notion of hierarchy, yet Robert’s concern for the potentially detrimental aspects of strongly felt power differences can be seen in Simons’s (1995) insistence that an important aspect of Interactive control systems must be the noninvasive nature of the decision-making jointly carried out between senior and operational managers in their face to face discussions (Bisbe, Batista-Foguet, and Chenhall). A similarly complex balancing act is explored through the notion of enabling control in (Ahrens and Chapman 2004). The above studies are suggestive that in coming to understand the role of contemporary performance measurement systems, it is should be helpful to explore in detail the processes of accountability within which measurement is situated. This paper will seek to elaborate the potential for socialising forms of accountability. As has already been noted by both Roberts and other commentators e.g. (Lindkvist and Llewellyn 2003), in earlier discussions of the topic, the dichotomy between individualising and socialising approaches is sketched rather too sharply, and the role of hierarchy in particular seems to be discussed as inherently unsuitable for socialising forms of accountability. In this paper, informed by insights from practice theory (c.f. Ahrens & Chapman, 2007), attention will be given to the ways in which performance measures are given meaning through the ways in which both individuals and groups of people seek to draw on them as a resource for managerial action. 5 Through a detailed analysis of a longitudinal study this paper discusses the ways in which professionals explained their implications for the ways in which they approached financial planning, individual appraisals, and the management and carrying out of their daily work. The firm operated a detailed individual level performance measurement and remuneration system, however detailed attention to social processes of accountability surrounding performance measurement meant that the kinds of dysfunctional behaviours that are frequently felt to arise from performance measurement were not felt to be a significant problem. Partners were clear that theirs was not an “Eat what you kill” approach to professional profit sharing. They were sensitive to the limits of “scientific” measurement, concerned to balance the power of the numbers against a collective commitment to “grown-up” discussions of the relationship between original targets, emerging priorities, and mutually agreed courses of action. Through a series of both formal and informal engagements with each other they strove to draw on individual-level performance metrics in ways that was informed by but also informed a collective sense of the individual in relationship with other partners as individuals and collectively as XYZ partnership. This case study provides a detailed basis for thinking through many challenging issues arising from contemporary discussions of performance measurement. In what ways can we work to overcome inevitable measurement challenges of all but the simplest of settings such that performance data can structure evaluations and inform day-to-day activity in ways that are perceived to be appropriate? This study will explore how XYZ partnership strove to resolve this challenge through its ongoing emphasis on developing a collective interpretation on what it meant to be a good or a bad partner working with, but not strictly determined by performance measures. Research design This study is based on analysis of a longitudinal field study carried out in a UK-based professional audit partnership, XYZ Partnership. In approaching the fieldwork, a two-stage process was adopted. As described below, extensive efforts were made to discipline the research process (Ahrens and Chapman 2006). The first round of field engagement with XYZ Partnership was carried out with a co-researcher as a part of a larger project on the governance of professional service firms. The first round began with a review of various documents (including the partnership agreement, marketing brochures relating to the firms’ activities, partnership values statements) There followed a round of semi-structured interviews at which both researchers were present for just under half of all interviews. These interviews were based on a semistructured interview guide designed to elicit from interviewees basic information concerning the main management structures, processes, and performance information that were used both to govern and support the performance of their various activities. The interview guide served to ensure that interviews covered a common set of issues and themes but allowed for flexibility to interact with interviewees (e.g. requesting illustrative examples to test developing understanding). See Holstein & Gubrium (2001) for a more detailed discussion the interactive nature of such interviews. As interviews progressed interviewees volunteered a variety of supplementary documents such as, completed appraisal forms, monthly management accounting information, ad hoc memoranda etc. where they felt they might shed light on issues under discussion. 