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Policy, Policy and Relations: Coverage of Social Marketing in the Mainstream Media Michael Basil, University of Lethbridge One important application of marketing by nonprofits is the use of “social marketing” toward the promotion of the “social good.” Despite good intentions of the third sector, there is considerable evidence of public reactance to these programs as “coercive” and leading to a “nanny-state.” These criticisms seem especially likely when efforts are aimed at anything other than information and individual change. For example, efforts to make structural changes including “nudges” are often met with hostility. Literature review. From its original formulation by Kotler and Zaltman in 1971, social marketing is increasingly employed in the public health arena toward issues such as condoms, malaria prevention, nutrition, obesity, and physical activity. Most of these social marketing efforts attempt to improve public health by increasing knowledge, attitudes, and availability of products that improve public health. Measures of effectiveness include rates of HIV seroprevalence, malaria, death, fruit and vegetable consumption, and walking. There are several examples of criticisms leveled at the use of social marketing. This includes a conception of the manipulation of individuals (Buchanan, Reddy & Hossain 1994). Social marketing does not involve manipulation, but simply finds ways to increase the attractiveness or availability of socially desirable alternatives (Hastings, 2003). A second criticism is that social marketing relies too heavily on the notion of passive and rational bases of behavior (Dolenko, 1997). Although many efforts do focus too heavily on rational behavior, this is not an inherent part of social marketing, as efforts often involve simply making a product or service more available or less expensive. Third, social marketing has been criticized because linguistic constructions “favor the dominant social discourse” (Raftopoulou, 2010). Although social marketing may indeed favor the dominant social discourse, so do a majority of social practices, this is why they are dominant, but there is no reason why social marketing efforts have to be of the dominant discourse or practice, in fact, many efforts are attempts to get people to do things that are outside everyday habits, for example efforts to encourage walking instead of watching television or bicycling instead of taking the car. In sum, most of the historical criticisms leveled at social marketing seem to arise from some level of ignorance of social marketing (Grier & Bryant, 2005). Method. A content analysis of contemporary mainstream media coverage of social marketing efforts was conducted. Results. The results show that recent criticisms of social marketing appear to be rooted in the fervor of political orientation. Liberals seem to generally be in favor of many social marketing efforts but criticize commercial marketing efforts to increase the availability, attractiveness, or lower the price of commercial products such as soda. Examples can be seen in the New York Times (e.g., Nagourney, 2008; Strom, 2011, Zinczenko, 2011). Meanwhile conservatives often criticize social marketing efforts at public health including efforts to reduce the consumption of soda, encourage the consumption of fruits and vegetables or increase physical activity yet be favorable to commercial marketing efforts to increase the availability or lower the price of most goods, and ultimately believe in the power of the free market. Examples can be seen in the Wall Street Journal (e.g., Honbson, 2011; Jargon, 2007; Lee, 2011; Moynihan, 2011). Conclusions. What does this mean for efforts at third sector interventions? We expect that many efforts will result in cynicism, misunderstanding, and evidence of being colored by political orientation. Other than returning to education and individual initiative approaches, what approached can be used to reduce these cynical outcomes?