Download Catholic Thought as Soft-Counterterrorism: La Civiltà Cattolica on

Catholic Thought as Soft-Counterterrorism:
La Civiltà Cattolica on non-Violent Solutions
to Islamic Terrorism
Marco Ceccarelli
The University of Western Australia
Abstract
This article analyses a particular kind of Catholic scholarship,
that of the Jesuit Journal La Civiltà Cattolica, and its
discourse on Islamic terrorism in the twenty-first century.
While numerous secular political studies have been published
on Islamic terrorism since the attacks of 9/11, little attention
has been paid to the scholarly debate that has emerged
among Catholic intellectuals on this issue. The examination
focuses on the works of three La Civiltà Cattolica writers,
namely Edomnd Farahian S.J., Giovanni Sale S.J. and
Enrico Cattaneo S.J. as well as the discourse of prominent
Catholic religious leaders, including the newly elected Pope
Francis. The non-violent strategy for countering Islamic
terrorism proposed by the contemporary Catholic Church,
and echoed by the Jesuits, is framed as a new
“soft-counterterrorism” approach based on interreligious
dialogue and the creation of bonds of friendship. The article
also considers the debate currently taking place among
religious scholars on the Catholic Church’s position towards
Islam as well as new insights into the need for the West to
rediscover its Christian roots before engaging with Islam.
Keywords
Islam, Islamic Terrorism, Soft-Counterterrorism, Jesuit
Thought, Catholic, Religion
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Introduction
On 22 March 2013, addressing ambassadors from 180 countries, the
newly elected leader of the Catholic Church, Pope Francis, called for
intensified interreligious dialogue, “particularly with Islam.” 1 The
words of the new Pope reflect the Catholic Church’s effort, pioneered
by Pope John Paul II and continued, albeit with significant setbacks,
by Pope Benedict XVI, to build stronger ties with Islam and create
new bonds of friendship with the Islamic community. Within this
context, the Jesuit writers of La Civiltà Cattolica have carefully
examined both the Church’s attempts to redefine its position in regards
to Islam and have simultaneously contributed to the body of
scholarship surrounding Islam and the West, with specific attention
dedicated to the issue of Islamic terrorist violence. This article
examines La Civiltà Cattolica’s venture beyond secular political
discourse on Islamic terrorism as it considers Western collaboration
with the Islamic community as the one and only solution to growing
political and cultural tensions developing in both camps. The Jesuits
suggest that collaboration between both secular and religious scholars,
but above all among the general Christian and Muslim population,
should pave the road to more peaceful coexistence and become the key
weapon in the fight against Islamic terrorism. This analysis builds on
Catholic scholarly tradition in order to consider Jesuit rhetoric on
concepts such as religious pluralism, interreligious dialogue,
self-criticism, and faith and reason within the current post-9/11
context. Developing events such as the Arab Spring, as well as the
much discussed question of Islam’s compatibility with democracy, will
also feature in an examination which frames La Civiltà Cattolica’s
discourse on Islamic terrorism as a new soft-counterterrorism
approach based on dialogue.
1
Elisabetta Povoledo, “Pope Appeals for More Interreligious Dialogue,” New York
Times, 22 March 2013, http://www.nytimes.com/2013/03/23/world/
europe/pope-francis-urges-more-interreligious-dialogue.html?_r=1&
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Historical Background and Contemporary Discourse on
Islamic Terrorism
The Jesuit Roman Journal La Civiltà Cattolica was introduced by Pope
Pius IX and founded in Naples on 6 April 1850 (the longest running of
all Italian journals still being published) with the purpose of offering a
Catholic alternative to the liberal press and to defend the “Catholic
civilisation” from the political ideas of the Italian Risorgimento. After
the release of their first issue, college of writers working for the journal
moved to Rome due to oppressive censorship from the Bourbons. The
journal gained immediate success and gradually became an organ of
information for hard-line Catholicism. It came to reflect and defend, in
the words of its founder Carlo Maria Curci, “Catholic cultural identity”
in a time in which Catholicism had begun losing power and influence
in Europe and the rest of the world. Over decades, and particularly
after the Second World War, the strong political tone of the journal,
particularly with regards to commentary on other religions, was
reduced considerably.2 La Civiltà Cattolica is today renowned for the
variety of topics it addresses, among which are theological,
philosophical, moral, social, political and literary reflections, Italian
and foreign affairs, news reports, ecclesial life, theatre and cinema.
While the journal is not an official instrument of the Vatican, it reflects
the views of the Holy See and requires its approval before any of its
contents reach the public
Since the terrorist attacks of 9/11, the college of writers of La
Civiltà Cattolica have been staunch critics of both the War on Terror in
Afghanistan and the War in Iraq, labelling both as acts of aggression
that have mobilised radical Islam and increased terrorist activity on a
global scale. The editors have thus far posited five ways of fighting
terrorism in what can be termed a new strategy of ‘softcounterterrorism’ based on non-violence. These are:
2
Francesco Dante, "La Politica Culturale Di Civiltà Cattolica," in Pio X E Il Suo Tempo,
edited by Gianni La Bella. (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2003), p numbers pending
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The creation of bonds of friendship with Islam
The avoidance of actions meant to combat and humiliate
Islamic peoples
The abandonment of the idea of forcing Islamic people to
accept a Western style democracy
Favouring intelligence measures
Depriving terrorism of financing from major Islamic
banks
A solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
This article will focus on the first three points as well as shed light on
the current debate among scholars regarding La Civiltà Cattolica’s, and,
by default, the Catholic Church’s position towards Islam in our age.
Religious Pluralism: A Source of Instruction for
Interreligious Dialogue
When discussing interreligious dialogue between Christianity, Islam
and Judaism, the Jesuits of La Civiltà Cattolica reflect on the notion of
religious pluralism as the key to understanding how meaningful
interfaith exchange may take place without becoming redundant.
Essentially, theirs is an instruction on true and respectful interfaith
dialogue. The Jesuits begin their 6 May 2006 editorial framing
religious pluralism as a challenge to Christianity. They approach the
issue by asking this fundamental question: are all religions the same?
In both their 17 July 2004 and 6 May 2006 editorials, this question is
central to their argument and plays a major role in their warnings
against the misuse of religious pluralism as an aid to interreligious
dialogue. In the more incisive 2006 editorial, the Jesuits attribute two
meanings to the concept of religious pluralism. The first of these points
to coexistence. The editorial generally discusses that while in the past
religions enjoyed their own territory and were not in close proximity to
each other, today, particularly since the introduction of nation states,
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individuals of multiple religions share confined geographical spaces.3
For the Jesuits, this historical change, sheds light on the second
meaning, framed as a “right,” the right of every religion to be
considered on equal footing with others and to benefit from the same
prerogatives. This latter understanding, considered by the Jesuits as
the most commonly used when speaking of religious pluralism, entails
that all religions are essentially the same, that is, that they are all
equally accepted by the laws of the State. In this sense, they state that
all religions have the right to make their own propaganda and practice
their own rites, in conformity with the laws that regulate the public
order of the State.4
Contentiously, the Jesuits portray this understanding of the
sameness of all religions as an obstacle to the greater cause of peaceful
and respectful interreligious dialogue. They argue against an
all-encompassing vision of religious pluralism by utilizing their own
religion, Christianity, as an example. They state that when Christianity
claims to be “the religion and the true religion”5 it does not make a
presumptuous claim but an act of coherence and of faith. The Jesuits
go on to state that in the event of Christianity not making this claim
but reverting to the more globally appealing position of accepting to be
a religion like all others, interreligious dialogue would be facilitated in
the short term but it would also fabricate something in stark contrast to
what it believes, a position lacking in sincerity. Thus to claim one’s
own religion as the “one and true religion” is not to belittle other
religions but to express one’s true spiritual identity to the point that,
3
Editoriale, "Il Pluralismo Religioso. Una Sfida Al Cristianesimo. Tutte Le Religioni
Sono Uguali?" La Civiltà Cattolica II, no. 3741 (2006): 209.
4
Editoriale, "Il Pluralismo Religioso. Una Sfida Al Cristianesimo. Tutte Le Religioni
Sono Uguali?" 210.
5
Editoriale, "Il Pluralismo Religioso. Una Sfida Al Cristianesimo. Tutte Le Religioni
Sono Uguali?" 212-215. Italics in original. The Editorial explains that in order for a
religion to be “true” it must be so according to three conditions: 1) it must be conceived
by God, 2) it must lead man to unite with God through prayer and the giving up of
one’s self and 3) it must see the image of God in man and thus lead to love all
humanity.
