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POLISH AND EASTERN EUROPEAN SOCIOLOGY
Sparrow, Malcolm, Mark Moore, and David Kennedy
1995 Beyond 911. New York: Basic.
by the imposition of the communist system on the
societies in that region. This historical development had overwhelming impact on the development of sociology in these societies. In Russia we
witness further expansion of orthodox Marxism—
the development that began right after the Bolshevik revolution in 1917, when sociology was removed from universities along with ‘‘bourgeois’’
professors. Historical materialism was proclaimed
the only true scientific sociology, whereas the critique of ‘‘bourgeois sociology’’ was the only way of
dealing with Western social thought and adopting
Western sociological ideas. In the 1950s and 1960s
in Russia, a kind of ‘‘empirical’’ Marxist sociology
was established. Because of this development, survey research on the conditions of the working class
on a large scale was launched and has continued
up to this day. This continuing research is atheoretical
and purely descriptive.
Tonrey, Michael, and Norval Morris (eds.) 1992 Modern
Policing. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Webb, S., and B. Webb 1906 English Local Government
from the Revolution to the Municipal Corporations Act:
The Parish and the County. New York: Longmans, Green.
Westley, William 1970 Violence and the Police. Combridge:
Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press.
Wilson, J. Q. 1968 Varieties of Police Behavior: The Management of Law and Order in Eight Communities. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.
CARL B. KLOCKARS
POLISH AND EASTERN
EUROPEAN SOCIOLOGY
Overall, we do not evaluate these sociologies
as very impressive, especially in comparison to
western European sociologies, on the one hand,
and American sociology, on the other. Central and
eastern European sociologies have not produced
important contributions either to classical tradition or to contemporary sociology. The only contribution to classical world sociology that should
be mentioned here comes from Russian tradition
and belongs to Pitrim Sorokin (1959, 1962).
The so-called Stalinist period, which began
right after World War II and lasted until the late
fifties, or in some countries even the early sixties,
was marked by the almost complete defeat of
academic sociology. Sociology was labeled a ‘‘bourgeois pseudo-science’’ (Kolosi and Szelenyi 1993,
p. 146), and was abolished as an academic and
autonomous discipline. It is hard to overestimate
the negative outcomes of this period and the
entire period of the communist system in the
eastern and central European countries. The development of sociology has been substantially
slowed down if not, in some cases, completely
stopped. This is why it was only in the 1960s that
debates about the scientific character of sociology
reemerged in Hungarian and other sociologies in
this region. During most of the time after the
Stalinist period and until the 1990s, sociologies of
this region were trying to free themselves from
Marxist ideology, which was not easy since communist regimes always treated sociology as dangerous discipline. These factors are basically responsible for the retardation of these sociologies,
as compared to the rest of European sociology.
Another important factor that should be mentioned here is the intellectual tradition. As opposed to such countries as Germany, France, Great
Britain, and even Poland, the central and eastern
European countries have had no tradition of sociological thought.
The postwar period in the development of
eastern and central European sociology is marked
In this context it is easy to see why, during the
communist period and even after the collapse of
CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN
SOCIOLOGY
There is no doubt that central and eastern European sociologies have similar intellectual, historical,
and political roots and can be treated as one block,
in contrast to western European sociologies, which
are not characterized by uniformity (Nedelmann
and Sztompka 1993). This holds true especially for
the postwar period in the development of eastern
European sociologies. The only exception to this
pattern is Polish sociology, which is why we analyze
the history and current state of Polish sociology
separately. In this brief analysis of central and
eastern European sociology we focus on Russian,
Hungarian, Czech, Bulgarian, and Rumanian
sociologies (see Kolaja and Das 1988; Genov 1989;
Keen and Mucha 1994).
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relatively free in terms of research, the process of
institutionalization of academic life, and contact
with Western sociology.
the communist system, there was little significant
achievement in sociological theory and research in
eastern and central European countries.
For example, in Bulgaria it was only in 1985
that sociology began as an academic discipline at
few universities. The factor that ignited this development was the fact that Bulgarian Sociological
Association organized the VII World Congress of
International Sociological Association (ISA) in
Varna in 1970. However, the organization of the
World Congress of ISA was possible due to purely
political decision made by Bulgarian communist
government and ISA authorities, but not as the
result of advancement of Bulgarian sociology itself.