6 Initial analysis of these interviews was fed back to the senior partner and managing partner, and also as a part of a regular management meeting of lead partners. Following this first round, XYZ Partnership was approached to discuss the possibility of carrying out a further round of fieldwork directed specifically towards the partnership’s two year profit sharing cycle. This was agreed and the managing partner suggested a timing of these interviews beginning one month after the announcement of the results of the next profit sharing exercise. The intention was to offer the strongest possible test of the success or otherwise of the system by speaking to people about actual profit share they would be receiving for the coming two years. A second and more focussed interview guide was developed and all of these interviews, the observations, and the final round feedback were carried out solely by the author. [Insert table 1 around here] Consistent with the constant comparative method discussed by (Silverman 2001, p238) the research design was to interview multiple people fulfilling various management and operational roles in order to allow for an assessment of consistency and points of difference within and across roles. Interviewees represented a wide range of professionals from the senior partner and members of the management executive teams, to recently qualified associates. There were also interviews with various business service staff from HR, finance, and marketing functions. Of the 24 partners interviewed, 7 were from offices outside London. In the second round of interviews only partners were re-interviewed since they were the group affected by the profit sharing. During the period of the research the senior partner retired, and so one of the second round interviews was with the new senior partner who had been in post during the profit-sharing process, but had not been interviewed in the first round. The selection of interviewees was carried out with the senior and managing partners of each firm to ensure that an appropriate range of individuals would be included. Consistent with deviant case analysis (Silverman 2001, p239) a specific request was made to include interviewees who might be regarded as holding unusual views. An effort was also made to introduce a systematic diversity in terms of the nature of work undertaken by client facing interviewees, focussing in detail on professionals working in two contrasting types of business areas. One group whose work was characterised by high levels of repeat business with established clients, and one that by contrast was engaged in high levels of ad hoc, project based work. Wherever possible (more than 90%) interviews were recorded and transcribed in full. Where recording was not possible detailed notes were made as soon as possible following the interview. Transcripts were analysed with the help of Altas.ti software. This software was used as a tool for data management in the analytical process rather than constituting the analysis itself (Kelle 1997). The software was used to dissect and reorganize the original transcripts around emerging issues of significance and to explore areas of agreement and disagreement. Following Silverman’s (2001: 240) notion of comprehensive data treatment, there was an extensive analysis of transcripts using the software to facilitate the comparison of accounts of different individuals regarding common issues, seeking to guard against anecdotalism in analysis. 7 Performance measurement, pay, and accountability The profit-sharing system – a brief description In response to an opening question concerning what information was available to help professionals in assessing their performance, almost without exception the first response related to the availability of a wide range of financial and operational statistics. It was explained that the basic business model of the professional firm revolves around the selling of professional’s time and the leveraging of client relationships, consistent with standard texts on the management of professional service firms (e.g. Maister 1982). Detailed records were kept outlining time spent. Based on this information, staff and partner costs were accumulated against client accounts, and various internal accounts such as marketing, recruitment, etc. Whilst the intensity of scrutiny of utilization information (percentage of hours worked that were billable to clients) varied between business areas in the short run, all areas needed to construct a justification for their headcount based on expected utilization figures in comparison to expected fee income when it came to budgeting for the coming financial year. On a far more frequent basis however, accumulated billable, but un-billed costs (work in progress) were closely tracked. Along-side this was a careful monitoring of any writing-off of charged hours where a client would not pay. This was of immediate concern from a cash-flow point of view since wages and drawings were regular payments, but also as a means of managing profitability. In XYZ there was a general acceptance as natural of a relationship between a partner’s financial contribution to the firm and their status and remuneration. There was an equally widespread acceptance of the idea that capturing this relationship precisely was more than a question of quantified performance measures however. In considering the specifics of the profit sharing arrangements in XYZ Partnership, it is worth noting that it shares many features noted as common in Burrow and Black’s (1998) study of profit sharing arrangements in Big-6 audit firms in Australia, in which they observed a striking number of similarities in approach amongst their participating organisations. The first point to note is that XYZ rejected firmly any notion of equal sharing of profits, stating unequivocally that a performance-based approach was required. A second point is that XYZ’s process produced considerable variation in profit shares of established partners. [Insert Figures 1&2 around here] Burrow and Black also found that profit sharing was administered through the allocation of profit points awarded following annual or biennial (XYZ) subjective performance appraisals. They go on to note that the variously named “deciding groups” either comprise, or were drawn from, firms’ overall management and executive committees. In XYZ’s case the “deciding body” included the executive, but also a larger number of elected representatives. As in all Burrow and Blacks’ firms XYZ’s allocation of profit points were public amongst all partners. Also as in Burrow and Black, there was evidence of a “portfolio approach” with broad pooling of profits (in XYZ there was a single profit pool), and the absence of a direct linkage between profit shares and short run returns from particular specialisations. 