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should this identity be neglected, one would be renouncing himself or
herself. 6
Why do the Jesuits take such a stance, which to a reader may
appear redundant and which at times seems to highlight the problem
rather than solve it? Their message is essentially directed at those
Christians who wish to engage in interreligious dialogue but are afraid
of compromising their faith in the process. They emphasize that
viewing all religions as “the same” runs a greater risk of syncretism,
that is, an amalgamation of religious cultures and traditions with little
or no relevance to the true religious experience of the individual. For
Christians, this experience pivots on the figure of Jesus Christ, who
they believe to be the Son of God, a doctrine the Jesuits envision as
being at the very center of Christians’ efforts of interfaith dialogue with
members of other faiths. Paradoxically, the editorial also states that
what Christians should always do, particularly when in dialogue with
other religions, is recognize that they have been, and still are,
unfaithful to Christianity, and that they have been and still are unable
to live it truthfully and in full. Therefore, they stress that the true
purpose of the Christian is found in the continuous conversion to God,
repeatedly passing from deceit to truthfulness, from egoism to charity,
which is the very soul of Christianity. In this optic of personal
revelation, claiming that Christianity is the “true religion” is an
essential element of the religious and interreligious experience. In a
section of the editorial worthy of quotation, the Jesuits state: “in God’s
providential design for the salvation of humanity, non-Christian
religions, despite what can sometimes be severe limitations, have a
significant place which Christians must recognize and appreciate.”7
Yet in order for interreligious dialogue to function within the
context which has so far been discussed, the Jesuits of La Civiltà
Cattolica make a final key distinction in both of the aforementioned
editorials and clarify that the ultimate goal of interreligious dialogue is
6
Editoriale, "Il Pluralismo Religioso. Una Sfida Al Cristianesimo. Tutte Le Religioni
Sono Uguali?" 212-216.
7
Editoriale, "Il Pluralismo Religioso. Una Sfida Al Cristianesimo. Tutte Le Religioni
Sono Uguali?" 217.
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not to convert the other but to create mutual knowledge and awareness
along with the sharing of one’s spiritual richness. According to the
authors, this mutual awareness helps create an environment that
challenges ignorance and preconceptions, and fosters mutual
comprehension and friendship.8 This observation essentially reveals
the position towards Islam held by not only La Civiltà Cattolica Jesuits
but also by the Catholic Church in general. It especially echoes the
words of Pope Francis on 22 March 2013 who, after calling for greater
dialogue between Christianity and Islam also stated, “It is not possible
to build bridges between people while forgetting God. But the
converse is also true: it is not possible to establish true links with God
while ignoring other people.”9 If new bridges are to be built with
Islam, particularly in a moment in which violent Islamic extremism
threatens both the Christian and Islamic religion, the ultimate goal of
new interfaith exchange is not to convert the other to one’s own
religion, but to know, to listen and above all to collaborate with the
other with the aim of bringing about peaceful coexistence. In this way
La Civiltà Cattolica’s basic directives on how interreligious dialogue
should take place open new possibilities for one to remain faithful to
his or her religious tradition while engaging and collaborating with
members of another religion in order to work toward the greater good.
Obstacles: No Interreligious Dialogue Without Freedom
of Religion
In an article entitled “I Problemi del Dialogo Interreligioso,” Giuseppe
De Rosa draws attention to Pope Benedict XVI’s comments on
interreligious dialogue made at the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of
Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei in June 2008. The Pope stated:
8
Editoriale. "Il Dialogo Interreligioso." La Civiltà Cattolica III, no. 3698 (2004): 115.
Lizzy Davies, “Pope Francis Calls for Better Links with Islam and Christianity,” The
Guardian,
23
March
2013,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/mar/22/pope-francis-better-islam-christianity-li
nks.
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I realize that not all the territories you represent offer the
same degree of religious liberty, and many of you, for
example, encounter serious difficulties in promoting
Christian religious instruction in schools. In the context of
open and honest dialogue with Muslims, Buddhists, Hindus,
and the followers of other religions present in your respective
countries, you assist your fellow citizens to recognize and
observe the law ‘written on their hearts’ by clearly
articulating the truth of the Gospel. In this way, your
teaching can reach a wide audience and help to promote a
unified vision of the common good. This in turn should help
to foster growth in religious freedom and greater social
cohesion between members of different ethnic groups, which
can only be conducive to the peace and well being of the
entire community.10
The words of the Pope lay emphasis on the difficulties of engaging in
interfaith dialogue in countries with longstanding religious traditions
that differ from Christianity. Within this context, dialogue among
individuals of different religions is not framed as an imposition of a
better religious code, which if adopted by all, will in turn bring about
tolerance and peace. Instead, the Pope sees interreligious dialogue as a
vessel that brings people to observe what he calls “the law written in
their hearts,” a set of moral principles which he believes can be found
in all men and women of different religions.
De Rosa then goes on to select other momentous interfaith events
that shed light on the development of this concept as a weapon against
terrorist violence in the twenty-first century. For example, another
event that was significantly overlooked by the Western media was the
International Islamic Conference for Dialogue held in Mecca from 4-6
10
Benedetto XVI, Discorso Del Santo Padre Benedetto XVI ai Vescovi Della
Conferenza Episcopale di Malaysia-Brunei-Singapore in Visita "Ad Limina
Apostolorum," 6 June 2008.
http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/benedict_xvi/speeches/2008/june/documents/hf_ben
-xvi_spe_20080606_bishops-malaysia_it.html, as cited in Gisueppe De Rosa. "I
Problemi Del Dialogo Interreligioso" La Civiltà Cattolica III, no. 3793 (2008): 64-65.
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June 2008.11 Organized by the King of Saudi Arabia Abdullah bin
Abdulaziz with the intention of encouraging encourage Islamic Ulema
to dialogue with Christian and Jewish religious leaders, the conference
framed interreligious dialogue as the key to extinguishing religious
violence and terrorism. De Rosa captured two sections of the King’
speech at the conference worthy of quotation:
You are gathered here to say to the world that we are the
voice of justice and of moral human values, that we are the
voice of coexistence and of dialogue. Yet how difficult are the
challenges that the Islamic nation encounters in this moment
in which a number of enemies, among which are its extremist
sons, have united with evident animosity to wound Islam in
its equity and its new objectives.
He further expressed his ideas on the value of dialogue for modern day
political Islam:
Dialogue is destined to oppose those challenges brought
about by close mindedness and by ignorance so that the
world may understand the precepts of Islam without malice
or resentment. Islamism has initiated and defined the
principles and the road for a dialogue with the followers of
other religions, and this road passes through the common and
shared values of the three monotheistic religions. Such values
reject treachery, crime and combat terrorism.12
11
Among the most important meetings held throughout this year were: June 2008:
Interreligious meeting in Mecca, in which the King of Saudi Arabia encouraged
Muslim elites to engage in interreligious dialogue; July 2008: Interfaith Congress in
Madrid; October 2007: Cambridge meeting between Christians and Muslims; October
2008: Symposium on interfaith dialogue held in Brussels; 6 international
Christian-Islamic Conference held by the Focolari Catholic movement; November
2008: Catholic-Muslim Forum held at the Gregorian University of Rome.
12
King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz, as cited in Gisueppe De Rosa, S.I. "I Problemi Del
Dialogo Interreligioso" La Civiltà Cattolica III, no. 3793 (2008): 67. Translated by
Marco Ceccarelli. Unless otherwise stated, all translations of La Civiltà Cattolica
material will be translated by the author of this article.
th
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De Rosa informs his readers that the intentions of the King were to
seek the help of the Saudi Arabian government in order to instruct 40
000 Saudi and foreign Imam in a more moderate version of Islam
which condemns extremism.13 King Abdullah’s hopeful vision of the
three great monotheistic religions speaking as one voice in
condemnation of terrorism calls for much needed investigations into
how such new plans of action will occur.
Lastly, in a more in-depth article published only four months
later, De Rosa examines an event closely linked to the International
Islamic Conference for Dialogue: The World Conference on Dialogue
organized by the Muslim World League in Madrid, 16-18 July 2008.