THE ORIGINS OF SOCIOLOGY IN POLAND
To understand the past and present status of
Polish sociology, one should take into account its
peculiarity, namely, its particularly tight, intrinsic
link with the course of Polish national history,
overabundant with uprisings, wars, revivals and
transformations. The nineteenth century and the
period up to World War II were characterized by
the reception of the dominant European trends of
social thought. The organicism of Herbert Spencer
is reflected in the works of Jozef Supinski (1804–
1893), called the founder of Polish sociology. He
formulated, for the first time, the problem of the
interplay between the nation and the state, which
became persistent later on in Polish sociology.
Ludwik Gumplowicz (1838–1909) was one of the
classic exponents of the conflict tradition and
probably the only Polish sociologist of that period
who entered the standard textbooks of the history
of sociology. He published several works, mainly
in German: Der Rassenkampf (1883), Grundriss der
Soziologie (1885), Die soziologische Staatsidee (1892),
and Soziologie und Politik (1892). Gumplowicz’s
peculiarity consisted in his being an advocate of
sociologism before Émile Durkheim. His approach
to social life was that the emergence and functioning of social organizations are marked by enduring
conflict between social groups, for example, ethnic groups. This is why in some textbooks he is also
called a social Darwinist.
In Rumania and Czechoslovakia the condition
of sociology was very bad, and practically until
1989 the discipline of sociology in these countries
was subjected to special controls by the communist regimes. For example, in Czechoslovakia, to
have any sort of academic career, communist party
membership was required. In East Germany it was
only after 1980 that earning a Ph.D. in sociology
was allowed for East German academics. Even in
the former Yugoslavia, sociology was strictly controlled by the government; this control, in conjunction with the lack of a sociological research
tradition, created a situation in which substantial
development of the discipline of sociology was
very difficult (Keen and Mucha 1994).
Only in Hungary were there important contributions to sociology. These were made by Gyorgy
Konrad and Ivan Szelenyi in urban sociology and
especially in the sociology of inequalities, classes,
and intelligentsia. Their book, The Intellectuals on
the Road to Class Power, is probably the most famous contribution of Hungarian sociology to world
sociological literature (Konrad and Szelenyi 1979).
Research on economical sociology by Istvan Gabor,
Janos Kornai, and Elmer Hankiss, and on social
structure and stratification by Tamas Kolosi, was
also significant, not only for our understanding of
Hungarian society but also for a general understanding of the phenomena studied.
The psychologism of Gabriel Tarde and Gustave Le Bon influenced the ideas of Leon Petrazycki
(1867–1931), whose three fundamental works were
originally published in Russian: The Introduction to
the Study of Politics and Law (1892), An Introduction
to the Study of Law and Morality (1905), and The
Theory of Law and State (1907). His Die Lehre vom
Einkommen (two volumes, 1893–1895) was published in Berlin. For Petrazycki, observation is a
basic method of investigating and studying objects
and phenomena. As regards psychic phenomena,
the observation consists in self-observation, or
introspection. The task of sociology is to detect
objective tendencies of social phenomena. Unconscious adaptation processes might be replaced by
deliberate steering of man’s destiny with the help
As mentioned previously, Polish sociology is a
special and different case, which is why we treat it
separately. There is a rich tradition of sociological
thought in Poland. Important contributions to
sociology that have significance for this discipline
were made by Polish sociologists. Even during the
communist period, sociology in Poland remained
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of law. The ideal pursued by Petrazycki consisted
in the human psyche’s being so fitted to the requirements of social life that normative systems
(e.g., morality) would prove unnecessary.
sociological theory of Marxism as monoeconomism,
according to which the whole of social life is
determined by the mode of production. However,
the central point of his sociological conception
was the law of revolutionary retrospection. It referred exclusively to the sphere of social consciousness and was supposed to explain the origins
of the revolutionary ideal in a way parallel to
monoeconomics: The ideals by which the whole
reformatory movement wishes to substitute the
existing social norms are always similar to norms
from the more or less distant past.