8 XYZ partnership ran a major exercise to individually determine appropriate profit shares every two years. The process was carried out by an elected body, the Partnership Council. This body was chaired by the Senior Partner, and the Managing Partner was an ex-officio member, the remaining people (10 in this case) were elected by the partnership. The partnership council met regularly throughout the year carrying out two main roles. Firstly as an initial sounding board and source of challenge for proposals from the executive group, and also as a body that might act to deal with a variety of partner matters, whether in terms of disputes, grievances, or as a source of support in the face of personal or professional need. The members of the council split between them the task of attending annual partner appraisal meetings each year. Appraisals were carried out by the relevant business group Lead Partner and a member of partnership council around April. The profit sharing exercise was carried out in the summer of the second year of the council, and so at this point, the members would be attended two successive appraisals for a subset of the entire partnership. Each partnership council member was furnished with the appraisal forms of all partners, together with a standard set of performance information on a partner basis (including chargeable hours, relationship and project partnership billings, etc.) and was independently expected to come up with an initial profit sharing schedule for all partners. The resulting twelve independent profit sharing profiles were tabulated and used as the basis of an intensive meeting of the council during which a final version was agreed. The resulting profit share decision, accompanied by a detailed memo outlining the general principles of evaluation were then distributed to the whole partnership. A multi-stage appeals process was formally set out for the process. The first port of call would be the lead partner, then the senior partner, then the partnership council, with ultimate recourse to a vote of the entire partnership available. In the profit share round studies here, two changes to profit shares were made (out of approximately thirty appeals to council). All changes required a partnership vote of approval since this change reduced all other partners’ shares. In the interviews carried out there was a general consensus that overall the profit sharing had gone well. Most strongly from partners directly involved in the process, but also from those on the outside. Whilst there may have been a tendency to want to report a success, partners were quite free in mentioning that the previous profit share round had not gone smoothly, in the words of one partner it had “gone down like a lead balloon”. They were also quite frank in their assessment that whilst the overall process had gone well, that did not mean they thought it was perfect. In discussing the appeal process with members of the council it was routinely described as providing an opportunity for appellants to get things off their chest and to discuss with the council the basis on which decisions had been made. The point consistently emphasized was that this was not seen as a strictly scientific process. More than that, the nature of its subjectivity was seen as essential to the nature of the organization. In the following section, a series of extended quotations have been selected from a variety of partners. The choices behind the selection are driven by two main principles. The first was to ensure a balanced presentation of viewpoints and perspectives between those partners who, as members of the partnership council were directly involved in the profit sharing decisions, and those partners who were not. In 9 each individual case care has been taken to demonstrate the inherent tensions arising from a consistent rejection of a simple rules based approach. Individual accounts of performance measurement and pay Historically, there's a belief in professional practice that fees earned and supervised must be the key measures of performance, and it's understandable why, because it's the most obvious measure of performance. But the reality is that it doesn't tell you anything about the way in which the work is won, who won it, the real relationship with the client that underlies those fees, the degree of penetration of that particular client that it represents. […] I know in my gut whether people are performing or not. I know from seeing them in meetings, from the enthusiasm with which they pick this up, from the way that clients react to them, from their success rate, in terms of proposals and various other kinds of work winning, from their relationship with staff, from the quality of the stuff that they do. All of that together gives me a picture of whether they're performing and at what level.