While De Rosa sees the resulting “Declaration of Madrid”14 document
and its clear denunciation of terrorism as a significant step forward in
the battle against violent extremism, he voices his real concern on the
lack of reference to religious freedom. De Rosa utilizes Cardinal Jean
Louis Tauran’s comments to unveil what he believes were the less
successful aspects of the conference. When asked by L’Osservatore
Romano to comment on the outcomes of the conference, Tauran replied:
Something worth noticing is that in the final communiqué
there is not one allusion to freedom of religion. In my
intervention, nevertheless, I mentioned it. This means there
are still difficulties in understanding the difference between
the freedom of worship and freedom of religion.15
Building on Tauran’s comments, De Rosa points out that there is still
work to be done in the area of religious freedom and that the
conferences mentioned thus far may run the risk of remaining simple
“discussions” with no practical implications or relevance. Cardinal
13
Gisueppe De Rosa, S.I. "I Problemi Del Dialogo Interreligioso," 67-68.
The declaration can be viewed on the Royal Embassy of Saudi Arabia in
Washington
DC
website.
See
http://www.saudiembassy.net/announcement/announcement07180801.aspx
15
Cardinal Jean-Louis Tauran, as cited in Gisueppe De Rosa, S.I. "La Dichiarazione
di Madrid. Un Passo Avanti nel Dialogo Interreligioso." La Civiltà Cattolica IV, no.
3801 (2008): 285.
14
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Tauran’s emphasis on the distinction between freedom of worship and
freedom of religion could be a starting point from which to create a
clearer definition of religious freedom that all countries that claim to
practice religious freedom may adopt. From De Rosa’s analyses, it is
clear that today people of different faiths are permitted to reside in a
number of Muslim countries, yet their freedom to worship publically is
still severely limited, as is their attempt to convert others to their
religion and make proselytes. This impedes the process of collaboration
against violent extremism spoken of by both Pope Benedict and King
Abdullah bin Abdulaziz. However, Islamic countries are not the only
places where La Civiltà Cattolica sees divisive and alienating forces at
work. In fact, many of the journal’s messages are directed at the West’s
often unsavory portrayal of Islam and the damaging impact of secular
post-modern society on a number of Islamic customs.
Islam in Europe: Jesuit Thought on Peaceful Co-Existence
Due to the number of African, Asian and Middle-Eastern migrants
living in Europe, the twenty-first century has seen a number of
contentious debates regarding Western practices conflicting with
Islamic customs. The French headscarf issue, the murder of Dutch
filmmaker Theo Van Gogh, the right wing politics of Geert Wilders,
the issue of religious signs in Italian classrooms, the Danish cartoon
controversy and the recent anti-Islamic YouTube clip are some of the
affairs that have brought Western liberal ideology into a collision
course with Islam. In order to avoid what he calls “una situazione di
ghetto” – a ghettoized of Muslims within Europe - Edmond Farahian
S.J. suggests that urgent action needs to be taken at both a local and
international level. He calls the legislations of leading European
countries into question as leading forces which must tactfully consider
and not oversee events such as those mentioned in order to prevent
further clashes between Muslims and Westerners. This effort, he
stresses, can only be effective if Muslims are willing to bend slightly
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some of their customs for the sake of integration into the European
system.16
The European school environment is cited by Farahian as an
example of a formative locus in which young Muslims can learn about
the European culture and way of life while retaining their own customs
and beliefs. For this reason, he believes that it is of utmost importance
that the school not become a place of isolation for students belonging
to Islamic cultures. The school, he claims, should teach students to live
together within a modern society where the inhabitants of a shared
space uphold the same rights and duties. This would be a first step in
the creation of a bridge over the abyss that often lies between what is
lived at home and what is lived at school.17 As a second step, the
author identifies three fundamental tasks: preparing the territory,
avoiding errors, and promoting positive aspects.
What does Farahian mean by “preparing the territory?” First, it is
clear that his message is directed at Europeans, who he sees as
responsible for the creation of a suitable environment in which
Muslims may live and coexist. Farahian warns against the
discriminatory mindset that has taken root in Europe that portrays
Muslims as incapable of adapting to, and living in, a democratic
context where liberty of conscience is practiced. He also hints at
reciprocity by underlining that Muslims living in Europe must try to
avoid categorizing Europeans as blinded by the “deviations” caused by
modernity. Furthermore, he suggests that Muslims must be wary of
not falling into the traps created by violent extremists who present
their vision of Islam as the only true and legitimate one.18
Farahian also focuses on the dynamic evolution of Islam’s history.
He traces its violent mutations, such as the thirteenth century sect of
the Hashashin, as well as its advances in countries such as Tunisia,
Morocco and Jordan where there have been state victories against
violent extremism. Essentially, what Farahian is suggesting is that if
16
Edmond Farahian, S.I. "Il Dialogo Tra Cristiani E Musulmani in Europa." La
Civiltà Cattolica II, no. 3720 (2005): 571-72
17
Farahian, "Il Dialogo Tra Cristiani E Musulmani in Europa,” 573.
18
Farahian, 574.
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what he calls the new multicultural “European entity” 19 is to be
formed, Muslims living in Europe must practice more openness to
modernity, without fear. He supports his claim by stating that this
openness does not come at the expense of religion, for, in his words,
“Islamic history’s greatest moments are tied to great intellectual
openness towards other civilizations and cultures. In order to coexist in
Europe, their religion does not have to be abandoned, but it must also
not be ‘absolutised’”20 This, however, presents itself as a significant
challenge since Muslims see their religion as intrinsically and
inseparably tied to their cultural, social and political life.
Farahian’s second and third suggestions are centered on the idea
of reciprocal knowledge, that is, Christians’ knowledge of Islam and
Muslims’ knowledge of Christianity. This means gaining knowledge of
not only the theological and spiritual aspect of another’s religion, but of
its history as well, including violent conflicts. Here, Farahian notes the
significant impact that historically strained Christian-Muslim relations
may have on current events, yet he invites his readers to avoid
simplistically reducing their view of the current conflict between Islam
and the West to the colonial and post-colonial periods, or even to the
Crusades. While past Christian ill treatment of Muslims is undeniable,
he states that this does not justify acts of violence committed by
extremists today. Farahian goes as far as stating that it is “profoundly
unjust” to judge the Europeans or Christians of the past as guilty
without taking into consideration the context within which they lived.21
19
Ibid. By a new European entity Farahian is referring to a multicultural Europe in
which peoples of different religions can peacefully coexist.
20
Farahain, 574. Throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Muslim, Jewish
and Christian scholars re-introduced Western breakthroughs in philosophy, science,
geography, medicine, astronomical tables and mathematics to a Latin-speaking world
which had lost many of its manuscript collections to the barbarian invasions. This
collaborative effort helped preserve the West’s cultural and philosophical
accomplishments and paved the way for the scientific discoveries of the centuries
which followed. See Henri Daniel-Rops. Cathedral and Crusade: Studies of the Medieval
Church, 1050-1350. Translated by John Warrington. Vol. 2 (New York: Doubleday,
1963), 22.
21
Farahian, 575.
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While he may appear to be apologetic, his intention is to discourage the
justification of political violence today with the events of yesterday.
Farahian’s points of view are, of course, utterly rejected by
Islamic extremists (and most probably by a number of moderate
Muslims) whose resentment continues to be provoked by Western
exploitation of Arabic lands and presence of US-led troops in Iraq and
Afghanistan. In this respect, Farahian’s suggestion leaves little room
for real improvement. However, his final, suggestion is perhaps more
practical and revolves around the urgent need for change within
Europe with regards to the formative experiences of young people. If
future generations of Muslims are going to peacefully coexist with the
West, Farahian believes that the formation of Islamic religious leaders
is paramount to the future of Christian-Muslim relations. This point
was reiterated by Pope Benedict XVI in a discourse to the Bishops of
the Episcopal conference of Malaysia, Brunei and Singapore when he
emphasized that interreligious dialogue begins with a proper
preparation of the clergy in both their own religion and in the religion
with which they are to come into contact.22
First, Farahian suggests that Imam and Ulema preaching in
Europe should be bilingual and should actively help their followers
coexist within the West. Second, a confederation of all the great
European mosques could be created. This, Farahian emphasizes,
should not be done with the intention of controlling or monitoring the
Islamic religion, but with the aim of allowing Islam to be freely
practiced according to its true principles, without interference from
those who seek to manipulate the religion for their own violent ends. A
specific, dedicated and well prepared personnel could be formed and
act as what Farahian calls “cultural mediators” which may help prevent
conflict. Farahian believes these cultural mediators would expose
Europeans to difficulties faced by Muslims as well as encourage
22
Benedetto XVI, Discorso Del Santo Padre Benedetto XVI ai Vescovi Della
Conferenza Episcopale di Malaysia-Brunei-Singapore in Visita "Ad Limina
Apostolorum," 6 June 2008.
http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/benedict_xvi/speeches/2008/june/documents/hf_ben
-xvi_spe_20080606_bishops-malaysia_it.html
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Muslim migrants to know what is expected of them in order to avoid
needless conflict. His ultimate goal is to promote an enriched,
preventative and not repressive European culture which focuses on
respect for liberty of conscience, respect for the dignity of the human
person and, above all, reciprocity.23 Finally, his suggestions on the
peaceful co-existence of Islamic and Western culture in the European
continent evoke Islam’s political, cultural and geographic conflict with
Israel, a country often listed among the targets of Islamic terrorists.