Another advocate of psychologism was Edward Abramowski (1868–1918). His main writings
include Individual Elements in Sociology (1899), and
Theory of Psychical Units (1899), in which he sketched
his theory of sociological phenomenalism. Its main
thesis was that the development of societies is
based on the constant interaction between objective phenomena and human consciousness, which
are causes and effects alternately. In three works—
Problems of Socialism, Ethics and Revolution, and
Socialism and the State, all written before 1899 and
published in Social Philosophy: Selected Writings
(1965)—he applied sociological phenomenalism
to the analysis of the strategy of class struggle and
to the realization of the socialist system. Social
revolution should be preceded by ‘‘moral revolution’’—a deep transformation of conscience. A
cooperative is a germ of a socialist society, while
the state is its enemy. A cooperative can be transformed into a real republic—a cooperative res
publica.
Stefan Czarnowski (1879–1937), in his Leading
Ideas of Humanity (1928), Culture (1938), and Works,
(2 vols., 1956), continued Durkheim’s ideas. Culture is Czarnowski’s top achievement, in which he
claims that culture is the whole of objective elements of social heritage, common for several groups
and because of its generality able to expand in
space. Czarnowski overcame the dualism of
Durkheim’s conception, granting both society and
culture the character of reality sui generis. Characteristic of all these conceptions was the overt impact of the actual sociopolitical conditions on the
content of social theory.
The soliology of Florian Znaniecki (1882–1958)
and the social (or cultural) anthropology of Bronislaw
Malinowski (1884–1942) were different from the
above-mentioned bodies of work in at least two
respects. First, the works of both Znaniecki and
Malinowski gained worldwide recognition; second,
both consisted of general conceptions not restricted in scope by particular conditions of time, place,
and culture. Znaniecki was coauthor (with W. I.
Thomas) of The Polish Peasant in Europe and America (1918–1920) and author of numerous books,
such as Cultural Reality (1919), Introduction to Sociology (1922), The Laws of Social Psychology (1925),
Sociology of Education (2 vols., 1928–1930),The Method
of Sociology (1934), Social Actions (1936), The Social
Role of the Man of Knowledge (1940), Cultural Sciences (1952), and the posthumous volume Social
Relations and Social Roles. He is well known as the
author of the concept of ‘‘humanistic coefficient,’’
and of a theoretical system unfolding the postulate
of universal cultural order and axionormatively
ordered social actions. Bronislaw Malinowski, author of Argonauts of Western Pacific (1922), The
Sexual Life of Savages in North-Western Melanesia
(1929), Coral Gardens and Their Magic (1935), A
Scientific Theory of Culture and Other Essays (1944),
Ludwik Krzywicki (1859–1941) was the foremost representative of the first Polish Marxists’
generation. Among his works are: Modern Social
Issue (1888), Political Economy (1899), Sociological
Studies (1923), and Idea and Life (1957). Krzywicki
was under substantial influence from Darwin and
Comte, which led him to the idea of society as a
section of natural phenomena and social evolution
as a part of universal evolution. The merging of
historical materialism with positivistic scientific
criteria produced a natural-evolutionistic branch
of Marxism comprising the canon of ‘‘iron historical laws,’’ of which Krzywicki himself was the
representative. His conception of ‘‘historical background’’ allowed him to invent the original typology of social systems. Also, he was the author of
original conception of ‘‘industrial feudalism,’’ being the precursor of the ‘‘welfare state’’ theory.
Another follower of Marx’s ideas, Kazimierz
Kelles-Krauz (1872–1906), published, among other works, The Law of Revolutionary Retrospection
(1895), Sociological Law of Retrospection (1898), Economic Basis of Primitive Forms of the Family (1900), A
Glimpse of XIX Century Sociology (1901), and Economic Materialism (1908). Kelles-Krauz defined the
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and Freedom and Civilization (1947), among other
works, found world esteem as one of the most
influential scholars in establishing the functional
approach in cultural anthropology.
The period from 1956 up to the 1970s was certainly the time of a strong group of Marxist sociologists, including among others Zygmunt Bauman,
Julian Hochfeld, Wladyslaw Markiewicz, and
Jerzy Wiatr.