[…] I'd expect the data to be complementary to my beliefs over a period. Not necessarily in the short run. (SBU 1 Lead partner) In this account we see that financial performance is important and valued, but a clear statement that this valuing is a process of judgement of not by numbers. My appraisal discussions are interesting in the sense of first of all, there's a difficulty in understanding what I'm doing. Secondly, there's even more of a difficulty understanding where I'm going. And the where I'm going thing will fit into two broad routes. “Do you want to go up or do you want to stay where you are? […] Up tends to be associated with the amount of profit you take out of the place, then you are going to have to change the mix of what it is that you're doing. And, in that sort of sense, I think there is an association between the client side of what I do and how far I go within the partnership rather than with the non-chargeable stuff that I do. […] there was one partner who was very keen to, using foul means rather than fair, to make sure that she had more billings associated with her name than other partners in her office. You could see what was going on and she was going ‘that's going to stand me in good stead next year [for profit sharing].’ And I had to tell her ‘no, that's not the way it works. Yes, of course, we'll look at the numbers, but …’. It's not a straight line between the one and the other. There is that hefty subjective element in there, which is, in some ways, a defining characteristic of the partnership. And you've got to understand that and if you don't understand that, you're not really understanding what the partnership that you joined is how it works or what it's about. […] (Partner and member of council) As with the previous partner we see here the importance of financials coupled with a firm positioning of the numbers as a tool to support judgement, not replace it. I expect sometimes we get it [profit sharing] wrong. If I have to brutally honest, if I look in particular at the partners who have appealed against their profit share, I suspect that there are occasions when quiet under-stated partners who don’t sell themselves well are not as well regarded or perhaps don’t get the recognition they are entitled to, or deserve, as compared to the others. […] 10 although in some way I do find our process terribly cumbersome … there are some advantages to a judgement by peers. […] If you asked the lead partners to do profit sharing it would have been a different set of numbers in part because some of them have rose-tinted spectacles when they look at the partners in their group. […] If numbers are driving your profit share it basically says behave how you damn well please because we’ll just pay you based on […] And, you start having to have a very sophisticated metric because it’s not just the billing that matters it’s the profitability of the job, it’s how quickly is the cash in? […] One of the things that [Senior Partner] has done particularly well, I think, is to make absolutely sure that there was transparency to the process and that we have stuck to the process ... So, the partners cannot argue that there’s been some favouritism. But those who don’t get out of it what they think they deserve have to find a problem with it, don’t they? […] At the end of the day the top earning partners are those that pull in the business and people know and understand that. I think people recognise it directly but different people have different views as to how closely linked volume of business is to profit share. There has to be some linkage but it’s not a linear one by any stretch of the imagination.(Managing Partner) The managing partner whilst beginning with an honest statement that with subjectivity (the major efforts towards transparency and inclusiveness of process) will come mistakes, subjectivity in assessment remains the best approach. … it is absolutely not as simple as saying that the person who builds the most, gets the most at all. […] The financial criteria are extremely important to us but it's not THE criteria, people have heard this time after time. It's not the criteria, it's not what you actually bill, it is about how somebody helps in the wider sense to ensure that the business makes a profit and that people make profitable contributions in all sorts of ways. There are people who through dead man's shoes are billing a couple of million pounds a year because they've been in the right place at the right time. They should not be rewarded any better than somebody who wins £500,000 worth of new work during the year at all. […] At the time of doing the appraisal the appraisers probably have a pretty good idea of how they think this person is performing. But they're diffident about feeding it back until we all sit together and form a view on the individual. It's only when you get the collective view that you start to put people into positions and it's only when you've really debated the individual and you've looked at this appraisal and previous appraisals and you've heard from stream leaders and other people providing feedback that you start to get an overall view of the individual. […] At the time we were doing it [profit sharing] the budget [profit] for this year was exactly the same as last year. So, we were cutting the pot up. For everybody who got an increase there had to be a corresponding decrease. […] quite sharp messages were being delivered […] we had an example of a 55 year old partner two years ago who got a real significant reduction in his profit share and it was explained to him in words of one syllable what he had to do to get it, he did it. … He absolutely changed his behaviour and it wasn't financial, some of it was financial, but most of it was behavioural. (Senior Partner) So, you hear examples of people having excellent appraisal meetings, where all of the comments are positive and the council member concludes by saying, 11 you've done really well, you're progressing well, you're going in the right direction and the profit share stays flat or goes down […]If you move towards some sort of score card system where you could measure and evaluate and attribute a mark towards hard measures, manager performance, soft measures