Criticism of La Civiltà Cattolica’s Pro-Dialogue Position
Towards Islam
La Civiltà Cattolica’s pro-dialogue approach to Islam in the twenty-first
century has attracted a considerable amount of criticism from scholars
and journalists who see the Church’s change of position as an act of
weakness and of surrender. On 25 March 2013, Magdi Allam, a
controversial Egyptian born Italian journalist who converted from
Islam to Christianity in 2008, publically announced his abandonment
of the Catholic Church to protest against its “soft-stance against
Islam.” 24 Allam’s decision came days after the aforementioned
announcement of Pope Francis who wished to make the intensification
of dialogue with Muslims one of the priorities of his pontificate.
According to Allam, instead of seeking dialogue and bonds of
friendship the Church should denounce Islam as incompatible with
Western civilization a fundamental human rights. He also stated that
not doing so would pave the way for Europe’s eventual subjugation to
Islam. 25 While the full story behind Allam’s departure from yet
another religion remains unclear, his categorization of the Church’s
23
Farahian, 577.
Magdi Allam, “Perché me ne vado da questa Chiesa debole con l'Islam,” Il Giornale,
25 March 2013, http://www.ilgiornale.it/news/interni/bersani-ora-basta-899699.html.
See also Alessandro Speciale, “Magdi Allam, Muslim Convert, Leaves Catholic
Church, Says It's Too Weak Against Islam,” The Huffington Post, 25 March 2013,
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/03/25/magdi-allam-muslim-convert-leaves-catholi
c-church_n_2950937.html
25
Ibid.
24
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pro-dialogue approach towards Islam as an act of weakness reflects the
opinions of other scholars who share his convictions.
La Civiltà Cattolica’s position towards Islamic terrorist violence in
the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can perhaps be
summarized in a few comments made by Macchi in an article during
the second and more aggressive Intifada in July 2002: “There is a
morality of ends, but also of means. A good end (the creation of a
Palestinian State) cannot justify the use of the use of an immoral means
(the massacre of civilians).” 26 While this position demonstrates the
significant change in the Catholic Church’s view of violence and
aggression, it did not convince Israeli author Sergio Itzhak Minerbi. In
a recent article published in the Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs,
Minerbi criticized La Civiltà Cattolica’s approach towards the conflict in
Palestine and the Catholic Church’s current position with regards to
Islam in general. Minerbi holds the Catholic Church accountable for
failing to adequately condemn Islamic terrorism in the twenty-first
century and shapes his criticism around three main reasons: the
Church does not have a firm hold on its curia; there are different and
at times conflicting trends within the Church with regards to Islam and
fundamentalism in particular and the Church still seems to not have
yet defined a clear policy towards Islam. For Minerbi, the official
representatives of the Catholic Church and its intellectual branch, the
Jesuits, particularly those working for La Civiltà Cattolica, are
rewarding Islamic extremists and terrorists with a “pro-Islamic
policy”27 which he categorizes as an act of surrender. While Minerbi’s
approach is often partisan and tends to absolve Israel from any
wrongdoings in the conflict, he does uncover inconsistencies in the
Church’s approach to political matters that are worthy of investigation.
Minerbi begins his article entitled “Benedict XVI and Islam” by
singling out a Jesuit who occasionally contributes to La Civiltà
Cattolica, Samir Khalil Samir S.J. Samir is a well-known figure in both
26
Angelo Macchi, S.I. "Dalla Ribellione Alla Guerra in Medio Oriente." La Civiltà
Cattolica III, no. 3649 (2002): 85.
27
Sergio Itzhak Minerbi, "Benedict XVI and Islam" Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 6,
no. 2 (2012): 64.
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the Catholic and Islamic world. He is renowned for his staunch
criticism of Islamic fundamentalism and his frequent discussion of the
ills of Islamic society. 28 According to Minerbi, Samir represents a
trend within the Catholic Church that pushes for a zero tolerance
approach to Islamists and extremists. A rare glimpse into this Catholic
hard line approach to Islamism, Minerbi states, seems to have come
through in the early years of Benedict XVI’s papacy and particularly
during the Regensburg lecture of September 2006. Both Minerbi and
frequent critic of Catholic-Muslim relations, Sandro Magister, believe
the Church should pursue this approach and be aware of the damaging
consequences the current pro-dialogue method will have. According to
Magister, La Civiltà Cattolica is not doing enough, and even if it is
opening a discussion on fundamentalist and terrorist Islam, “it does
this without even the slightest note of criticism of this nexus of violence
and faith.”29
Aside from shedding light on the issues of mismanagement within
the Roman curia, the critiques of Sergio Minerbi and Sandro Magister
bring the issue of appeasement of Islamic requests to the fore. In
Regensburg the Pope quoted from a dialogue between a thirteenth
century Emperor and a Persian intellectual and reported some
unfavorable remarks made by the Emperor regarding the Prophet
Muhammad. 30 Yet the Pope’s subsequent apology to the Muslim
world for a comment that did not reflect his own views on Islam, was,
in Minerbi’s and Magister’s view, a return to the pro-Islamic policy
which the Vatican has attempted to develop since Vatican II.
According to both critics, the apology and the openness of the Vatican
to Muslims are mistakes that pave the way for Islamic extremists to
28
See: Samir, Khalil Samir. "Una Fatwa Contro Le Giustificazioni Religiose Del
Terrorismo Islamico,"
http://www.asianews.it/notizie-it/Una-Fatwa-contro-le-giustificazioni-religiose-del-terr
orismo-islamico-17840.html.
29
Sandro Magister, “Jihad Finds a Strange Advocate: ‘La Civiltà Cattolica,’”
www.chiesaepressonline.it, 8 November 2006,
http://chiesa.espresso.repubblica.it/articolo/95604?eng=y.
30
The event sparked anger throughout the Islamic world and gave way to protests as
well as vandalism of some churches.
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rise to power and have more influence over Islamic and Western
masses. Minerbi raises the note-worthy issue of appeasement that both
the Catholic Church and the West have often promoted in order to
deal with problems involving Islam in Europe.31 La Civiltà Cattolica’s
position, particularly in the post-De Rosa period dominated by
Giovanni Sale’s articles, is clearly in favor of a more
soft-counterterrorism approach based on dialogue and the desire to
avoid the humiliation of Muslims. This humiliation, Sale often
suggests, is reflected in the imposition of Western style democracies in
Islamic countries (an aspect of Jesuit thought which wills be discussed
shortly) and needless defamation in the West of sacred Islamic
images.32
Could Minerbi and Magister’s staunch criticism of how Jesuits
are responding to violent Islamic extremists be exposing some of the
more counter-productive elements of the Jesuit pro-dialogue
approach? Their approval of De Rosa’s inflexible stance and refutation
of Sale’s dialogue-based theories suggest that the Church should be
taking a stronger position against Islam. Further investigation into
their work may shed light on why the Church seems to favor
appeasement over the creation of clearer boundaries between the two
religions.
While maintaining his hypothesis that the Holy See seems to have
lost track of the different trends within Catholicism’s attitude towards
Islam, Minerbi goes from praising Samir’s efforts to refuse any kind of
discussion with Islamic fundamentalists to a full blown attack on Sale’s
soft-counterterrorist approach. He discusses the Israeli-Palestinian
31
While they do not portray appeasement of Islamic demands in Europe in a negative
light, they believe that a balance needs to be struck. While the request for proper
“ablution” sinks to be installed in Islamic houses does not impinge on Western beliefs,
a request for an Islamic school to be built in the north of Italy which demands to
remain unchecked and have no connection to the national school curriculum is a
breach of Western democratic values.