BETWEEN POST-WAR YEARS AND THE
COLLAPSE OF COMMUNISM, 1949–1989
MAJOR CONTEMPORARY
CONTRIBUTIONS
The history of Polish sociology in this period has
yet to be written. Among the best attempts to
characterize Polish sociology under communism
are Wladyslaw Kwasniewicz’s articles: ‘‘Dialectics
of Systemic Constraint and Academic Freedom:
Polish Sociology under Socialist Regime,’’ and
‘‘Between Universal and Native: The Case of Polish Sociology’’ (Kwasniewicz 1993, 1994). It was a
time when sociology underwent severe criticism
(including condemnation in the period 1949–1956),
a time of a great shift toward Marxist orientation,
but also a time of continuation of traditional lines
of theorizing and of implementing in Polish sociology several novelties emerging in Western sociology (especially after 1956, when Polish sociology
was brought back to life). The revival and development of Polish sociology was possible at that time
thanks to the following outstanding intellectuals
of the older generation: Jozef Chalasinski (1904–
1979), who wrote Young Generation of Peasants
(1938), Society and Education (1948), Young Generation of the Villagers in People’s Poland (a series of
volumes, 1964–69), and Culture and Nation (1968).
He was a prominent student of Polish intelligentsia, peasantry, and youth. Stanislaw Ossowski (1897–
1963), who wrote On the Peculiarities of Social Sciences (1962) and Class Structure in the Social Consciousness (1963, English ed.). The latter contained
fresh, stimulating, and critical overviews of theories of both class and social stratification. Maria
Ossowska (1896–1974), who wrote Foundations of
the Study of Morality (1947) and Social Determinants
of Moral Ideas (1970). Andrzej Malewski (1929–
1963), whose work will be mentioned in the next
section. Stefan Nowak (1925–1990), whose work
will also be mentioned in the next section.
The major group of Polish sociologists consequently avoided pure theorizing. However, a large
number of works present novel interpretations of
contemporary sociological theories. Functionalistic
orientation was extensively studied by several sociologists, among them Piotr Sztompka (System and
Function: Toward a Theory of Society, 1974), and by
social anthropologists like Andrzej Paluch (Conflict, Modernization and Social Change: An Analysis
and Critique of the Functional Theory, 1976). Another extensively studied orientation is interactionist
theory by such theoreticians as Marek Czyzewski
(The Sociologist and Everyday Life: A Study in
Ethnomethodology and Modern Sociology of Interacton,
1984), Elzbieta Halas (The Social Context of Meanings in the Theory of Symbolic Interactionism, 1987),
Zdzislaw Krasnodebski (Understanding Human Behavior: On Philosophical Foundations of Humanistic
and Social Sciences, 1986), Ireneusz Krzeminski
(Symbolic Interactionism and Sociology, 1986), and
Marek Ziolkowski (Meaning, Interaction, Understanding: A Study of Symbolic Interactionism and Phenomenological Sociology as a Current of Humanistic Sociology, 1981).
There are also good examples of innovative
works within the domain of conflict theory by
Janusz Mucha (Conflict and Society, 1978), Marxist
theory by Andrzej Flis (Antinomies of the Great
Vision, 1990), social exchange theory by Marian
Kempny (Exchange and Society: An Image of Social
Reality in Sociological and Anthropological Theories of
Exchange, 1988), and ‘‘sociological theory of an
individual’s identity’’ by Zbigniew Bokszanski (Identity–Interaction–Group: Individual’s Identity in Perspective of Sociological Theory, 1989). Since social anthropology used to be treated in Poland as closely
related to sociology, I should mention Piotr
Chmielewski’s work, Culture and Evolution (1988),
in which he gives penetrating theoretic insight into
evolutionistic theory from Darwin through his
own contemporaries, and Zdzislaw Mach’s book,
The Culture and Personality Approach in American
While Ossowski studied class structure and
stratification theoretically, Jan Szczepanski initiated empirical research around the problems of the
emergence of a socialist-grown working class and
an intelligentsia. His book Polish Society (1970)
summarizes about thirty monographs that emerged
from this research project between 1956 and 1965.
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Anthropology (1989), which presents a critical evaluation of this influential theoretical paradigm.
has lost the character of a humanistic discipline
without acquiring the status of a true scientific
discipline. As a way out, Mokrzycki proposes to
put sociology within the framework of a broadly
understood theory of culture.
Original, creative efforts at the level of history
of social thought, metatheory, and sociological
theory have been quite substantial in the postwar
period. In the domain of history of sociology an
important achievement is the monumental, twovolume History of Sociological Thought by Jerzy Szacki
(1979). The work is not just a simple presentation
of theories of significant social thinkers from social philosophy of antiquity to contemporary sociological controversies of the 1970s. Critical analysis of each conception is accompanied by a
penetrating account of its place in intellectual
history, its relation to other orientations, and its
role in the development of the social sciences. It
can be said that this work presents the ‘‘true
history of social thought.’’ The work does not have
its equivalent in world literature.