contributing to your HR policy, clients referred, what have I done in terms of training or developing or coaching or whatever; what you would have then is a consistent system that might work as long as it is applied consistently, then it's open, it's transparent, people can see exactly where they are. From an accountant's point of view huge attractiveness. But very wary of the caveats that I made about consistent application of process. What we have now is a system that pretends to take account of hard and soft measures but ends up being a judgement and where does that judgement come from, how is that judgement influenced by lots of factors that are not open, that are not quantifiable and to some extent are caused by history? […] probably one of the most successful relationship partners that we've got who last year billed nothing because he gave the whole lot to the project partner who was really delivering the engagements. [...] And, that to me was such a positive demonstration of partner behaviour, and so you repeat that and spread that as often as you can but unfortunately some individuals and characters respond to that and will say ‘that is right and that's what I want to emulate to be successful to be able to do that’. And, others say ‘I'm not taking that risk on, I'll hang on to that billing’. (Partner and member of executive) This quotation strongly reinforces the collective judgement message of previous accounts. It also sets out the strongest statement of the value of measurement as a process. But even this advocate of measurement concludes his account with an example which demonstrates why even with better numbers, judgement of value and contribution are not simply a formulaic analysis of numbers. So the praised partner would in numeric terms have undergone a significant drop in the financial statistics, but represents an exemplary demonstration of partner behaviour. We constantly talk in the departments about what people are doing and there's continuous appraisal, for want of a better word. People are very clear on what I think of them; they're very clear on what they're doing against anything that they've set themselves as targets and how they fit into things. We've all got a pretty good idea of the relative contribution that people are making, successes and the things that we're struggling at. So, there's a lot of knowledge within the partner group in the SBU I think about where people are at. The main purpose when you sit down with a partnership council member is, I think, as an SBU leader is to steer the conversation towards things that might be getting overlooked, to just introduce issues rather than actually force your views into the process. You [as SBU leader] have less context. You have hard numbers, you have a list of new business and those are the two key financials and also, I guess, recoveries. So you want to know, it's not just the fees but how profitable is it? People are very keen to talk about that, there is, I think still a general belief in the partnership that these are the 95% drivers of profit share. […] therefore people in general who fill in their forms in a lot of details in these areas are keen to claim credit particularly on new work for anything that they've introduced to other people, any phone call that they've taken. You will see patterns of three or four people claiming … because a lot of it is teamwork but it 12 always comes out as something that an individual has done. So, there's a lot of information thrown at you in the forms and it's what people like to talk about when you set them off and say ‘tell me about your year?’ And, they instantly go for the numbers. […] what I'm here [in an appraisal meeting] to do is to get an understanding of what you have contributed so that when we get to that discussion your contribution can be fed in, everyone is aware of it and collectively people will try and form a view on what the value of that is relative to other partners. That's the other big thing about profit share; it's a relativity's exercise. […] Some people would simply say, that's an SBU lead part, he deserves a pay rise, he deserves to be the same as that SBU leader but actually every one of our lead partners has a completely different job, has a completely different business profile, partner profile, office size team size profile. The mix of things between administration, marketing and client service varies enormously; there are barely two that are similar. […] It's more fees, or it's not necessarily for yourself, but more opportunities for others, it's making a bigger financial contribution. […] The younger partners coming through who are doing particularly well and again assuming that comes through in some way in the papers and the conversation and your personal experience of them, the issue with those guys is how quickly you accelerate them through the profit share, so there were a lot of different view on that, so how fast do you move someone over two years and how many rungs or how much value should they move up by. […] There's an area of divergence and similarly those partners that were not contributing to the extent that they should have, given their profit share. Again, you've got an issue of how far do you bring people down; it's a rate thing normally. There were very few of those two categories, people who were really flying up or people where actually you thought that they weren't contributing as they should do […] I think that the broad assumption that the starting position is pretty much right and what you're evaluating on movements is what it's about. You're not questioning the starting position of every partner out there. […] What my biggest fear going into it Chris was, I thought we would come up with a profit share that I