32
Giovanni Sale’s feature article entitled “La Questione delle Immagini nell’Islam”
examines the concept of sacredness with regards to imagery in Islam through the
consideration of Quranic verses, theological interpretations and various Hadith. See
Giovanni Sale, "La Questione Dell Immagini Nell'islam" La Civiltà Cattolica III, no.
3890 (2012): 133-46.
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conflict and criticizes the Catholic Church for what he believes is a
bias toward the Palestinians demonstrated in the 2010 official
document Instrumentum Laboris.33 While the document does refer to the
suffering and displacement of Palestinians due to Israeli occupation, it
does not necessarily demonstrate bias as much as report factual
evidence of political unrest in this part of the Middle-East. However,
on this point, Minerbi believes the Church is no longer impartial, but
seems to have once again reinforced its pro-Islamic stance by
supporting the Palestinian cause.34
In the first of two attacks, Minerbi criticizes Sale for seeking a
dialogue with Islamic parties and ignoring the significant role played
by radical Islam in twenty-first century terrorist activity. 35 For
Minerbi, it is clear that the distinction made by Sale between a radical
and moderate Islam is unfounded since he believes the entire religion
of Islam to be the problem. In a section of his article that refers to the
recent Arab Spring, Minerbi asserts that a religious movement such as
the Muslim Brotherhood cannot become a modern political party and
adopt democratic strategies. He asks the following question: “can we
really define the Muslim brothers as democratic?...What we are
witnessing now is not an Islamic spring, but a resurgence of Islamic
fundamentalism that leaves no space for any kind of moderate Islam.”36
This claim requires us to delve further within La Civiltà Cattolica in
order to discover more reasons behind its pro-dialogue approach to
Islam and its hopes for the rise of a moderate Islam throughout the
Arab world.
In all of his writings, Sale’s suggested solution to much of the
political, social and cultural conflict which is taking place between
Islam and the West in the twenty-first century is to allow the Muslim
33
A preparatory document created before a general assembly. In this case, it was
prepared for the Synod of Bishops for the Middle East held from 10 to 24 October
2010. See
http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/benedict_xvi/speeches/2010/june/documents/hf_ben
-xvi_spe_20100606_instr-laboris_en.html
34
Minerbi, 67.
35
Minerbi, 68.
36
Minerbi, 69-71.
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people to make their own policies and project their own future.37 Sale
reminds his readers that the revolutions, which have occurred in these
past years throughout the Islamic world, are protests aimed at
establishing higher moral standards and better living conditions for all
people. Echoing the words of Pope Benedict XVI, he portrays the
Arab spring as a positive phenomenon for all Muslims and an
opportunity for countries which have in the past been exploited and
humiliated by the West to finally have their own voice. Thus, Sale
seems less interested in the possibility of radical Islam taking root
throughout the Islamic world and more intent on highlighting the
success stories of groups fighting for democracy, equality and
improved living conditions.
However, Minerbi’s second wave of criticism is targeted at the
Jesuits’ handling of the persecution of Christians in Islamic countries.
Minerbi finds it inconceivable that in the face of ongoing persecution
of Christians in the Middle-East the Catholic Church has not hardened
its policy on Islam. From the attack on the Syriac Catholic Cathedral
of Baghdad on 31 October 2010 which killed 58 people, to the attack
on the Coptic Cathedral of Alexandria in Egypt on New Year’s day,
2011, and the ongoing diaspora of Christians escaping persecution,
Minerbi wonders why the Church has not endeavored to cut ties with
Islam but instead sought new bonds of friendship with it.38 The Holy
See has on different occasions expressed its great disappointment and
sorrow at the news of such acts, yet it has continued what Minerbi
incredulously sees as a fascination with the spirituality of Islam. 39
The French Church’s criticism of the ban on the burqua40 and the
support given by former archbishop of Milan Msgr. Tettamanzi for the
building of a new mosque in Milan further exemplify the Church’s
37
Giovanni Sale, "Islam E Democrazia" La Civiltà Cattolica 3, no. 3817 (2009): 15-16.
Minerbi, 70.
39
Minerbi, 70.
40
This issue, as well as the Church’s position in its regard, is discussed at length by
Edmond Farahian S.I. "A Proposito Del Velo Islamico." La Civiltà Cattolica II, no. 3693
(2004): 209-312.
38
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commitment to maintaining friendly relations with a religion which
seldom reciprocates.
This raises another question: why does the majority of the
governing apparatus of the Holy See keep silent? Or in closer
connection to this study, why does La Civiltà Cattolica continue to
support Islam and seek bonds of friendship when the efforts of
creating such bonds have often been fruitless? One answer is
suggested by Minerbi himself, perhaps in a disdainful manner, yet in
terms which encapsulate part of the answer to the current situation
between Catholicism and Islam:
A new organization in France called l’Observatoire de
l’Islamisation has recently claimed that the Vatican is one of
the most active institutions in trying to counter the
demonization of Islam. In the last two years the Vatican
intensified its outreach to Islam, making several friendly
overtures to the Muslim world, probably because the Roman
Curia does not know what else it can try in order to weaken
Islamic pressure on the Christians in the Middle East.41
On one hand, Minerbi has understood what can be termed the
“self-interest” of the Catholic Church in maintaining friendly relations
with Islam. The Church’s dealings with Islam are often in the interest
of the thirteen million Christians residing in Islamic countries. While a
great proportion of these inhabit lands that permit religious freedom,
this is often limited to what can be termed “liturgical freedom,” or the
act of worshipping in a defined place. Elements of true religious
freedom, such as publically proclaiming one’s faith or proselytizing, are
often severely prohibited and can be met with harsh punishment, even
death. Furthermore, La Civiltà Cattolica has on different occasions
pointed out that the Church is concerned for its holy sites such as the
Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem, the town of Bethlehem and other places
41
Minerbi, 70.
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of significance to Christianity.42 Such places are often threatened by
the political unrest of the Arab-Israeli conflict and risk falling into the
hands of extremists who may forbid pilgrimages or even modify their
very structures. On the other hand, the post Vatican II Catholic
Church, through various encyclicals such as Nostra Aetate and Lumen
Gentium, and today through La Civiltà Cattolica, has vowed to commit
to the search for new avenues of rapprochement with Islam. The
Jesuits of La Civiltà Cattolica who strictly adhere to this vow, Giovanni
Sale first and foremost among them, argue that while Islamic terrorists
pose a threat to the survival of Christians both in the Middle-East and
in Western countries, such individuals are far outnumbered by those
Muslims with whom a dialogue can be initiated and maintained.
Efforts of maintaining such dialogues are seen by the Jesuits as the
strongest weapon against Islamic terrorism used in the name of
non-violence.
In the context of this search for better relations with Islam, the
Church’s hopes for the rise of democratic political environments in
Islamic countries is fundamental to the project of interfaith dialogue.
The Church hopes that an Islamic inspired democracy will eventually
take shape within the Muslim world and improve the conditions of
both Muslims and, naturally, of Christians residing in Islamic
countries. Yet much of Western academic discourse seems to suggest
that Islam and democracy are incompatible. This point of view is
countered by Bassam Tibi’s thoughtful observation: “There is no doubt
that Islam, as a source of political ethics, in the course of religious
reform, can exist in harmony with democracy. But Islamists constitute
the foremost and best organized political opposition in the world of
Islam.”43 A threat to democracy is identified in Islamist movements
which claim to be running their business in a democratic way yet,
42
In 2002 the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem was besieged from the 2 of April
to the10th of May by 250 Palestinian militants. After 39 days the militants turned
themselves in to Israeli authorities. See Giovanni Marchesi, S.I. "La Basilica della
Natività a Betlemme Occupata E Assediata." La Civiltà Cattolica II, no. 3648 (2002):
523-626.
43
Bassam Tibi, Islam and Islamism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012), 20.
nd
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much in the same way as their guarantee of religious freedom, reduce
their approach to an instrumental procedure. Some examples of this
are seen in groups with radical and often violent origins, such as the
Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas in the Gaza strip, which
have become more moderate over time. According to Tibi, with
organizations such as these in power, the risk of the emergence of a
totalitarian regime is very high.44 This problem seems to be affecting
ongoing political unrest in Egypt and the civil war in Syria. So what is
La Civiltà Cattolica’s position on the matter? Giovanni Sale’s studies
offer a number of thought provoking view-points.