In the field of sociological theory, the following achievements should be pointed out. First, we
should mention the theoretical group dealing with
class, social structure, and stratification. This group
is headed by Wlodzimierz Wesolowski, whose Classes, Strata, and Power (Wesolowski 1979) serves as
their leading theoretical achievement. The crux of
the argument is that while, theoretically, relationship to the means of production determines attributes of social position (such as income, work, and
prestige), the uniformity of that relationship created under socialism makes the means of production lose their determining properties. In this
circumstance, status becomes disengaged from
class and tends to ‘‘decompose’’ so that we encounter the phenomenon of ‘‘leapfrogging’’ by
groups along certain dimensions. This statement
was the point of departure for further studies on
meritocratic justice, educational meritocracy, and
stratification and structure in comparative perspective (Slomczynski et al. 1981; Slomczynski 1989;
Kohn and Slomczynski 1990), social mobility
(Wesolowski and Mach 1986), as well as for other
studies.
We should also mention another original, creative work in the domain of history of sociology.
Edited by Piotr Sztompka, Masters of Polish Sociology (1984) presents a comprehensive account of
Polish sociology from its beginnings up to martial
law in 1981 and after—a period that has been
described as initiating a search for a new perspective for Polish sociology.
The greatest achievements in the fields of
metatheory and/or philosophy of social sciences
include two books by Stefan Nowak and Edmund
Mokrzycki. Nowak’s book, Understanding and Prediction: Essays in Methodology of Social and Behavioral Sciences (1976), can be considered the vehicle by
which Polish sociology entered metatheoretical
debates of contemporary social sciences as a fully
mature partner. Nowak discusses several issues
crucial for sociological metatheory, such as the
usefulness of the ‘‘humanistic coefficient,’’ laws of
science versus historical generalizations, inductionism
versus deductionism, the time dimension, causal
explanations, reduction of one theory to another,
and axiomatized theories. The solutions he proposes are novel and enlightening. The same can be
said about Edmund Mokrzycki’s book, Philosophy
and Sociology: From the Methodological Doctrine to
Research Practice (1983). Mokrzycki argues that
since early positivism began circulating in the
1950s as the methodological foundation of sociology, the result has been that empirical sociology
A second group of works deals with problems in the field of sociology but bordering on
microsociology and social philosophy. Pawel Rybicki’s
The Structure of the Social World (1979) introduces
to sociological debates in Poland, for the first time
in a very comprehensive way, problems of micromacro link, the problematics of a small group, and
ontological dilemmas especially related to individualism versus holism controversy. On the other
hand, Andrzej Malewski’s work (1975), aimed primarily at modification and experimental testing of
the social-psychological theories of L. Festinger,
M. Rokeach, and N. E. Miller, also undertakes
fundamental methodological and theoretical problems of the integration of social sciences, which
Malewski tries to solve through the procedure of
theoretical reduction. Jacek Szmatka’s work Small
Social Structures: An Introduction to Structural
Microsociology (1989), tries to reach virtually all the
same goals that his predecessors, mentioned above,
tried to reach. The final result of these endeavors
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is his structural microsociology, based on assumptions of emergent sociological structuralism, the
structural conception of the small group, and
specific conception of short- and long-range social
structures.
social consciousness of Polish society (continuing
Ossowski’s 1963 work); its changes in time perspective (Koralewicz 1987), value system, attitudes,
aspirations (Nowak 1980, 1982, 1989), class consciousness, and political participation (Ziolkowski
1988); and collective subconsciousness and the
concept of collective sense (Marody 1987, 1988).
Another important and vital field of research are
studies on political and legal system of Polish
society (Staniszkis 1987), legitimation of the social
order (Rychard 1987), repressive tolerance of the
political system (Gorlach 1989), local power elite
(Wasilewski 1989), and deviance and social control (Kwasniewski 1987). The third domain of
research consists of different aspects of social and
economic organization of the Polish society, namely
self-management and current economical crisis
(Morawski 1987), determinants of economical interests (Kolarska-Bobinska 1988), and conditions
of social dimorphism (Wnuk-Lipinski 1987). There
are also interesting studies on the life values of
youth in Poland (Sulek 1985), the role of the army
in the Polish political and social scene (Wiatr
1988), and the birth and the role of the Solidarity
movement (Staniszkis 1984). We should also mention the Polish attempt to develop the framework
of sociotechnics by Adam Podgorecki (1966), which
convinced many academics to switch to the study
of practical applications of sociology.