couldn't put my name to … You are out there trying to be as fair as you possibly can, and these are big decisions for people that will effect the extent to which they can provide for their family, their future, it's big, and you have to crawl all over it, but we put in a huge amount of time … It is robust, we can sit down with anyone and say, well this is how you got to the number [profit share], you still might not agree, but these are things that we took into account, there will be reasons. In the actual council meeting nothing was rushed, if people wanted to make a comment they're allowed to make the comment, if they wanted to challenge something, they were allowed to challenge it. (SBU 2 Lead partner and member of council) Consistent with past speakers emphasis on the significance of process, there is also a consistent and powerful presentation of the recognition that this is not an abstract measurement process, but is intimately bound up with partners lives. What I started off with was a philosophy that if I could work out a personal agenda was, what my partners wanted to do, how they wanted to do it, how much time do they want to spend, what sort of person they want to be? Then if I got into that for each of the individuals and we shared it amongst ourselves, a, we'd get individuals helping other individuals and we could run a business 13 agenda on the back of the whole series of personal agendas. And, they should run in parallel on their mind. And, where there was a divergence of a personal agenda from the overall business agenda then there was a conversation required either with the individual who would say, okay, well, I'm willing to draw back from my personal agenda or adjust my personal agenda to come in line with the business agenda. Or, well, this is really important to me as an individual, in which case let's have a conversation about how we as a business can best help you to achieve that. And, if that's somewhere else, that's unfortunate but at least it crystalises that point […] I also assured them that the conversation we were going to have at the back end of this was either fantastic, well done, where's the next stage? Or, it was going to be, okay, so you didn't make it on whatever measure or objective it was, why was that, what could we have done differently, me, the firm, you, to have achieved it or did the world just move? Because sometimes the world moves, you set out with best intentions, I'm going to set up this type of business and you do your research and you go, the research tells me I shouldn't start that type of business. In which case you go, I'm not going to achieve that objective. That's fine, but it wasn't going to be ‘okay, please come in here you've failed on two of the six measures and that means a month and a half in leg irons and we're going to stick you out in the front corridor and throw tomatoes at you and just publicly humiliate you.’ […]I think they did a pretty good job this year, a) in communication, and b) if they're wrong, they're only wrong by a box. […] I have one partner whom I felt was a box below where she should have been and that was difficult because I felt that too. And, I told her so but we had the conversation and she did appeal and she had the conversation that's good and it's unusual for her to appeal as well. It was a process, she did get hurt, there was no outcome in terms of increase but there was a process she did go through and we've talked about it and she still feels bruised and that will lessen over time and then we'll fix her. I'm making sure she gets what she deserves next time round. (SBU 3 Lead Partner) Here again we see (this time from someone outside the process) an honest recognition that the system will entail mistakes, and that people will get hurt. However these aspects are the basis of an explanation of the kinds of communication process which are important in reducing the likelihood of these, together with a statement of collective commitment on the part of the injured partner and the speaker to continuing to work to make the system work in the future. I had a conversation with [SBU 3 Lead partner] before I joined, which was, having left a very measurement focussed business albeit one that was inherently failing in my view to get any sort of balance in those sort of conversations, I didn't want to join another one like that. So, I was happy that [SBU 3 Lead partner] would look and agree that I'm not based on, I not measured on the hours I work, I'm not measured on when I'm here, I'm measured on the contribution I make to the business. And that is both in tangible and intangible ways and the latter is obviously much harder to measure. […] I thought, I don't understand this [Profit share at old firm]. Whereas here, I think there's much more integrity here because there's more integrity frankly in the people, but I don't think we've got a process and an approach that is actually sufficiently robust, still flexible, but robust, to ensure those conversations. […] What I was saying to [SBU 3 Lead partner in appraisal meeting] was, this is the business 14 that I have brought into the firm irrespective of which year it's going to be done. IV Right. IE Quite different to the firm's accounting system which will say, what have you built in the period? … Either as project partner i.e. you are doing the work or relationship partner where you have the overall relationship with the client but you are not explicitly involved in the delivery of that project. […] I would hope that actually, because of the fact that we are in a small team and we talk that that information would not have individually have been news to him. Actually there was quite a lot that was […] I think if you want to make it complicated and be divisive, which