Islam, Democracy and the Arab Spring: La Civiltà
Cattolica Voices its Opinion
If we briefly return to Minerbi’s article, we notice that he raises the
issue of democracy in the climate of political unrest that has recently
affected the Arab world. On this point, he finds fault with Sale’s
quotation of a spokesmen for the Muslim Brotherhood who stated:
“We are moving away from a bad autocratic and dictatorial system
toward a democratic system.”45 Minerbi asks a relevant and important
question that may be extended to other Islamist parties seeking to
govern Islamic countries: “can we really define the Muslim Brothers as
democratic?”46 This question points us towards an understanding of a
series of new suggestions and critiques made in the more recent
publications of La Civiltà Cattolica regarding the possible political
avenues which have opened up in certain parts of the Arab world.
While Minerbi’s skepticism towards the Muslim Brotherhood’s
capacity to be a democratic movement is in some way supported by
Bassam Tibi’s aforementioned statement, Giovanni Sale’s two articles
on Islam and democracy, the first published in 2009 and the second in
2011, paint a more intricate picture worthy of analysis. The articles
44
Tibi, 21.
Unnamed spokesmen for the Muslim Brotherhood, as cited in Giovanni Sale, S.I.
"Islam e Democrazia." La Civiltà Cattolica II no. 3862 (2011): 324.
46
Minerbi 69.
45
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offer an insightful observation on the chances for democracy’s
development in a pre- and post-Arab spring context. Despite Minerbi’s
recurring accusations of naivety within La Civiltà Cattolica, Sale’s
slightly more optimistic approach points to true democratic options
arising for the Sunni-Arab world in what is becoming a cry for
democracy from the frustrated Arab masses.
In his 2009 article, Sale divides the major Western critics who
deal with the issue of Islam and democracy into four categories. These
are: optimists, a category subdivided into gradualists such as Bernard
Lewis and realists such as the American neo-conservatives; skeptics;
pessimists; and those who Sale defines as “scettico-possibilisti” –
sceptico-possibilists. 47 Sale believes that democracy in the Islamic
world has the potential to grow and significantly affect the unstable
and often corrupt socio-political situations in many countries. To
support his argument, he underlines those Islamic countries in which,
according to him, a democracy shaped on the Western republican
system has greatly benefited the political environment. He points to
Turkey and Lebanon, countries marred by sectarian violence and civil
conflict yet in possession of an early twentieth century constitution
which continues to regulate coexistence among people of different
races and religions. However, he also considers those Islamic countries
in which democracy seems to have taken on a more symbolic nature.
Iran, for example, figures as a country that claims to represent the
perfect Islamic democratic system. However, after allowing its people
to vote, the Iranian system seems to rapidly default to authoritarianism
due to the lack of fundamental elements needed for true democracy to
be sustained. Thus, he concludes, it is not sufficient for an Islamic
country to adopt a constitution and the activation of “more or less” free
electoral procedures for it to reflect authentic democracy.48 One of the
key questions at the heart of this study thus becomes more poignant:
47
Giovanni Sale, S.I. "Islam e Democrazia" La Civiltà Cattolica III, no. 3817 (2009):
15-16.
48
Sale, "Islam e Democrazia," La Civiltà Cattolica III, no. 3817 (2009): 4. See alslo Tibi,
27; Fareed Zakaria, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad, (New
York: W. W. Norton and co. 2003), 18.
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how does Sale envision democracy emerging in the Islamic world?
More importantly, could democracy in the Islamic world be used to
defeat Islamic terrorist violence?
Sale devotes much of his article to the categorization of
“optimists” such as the renowned Islamic studies expert Bernard
Lewis, an intellectual who believes that Western style democracy is
compatible with the Islamic world and should be gradually
implemented. Sale contends that for Lewis the problem is not whether
democracy will work, but what kind of democracy should be
introduced in countries that are only familiar with autocratic forms of
government.49 Sale’s discussion of a second group, which he labels
“optimist-realists,” maintains that such individuals are supporters of a
“Realpolitik” strategy of implanting (or exporting) the Western
democratic model to Islamic countries in order to avoid a clash of
civilizations and weakened Islamist organizations. Those who take this
position, Sale states, are interested in the result rather than the means
through which their goals are reached. Finally, Sale delineates the
“pessimists” and, using a label he coined, the “sceptico-possibilists,” the
latter being the group he seems to identify with most.
The intellectual who best represents the category of the
pessimists, according to Sale, is Samuel Huntington. Sale refers to
Huntington’s 1993 “Clash of Civilizations” article (later transformed
into a book) as one among many pessimistic studies which have
concluded that Islamism, that is, political Islam, is not a deviation from
Islamic orthodoxy but the very substance of its cultural and religious
tradition. 50 Yet one should also note that Sale refers to another
political commentator whose beliefs on foreign policy seem to be in line
with Huntington, Daniel Pipes. Interestingly, Sale’s focus here is not
on the aspects of Pipes’ views which accord with Huntington, but on
49
See Bernard Lewis, The Middle East: A Brief History of the Last 2000 Years. New York:
Simon and Schuster, 1997, as cited in Sale, "Islam e Democrazia," La Civiltà Cattolica
III, no. 3817 (2009): 8.
50
Samuel P. Huntington, "The Clash of Civilisations?" Foreign Affairs 72, no. 3 (1993):
22-49; Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilisation and the Remaking of World Order.
New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996, as cited in Sale “Islam e Democrazia,” 10.
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those that deviate from the Clash of Civilizations theory. Here, Sale
opens a space within which to situate his own theory. He points out
Pipes’ claims that the Islamic world cannot be categorized, in
Huntington’s terms, as one single abstract mass in conflict with the
West, but that there exists a “moderate Islam” which may well be the
antidote with which to fight radical and militant Islam from within.
Furthermore, and here Sale’s selective approach to Pipes’ work is
crucial, we read of Pipes’ view that terrorism can be defeated not by a
military effort but through a cultural and civil effort which encourages
moderate Muslims to reshape Islamic society through their own
version of democracy.51 The motivations behind La Civiltà Cattolica’s
adoption of a soft-counterterrorist narrative based on dialogue seem to
emerge thorough its selection of secular scholarship which agrees with
the Jesuit position on this matter.
The final category in question discussed by Sale, the
sceptico-possibilists, clearly reflects some of his own hopes and fears
and is the one in which he seems to signpost his views on the viability
of democracy in the Islamic world. His views stand alongside those of
various European professors and journalists who believe that this issue
needs to be confronted not on the basis of political or ideological
evaluations, but on the simple judgment of whether Islamic countries
possess a culture that can sustain democracy. This position, Sale
continues, is taken by those who fear the aforementioned symbolic
democracy taking place instead of real democratic restructuring. The
question is: can the cultural climate within Islamic countries recognize
specific rights granted to people and organizations? What Sale is
essentially driving at with his introduction of this final category is
made clear when he states that: “sustainable democracy, therefore,
cannot be introduced, as the neo-conservatives suggest, from the
outside; in order for it to function realistically, it has to be chosen by
the states which adopt it.” 52 Sale’s own position on the matter is
evident here, making this final category the arena in which his own
51
52
Islam e Democrazia,” La Civiltà Cattolica III, no. 3817 (2009): 12.
Sale, “Islam e Democrazia,” La Civiltà Cattolica III, no. 3817 (2009): 13.
31
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views are contrasted with those of the intellectuals he has been
discussing.
Sale’s final evaluation of Islam’s compatibility with democracy can
be summarized in the following quotation taken from his 2009 article:
according to us, one of the causes which obstructs this route
[to democracy] from the ideological-cultural perspective is
the religious factor. Islam and democracy can be compatible
on the condition that the religious element, with all of its
richness, be used simply as a point of ethical and moral
reference to the interpreter of social science, without
pretending to dictate the norms of the State and of politics.53
Ironically, a religious figure, speaking for a religious journal, suggests
that it is precisely the religious element that impedes the development
of democracy within the Muslim world. What Sale is referring to when
speaking of a religious element separated from State and politics is the
Enlightenment culture which shaped the growth of modern Europe
and made clear distinction between political and religious power. What
remains to be seen is whether the same can be expected of Islamic
countries. Given the political environment in countries that strictly
adhere to Islamic Sharia law such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan,
Yemen and Pakistan, this seems highly unlikely. In those countries
which follow a less strict code of Islamic law such as Egypt, Algeria,
Tunisia, Morocco, and Indonesia, this may be a possibility. Essentially,
La Civiltà Cattolica suggests that Western powers may help this
development, but that it is not “up to them to find a solution to the
problem. Every culture has its own road towards democracy.”54 The
2011 revolutions throughout the Arab world, some of which persist to
this day, demonstrate that a large proportion of Muslims are forging
their own paths away from autocracy and towards more democratic
living conditions.