Still another type of theorizing is present in
the next two important theoretical works, Sztompka’s
Theory of Social Becoming (1990) and Jadwiga
Staniszkis’s The Ontology of Socialism (1989). The
two works are very different in terms of style of
theorizing and level of abstraction, but they have
one goal in common: to produce theoretical conceptions that would account for tensions, problems, and processes of Polish society. Sztompka,
who develops his conception around such categories as human agency and social movements, is
highly abstract and stays within the Marxian tradition. Staniszkis engages in her analysis categories
such as power, politics, legitimization, and ideology. She is less abstract and refers frequently to
concrete societies. However, she too stays within
the Marxian tradition.
Sociology of Culture, by Antonina Kloskowska
(1983), continues vital traditions of this field in
Polish sociology and also provides several theoretical innovations. The term sociology of culture is
understood here to refer to a branch of sociological theory that is culture oriented and that operates with various types of cultural data. Basic subject matter for this theory is symbolic culture,
while basic factors are conditions and functions of
symbolic culture in the domain of societal culture.
Kloskowska develops, among other theories, communication theory of symbolic culture and theory
of symbolic culture development; one of her statements is that symbolic culture can perform its
functions only when it preserves its original character, and its values remain intrinsic and autotelic,
and are sought for their own sake.
CURRENT TRENDS AND PERSPECTIVES IN
POLISH SOCIOLOGY
The events of 1989, which marked the beginning
of an economical, political, and social transformation in Poland, gave Polish sociologists rich empirical material to study. The great interest in
research on Polish transition provoked even the
suppositions of overpolitization of Polish sociology. Nevertheless, new perspectives appeared in the
field of social structure, stratification, and mobility
(Wnuk-Lipinski 1989, 1996; Domanski 1994). Attempts to construct a model of the middle class in
postcommunist societies have been made by H.
Domanski and J. Kurczewski. There is a special
focus on the consolidation of young central and
eastern European democracies and political and
party systems in studies by Ewa Nalewajko (1997).
Another well-developed field is the study of power
and business elites, their roots and integration by
Jacek Wasilewski (Wasilewski 1997, 1998) and
The most vital and extensively cultivated, however, is empirical sociology of Polish society. Its
standards of research procedures do not differ
from western European ones. Polish sociology
owes many important methodological and technical improvements to two prominent and in some
sense classical methodologists: Stefan Nowak and
Jan Lutyñski. The empirical branch of Polish sociology is very diversified and multifaceted. Especially extensive are studies on several aspects of
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Wlodzimierz Wesolowski (1995, 1996). The mainstream of current Polish sociology is focused on
society in transition, but this does not mean that
there are no pure theoretical studies being in
process. The basic science type endeavor is being
pursued in the tradition of structural social psychology (i.e., group processes). The theoretical
research program in network exchange theory
developed by Szmatka, Mazur, and Sozanski is one
of the most methodologically advanced in sociology, and their new studies on network conflict
theory gained some recognition in world sociology (Szmatka et al. 1997, 1998; Szmatka and
Mazur 1998).
and M. Watson, eds., Crisis and Transition: Polish
Society in the 1980s. Oxford: Berg.
Kwasniewicz, Wladyslaw 1993 ‘‘Between Universal and
Native: The Case of Polish Sociology.’’ In Brigitta
Nedelmann and Piotr Sztompka, eds., Sociology in
Europe: In Search of Identity. New York: Walter de
Gruyter.
——— 1994 ‘‘Dialectics of Systemic Constraint and
Academic Freedom: Polish Sociology under Socialist
Regime.’’ In Mike Forrest Keen and Jonusz Mucha,
eds., Eastern Europe In Transformation: The Impact on
Sociology. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood.
Kwasniewski, Jerzy 1987 Society and Deviance in Communist Poland: Attitudes to Social Control. Oxford, England: Berg.
Malewski, Andrzej 1975 For a New Shape of the Social
Sciences: Collected Papers. Warszawa: Polish Scientific
Publishers. (In Polish).
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