I think is part of what you're getting at in terms of people saying, that's my bit and that's my bit and then you can. I don't think that in itself is anything of a symptom of something bigger. If you've got a business unit that's working well as a team then you're not going to get into that. For example, a lot of what I'm doing at the moment is actually bringing opportunities for corporate finance. I can see it, you're like everybody, you have to push the button (and even more for the man execs [management executive team]) to push a button and get this beautiful clear [picture of performance] … I don't think it's ever going to happen because it misses the nuances; it misses some of the little twists that you need to be able to put onto something more tailored. […] when I read that [profit sharing results] and I looked at that I was disappointed, I suppose, because you always like to think you're worth more. But, I thought it was okay, but that was my initial reaction, I thought, yeah, that's okay. Tick with expectation, tick with this is what I'd heard and tick with the conversation with [Managing Partner]. Not big tick but okay. There was nothing that said, you've been telling me I'm a superstar and you've given me nothing. Or, you told me that I'm crap and you've given me something because that would have been like, what's going on here? (Partner in SBU 3, recent lateral hire) In this final quotation we see that even someone only recently arrived in the organisation recognises the integrity and intent of the process. Whilst beginning with a clear statement of the representative power of numbers in assessing their contribution, the speaker clearly recognises that the interpretation and nuancing of these numbers is essential. Tentative discussion and conclusions A typical agency theory analysis of the link between performance measures and pay might seek to operationalize such aspects of metrics as their informativeness, precision, sensitivity. Foucauldian analysis of measurement as a disciplinary practice has emphasised the potential of performance measures as mechanism of control through the ways in which it constructs in individuals an internal dialogue with themselves such that the self is constantly constructed in the light of particular metrics. People are made governable (Miller and O'Leary 1987). Following the lead of (Roberts 2001), this paper seeks to unpack in more detail the complex ways in which dialogue surrounding systems of accountability might actively constitute as well as reinforce particular interests given expression through performance measures. Informed by a practice perspective, we observe that in individual accounts references are made to competing concerns, most strongly and consistently an ideal of scientific measurement versus a concern to retain judgement of performance that is informed but not determined by the results of such measurement. 15 Measurement was not held up as an entirely scientific process in which performance was accurately represented, and which might allow/force individuals to construct themselves in isolation. Instead measures provided a framework for ongoing discussion. Through ongoing dialogue performance metrics set out an agenda, a set of values through which future actions were shaped in recognizable ways. The emphasis was on the collective and normative aspects of activity whereby the numbers were necessary, but definitely not sufficient for the determination of performance or pay. In XYZ Partnership we saw that despite a well developed structure of individual level performance evaluation and the central implication of these measurements in determining individual’s remuneration, there was also a concerted effort to mobilize performance metrics as a means to share knowledge, skills, and activity. Whilst there was concern to encourage people to develop themselves, this was not an individualistic activity, but one aimed at engendering a wider sense of connectedness and reciprocal obligation in both instrumental and moral terms. Consistent with Roberts notions of the need to re-couple moral and instrumental aspects of action, in XYZ Partnership performance measurement sought to maintain a collective judgement of the “goodness” or “badness” of performance. Roberts notes the likelihood that relative hierarchical distance might tend to encourage individualizing approaches (as seen in Covaleski et al., 1998) distance (both geographic and hierarchical) did seem to be a significant factor in understanding the functioning of MBO as an individualizing field of visibility. At around 200 partners, XYZ Partnership was far from small, but it was far smaller and more geographically clustered than the Big 6 firms most often studied. This concern notwithstanding, the hope is that this study contributes to the development of a clearer understanding of the ways in which performance measurement can become implicated in the construction of daily activity without generating the kinds of dysfunctional behaviours that have become common place in the numerous accounts of failed implementations of contemporary performance measurement systems. 16 Table 1 – Fieldwork statistics Round 1 Interviews Formal feedback Round 2 Interviews Observations of meetings etc. Formal feedback Total for both rounds Dates Occasions Hours Jun 03 - Mar 04 31 40.67 May 04 - Jun 04 3 4.42 34 45.08 Oct 04 - Nov 04 17 14.52 Aug 04 - Oct 04 2 4.75 May 05 1 1.25 20 20.52 54 65.60 17 Figure 1 – scatter plot of chargeable hours against profit share 0 Figure 2 - scatter plot of project partner billings against profit share 0 Figure 3 – scatter plot of relationship partner billings against profit share 0 18 References Ahrens, T. 1996. 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