53
54
Sale, “Islam e Democrazia,” La Civiltà Cattolica III, no. 3817 (2009): 15-16.
Sale, “Islam e Democrazia,” La Civiltà Cattolica III, no. 3817 (2009): 16.
32
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The Western media has often reported that the recent revolutions
within the Arab world have been led by what has been labeled a
“generation in ferment.”55 The widely used term, “Arab Spring” has at
times been substituted with “Arab Awakening” or “Arab Uprising,”56
yet in his 2011 article entitled “Islam e Democrazia,” Giovanni Sale
speaks of the Arab Spring as part of the recent history of
re-Islamization within the Arab world.57 He states that the political
unrest is essentially a battle between those institutional movements
that wish to re-Islamize the Arab world along softer Islamic lines but
still with Sharia law as the inspirational source of legislation, and those,
such as the street protestors, who wish to overturn and replace the
constitution in its entirety. Sale’s personal stance is not clearly stated in
the article, yet he does, despite Minerbi’s accusation of favoritism
towards the Muslim Brotherhood, warn against what he labels the
Brotherhood’s oscillation between an effort to adapt to Egypt’s
political environment and its belated support of the protest movements
in Tahrir Square. If we briefly return to Minerbi’s criticism of Sale’s
use of the Muslim Brotherhood spokesmen’s declaration in favor of
democracy, we notice that the quote was in fact followed by the
following statement made by the author: “The attitude of the
Brotherhood to the Egyptian events of Tahrir square emerges as
contradictory.”58 Sale’s suspicion stems from his questioning of how
the Muslim Brotherhood can lay claim to a new tendency towards
laicism, democracy and the respect of human rights without going
against the very Islamist principles on which it was founded. For this,
and given the Muslim Brotherhood’s presence in different Arabic
55
Roula Khalaf, “A Generation at Last in Ferment,” Financial Times, 23 December
2011,
http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/de1e960a-2b36-11e1-a9e4-00144feabdc0.html#axzz2ZlAu9
5Ay.
56
See “The Arab Awakening,” AlJazeera, 22 February 2011,
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/spotlight/2011/02/2011222121213770475.html; G.
Murphy Donovan, “Arab Awakening?” The American Thinker, 01 May 2011,
http://www.americanthinker.com/2011/05/arab_awakening.html
57
Sale, "Islam e Democrazia." La Civiltà Cattolica II no. 3862 (2011): 319.
58
Sale, "Islam e Democrazia." La Civiltà Cattolica II no. 3862 (2011): 324.
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countries, what worries Sale is that the movement may be still intent
on its process of re-islamization of the Arab world, something which
was made impossible by leaders such as Sadat and Mubarak. 59
Therefore, while he sees in the events of the Arab Spring a renewed
sense of hope for the Islamic world, Sale is still apprehensive about the
promises of new leadership movements.
While Sale’s articles on the Arab Spring merely express
skepticism towards the possible rise to power of the Muslim
Brotherhood, Victor Assouad’s February 2012 piece is much more
alarmist. According to Assouad “the lack of a democratic tradition
within these countries and the influence of the organized
fundamentalist parties make one fear the worst.”60 Although Assouad’s
fear of Islamism permeates the article, his primary suggestion is that
Christians should seek to befriend moderate Muslims, the unorganized
yet numerous majority within the Islamic community. He offers a
noteworthy example of how such relations can be cultivated not only
on a personal but on a political level also: “We have a significant
example in Egypt, where a Copt businessman (Naguib Sawiris) in
May of 2011 founded a political party which is open to the
organization of civil society, asking every Christian who would like to
enter into the party to bring with them at least two Muslims, to ensure
a true pluralism.”61 While this appears to be only a small step towards
the creation of a functioning multicultural and multi-religious society,
Assouad signals that it is a crucial act aimed at defeating the
ghettoization of Christians in Islamic countries. He also emphasizes the
need for Christians to follow in Sawiris’ footsteps and become
intermediaries, or “bridges” between the different components of
society as well as between Islam and the West.62
59
Sale, "Islam e Democrazia." La Civiltà Cattolica II no. 3862 (2011): 324-326;
Giovanni Sale, "La Rivolta in Egitto E Il Ruolo Dei Fratelli Musulmani." La Civiltà
Cattolica I, no. 3857 (2011): 431.
60
Victor Assouad, S.I. "Cristiani Di Oriente Nella "Primavera Araba"." La Civiltà
Cattolica I, no. 3880 (2012): 372.
61
Assouad, 374.
62
Assouad, 375.
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A Weapon against Terrorism: Self-criticism, Relativism
and The Rediscovery of Europe’s Christian Identity
Followers of Catholic media will have heard leading Catholic figures,
such as the newly elected Pope Francis, representatives of pontifical
councils such as Jean Louis Tauran, and Catholic intellectuals, speak
of the need for Christians and Muslims to “know” each other in order
to develop an attitude of mutual respect. 63 However, during their
pontificates, Benedict XVI and John Paul II emphasized that without
the conscious act of Christian self-criticism and self-awareness, this
reciprocal knowledge of the other cannot take place. This approach,
considered by the contemporary Catholic Church as fundamental to
the construction of bonds of friendship with Islam, has been
overlooked by La Civiltà Cattolica critics such as Minerbi and Magister.
It is, however, discussed at length by Enrico Catteno S.J. who in a
feature article written on 5 July 2008 lays emphasis on Pope
Benedict’s call to self-criticism and his warnings against the dangers of
the separation of the concepts of faith and reason in modern Western
society. Cattaneo claims that this message, which emerged clearly in
Benedict’s encyclicals and in the Regensburg address, is aimed at both
Christians and post-modern individuals. Furthermore, it is intrinsically
tied to the rediscovery of a Christian identity which has largely been
relegated to the private sphere throughout the West. As stated in
Benedict’s second encyclical, Spe Salvi, “flowing into this self-critique
of the modern age there also has to be a self-critique of modern
Christianity, which must constantly renew its self-understanding
setting out from its roots.”64
Cattaneo draws attention to both John Paul II and Joseph
Ratzinger’s (in his role as both Cardinal and Pope) discussions of the
so-called ills of modern society. Issues such as modern relativism’s
63
See “The Pope signs message for end of Ramadan,” AsiaNews.it, 2 August 2013,
http://www.asianews.it/news-en/The-Pope-signs-message-for-end-ofRamadan-28648.html
64
See Benedict XVI, Encyclical letter Spe Salvi
http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/benedict_xvi/encyclicals/documents/hf_ben-xvi_enc
_20071130_spe-salvi_en.html
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denial of objective truth, ethical relativism, the Western crisis of
morality, fideism, interreligious dialogue, the myth of progress,65 and
science and morality have often been at the heart of late twentieth and
twenty-first century official Catholic discourse. Among these,
relativism is framed by Cattaneo as one of the greatest obstacles to
improvement in Christian-Muslim relations. According to Ratzinger’s
scholarship, relativism has become one of the great challenges of the
twenty-first century. An excerpt from Cardinal Ratzinger’s Pro Eligendo
Romano Pontifice homily in 2003 captures the essence of what, according
to the Church, is at stake:
How many winds of doctrine have we known in recent
decades, how many ideological currents, how many ways of
thinking. The small boat of the thought of many Christians
has often been tossed about by these waves - flung from one
extreme to another: from Marxism to liberalism, even to
libertinism; from collectivism to radical individualism; from
atheism to a vague religious mysticism; from agnosticism to
syncretism and so forth. Every day new sects spring up, and
what St Paul says about human deception and the trickery
that strives to entice people into error (cf. Eph 4: 14) comes
true.
Today, having a clear faith based on the Creed of the Church is often
labeled as fundamentalism. Whereas relativism, that is, letting oneself
be "tossed here and there, carried about by every wind of doctrine",
seems the only attitude that can cope with modern times. We are
building a dictatorship of relativism that does not recognize anything
as definitive and whose ultimate goal consists solely of one's own ego
and desires.66
65
The myth of progress is discussed by Pope Benedict XVI in his encyclical Spe Salvi
n.22. Benedict reminds his readers that the ideal of progress, if handled by individuals
with ill intentions, can become a process of destruction.
66
Pope Benedict XVI, homily of the mass Pro Eligendo Romano Pontifice 18 April 2003.
The Pope’s images are taken from Saint Paul’s letter to the Ephesians in which he
encourages his readers to be Christian adults in faith in order to not be “tossed one
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In his various Civiltà Cattolica articles on the issue, De Rosa frames
modern relativism as a radical challenge to Christian morality and
faith, for it undermines its rational premises: the philosophy of being
(metaphysics), the existence of an objective truth, the existence of
natural law, the existence of a triune God and the existence of divine
Revelation. 67 In the past thirteen years, La Civiltà Cattolica has
attempted to elucidate this modern day negation of the fundamental
elements of the Christian faith. In regards to dealing with ills such as
Islamic terrorism, it has tried to communicate that without what it
labels as the “pillars of Western Civilization,” modern day society is at
greater odds with the Muslim world and thus closes off possibilities of
working together to counter terrorist violence through dialogue. While
the Church’s position has always been against Huntington’s Clash of
Civilizations theory, it nonetheless clearly believes that without the
West’s re-evaluation of its Christian roots the instances of conflict with
Islam will be more frequent. Within this context, La Civiltà Cattolica
identifies relativism as the greatest obstacle to such a rediscovery of
Christian heritage.
Finally what is proposed in Benedict’s 2006 Regensburg lecture
combines the two concepts of self-criticism and relativism into one
discussion about the rediscovery of the unity of faith and reason. The
Regensburg address did not specifically mention Islamic terrorism, nor
was it, contrary to what media reports suggested, an attack against the
religion of Islam. However, the speech was delivered on 12 September
2006, exactly a day after the fifth anniversary of the 9/11 bombings,
and it did begin with the following comment made by Emperor
Manuel II Palaeilogos to a Persian intellectual in the twelfth century:
“God is not pleased by blood – and not acting reasonably is
contrary to God’s nature. Faith is born of the soul, not the
body. Whoever would lead someone to faith needs the ability
way or another, and carried hither and thither by every new gust of teaching.” (Ep
4:14)
67
Gisueppe de Rosa, "Il Relativismo Moderno." La Civiltà Cattolica III, no. 3726
(2005): 465.
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to speak well and to reason properly, without violence and
threats.”68
The two key terms which the Pope focused on were “speech” and
“reason,” otherwise framed as the kind of rational dialogue which he
sees as the key to the strengthening of relations between Christians
and Muslims in the twenty-first century. Therefore, while the
Regensburg address must not be taken as the presentation of a
counter-terrorist strategy, it did create a connection between the
Church’s scholarly tradition on the unity of faith and reason and
today’s pressing issue of violence and religion. What the Pope
attempted to convey in Regensburg was that a West which has become
incapable of considering the religious dimension in discourse, whether
it be of a political, cultural or social nature, is a West which finds itself
unable to properly interact with the Islamic people; a people who base
much of their thinking on religious principles and the guidance of
spiritual teachers. In the same way, an Islamic individual who excludes
rationality from his or her interaction with members of a Western
culture will find it impossible to engage in dialogue. This explains why
the lecture began with a dialogue between a Byzantine Emperor and a
Muslim intellectual, two figures that perhaps serve as symbols of a
West shaped by Christianity and Hellenistic thought and a Muslim
East guided by Qur’anic principles.
When turning to the discussion of rationality, Benedict began his
analysis by emphasizing the good that modern reason, the
Enlightenment and scientific method have brought. He argued that his
critique has in fact “nothing to do with putting the clock back to the
time before the Enlightenment and rejecting the insights of the modern
age.”69 However, the lecture asserts that if reason is reduced to the
empirically verifiable, and Christianity to an irrelevancy, then
68
Manouel II Paléologue, « Entretiens avec un Musulman. 7 Controverse » in Cources
Chrétiennes n115, Paris 1966, as cited in Pope Benedict XVI, "Faith, Reason and the
University: Memories and Reflections," in Meeting with the Representatives of Science
(University of Regensburg: www.vatican.va, 2006).
69
Pope Benedict XVI, "Faith, Reason and the University: Memories and Reflections,"
6.
e
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humanity risks being ruled by subjectivity. The danger, as seen by
Benedict, is that through this subjectivity, or relativism, the ethical
risks losing its power. He asserts that questions of origin and destiny,
of religion and ethics have no place within collective reason as defined
by science and are therefore relegated to the realm of the subjective.
The subject then decides, on the basis of experience, what he or she
considers tenable in matters of religion and the subjective conscience
becomes the sole arbiter of what is ethical.70 The Pope thus illustrates
his views on what can be the dangers of a rationality divorced from
faith in the West and on a faith separated from reason in Islam.
It is here that the essence of Catholic thought on
soft-counterterrorism comes together. La Civiltà Cattolica and the
Papacies of John Paul II, Benedict XVI and now the vocally
pro-Islamic Francis, suggests that there is a possibility for the
supposed clash of civilizations to turn into a dialogue between
civilizations. The lens through which they see this happening consists
of a new, balanced unification of the concepts of faith and reason that
reside at the core of both Christian and Islamic civilizations. They
emphasize that the West faces the same challenge as Islam in that it has
lost sight of the unity between a sense of religion and of rationality that
complement each other and work together to build a balanced
character. For this reason, the Westerner finds it difficult to be
self-reflexive and develop that self-understanding needed to progress
on to an inter-faith and inter-cultural dialogue with Islam. As scholars
of Catholic thought, they call on what they see as an essentially
Christian West to engage in this self-critique before pointing out
solutions for Islam.
Here the same paradox which emerged in the discussion of
religious pluralism arises: the consideration of a unification of faith and
reason, while leading to a stronger sense of Christian identity, should
not lead to presumption, nor should it propagate the belief that one
religion supersedes the other and is therefore entitled to make
70
Pope Benedict XVI, "Faith, Reason and the University: Memories and Reflections,"
5.
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proselytes. It should, first of all, encourage an awareness of the true
Christian spirit, a spirit which, as La Civiltà Cattolica’s 6 May 2006
editorial states, recognizes that Christians are always unable to live
their religion fully and are therefore unfaithful to it. For this reason the
Christian faith requires its followers to be in a continuous conversion
to God, because they must be aware that their human nature renders
them inadequate to live their religion to the full.71 Here, an excerpt
from Joseph Ratzinger’s first book as Benedict XVI seems fitting.
Speaking of the Christian roots of Europe, and of the claim that the
mention of such roots would offend the feelings of the many
non-Christians living in Europe, Pope Benedict reaffirms: “Whose
identity is offended by this? The Muslims, who so often tend to be
mentioned in this context, feel threatened, not by the foundations of
our Christian morality, but by the cynicism of a secularized culture
that denies its own foundations.”72 The Catholic scholars studied thus
far believe that only once these elements are given priority will the
West gain the ability to engage in the genuine dialogue of cultures and
religions that is so urgently needed today. Within this context, the goal
of dialogue is to reinvigorate a sense of rationality in order to pave the
way for a cohesive interaction of faith and reason in both camps.
Conclusion
The openness that the contemporary Catholic Church is demonstrating
towards Islam forms part of a sustained effort to fulfill the
much-debated documents on interfaith relations published at the
Second Vatican Council. This study on a particular kind of Jesuit
scholarship, that of La Civiltà Cattolica, has exposed the
soft-counterterrorist narrative of the Catholic Church in a way which
singles out the various proposed solutions to the pressing issue of
modern day political violence. While the attempts of scholars such as
71
Editoriale, "Il Pluralismo Religioso. Una Sfida Al Cristianesimo. Tutte Le Religioni
Sono Uguali?," 209.
72
Joseph Ratzinger, Christianity and the Crisis of Cultures. Translated by Brian McNei
(San Francisco: Ingatius Press, 2005) 33.
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Magister and Minerbi to undermine the validity of the Jesuit
proposals raise a number of questions on the effectiveness of the Jesuit
rhetoric on this topic, this article has brought to light highly relevant
and useful examinations. These have come through in Sale’s, De
Rosa’s, Farahian’s, Cattaneo’s, and Popes Benedict and Francis’
suggestions that in order to use the weapon of dialogue with Muslims
against the propaganda of terrorists, the West needs to develop a
respect for the sanctity of the Islamic religion. Such respect can only
grow from the strengthening, not weakening, of one’s own Christian
identity. In light of the ever changing political environment of the
Middle-East, the urgency for the implementation of narratives of
non-violence such as those found in La Civiltà Cattolica becomes
evident. These, however, should rest on the three pillars of religious
freedom, the respect of the human person and the respect of human
rights so often discussed in the pages of the Catholic-Jesuit journal.
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