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CONVERSION OF UPPER CASTES INTO
LOWER CASTES: A PROCESS OF
ASPRASHYEEKARAN (ENCOMPASSING
UNTOUCHABILITY)
SHYAM LAL
Sanskritisation or the change over from lower to higher castes has been a subject
of popular research in India, but not its reverse, Asprashyeekaran. This essay
studies the downward mobility of population in India, where groups and individuals of upper castes or tribes broke their affiliation with the parent groups and
culturally incorporated themselves, formally or legally, into the lower castes,
acquiring altogether a new low caste identity. This is a phenomenon hardly
reported by sociologists or social anthropologists. The conversion of upper castes
into lower castes (asprashyeekaran) is the focus of this study.
Dr. Shyam Lal is Professor and Head of the Department of Sociology, University
of Rajasthan, Jaipur.
All studies on social mobility are confined to upward mobility available to underprivileged groups, particularly the lower castes. This was
the focus of many sociological studies in the fifties, sixties and seventies of the this century (Srinivas, 1952; Cohn, 1955; Bailey, 1958;
Kalia, 1959; Mahar, 1960; Chanana, 1961; Ratan, 1961; Gould 1961;
Barnabas, 1961; and Patwardhan, 1973). The change in the social
structure and mobility pattern of the scheduled castes (SCs) and the
scheduled tribes (STs) in the various regions of India was reported by
Shyam Lal (1973) and a few others. The Asprashyeekaran or the'
downward mobility as it exists among the Hindus and non-Hindus, has
not been studied by social scientists in general and sociologists and
social anthropologists in particular.
The converted Bhangis of different castes were found living in
Bhangi bustees and the spatial segregation of castes was not reflected
in the physical structure and layout of the bustees. It was possible for
164 Shyam Lal
any person to change one's occupational status without a corresponding change in the caste status. All the residents of the Bhangi bustees
operated as a socially homogeneous group in their bustees. Such social
situations were first observed in Jodhpur and then in Chittorgarh and
other towns of Rajasthan (Lal, 1992a).
In 'Desanskritisation and High Caste Converts into Bhangis' (Lal,
1992b), an attempt was made to assess the process of Bhangiisation in
Rajasthan, according to which a high caste person accepts the membership of the Bhangi caste and thereby lowers his social as well as
ritual position in the Hindu social order. The study illustrated the
radical changes which came about in the lifestyles and values of the
converts. After giving a detailed account of Bhangiisation, converts to
Bhangi caste, motivating factors in Bhangiisation, process of Bhangiisation, socio-religious and cultural changes, it was concluded that the
change of identity from an upper to lower caste status explains the
course of social change in the history of Rajasthan (Lal, 1992c).
Objectives
The broad objectives of the present study are:
• To assess the process of Asprashyeekaran
• To examine the motivating factors in Asprashyeekaran
• To analyse changes in the converts due to Asprashyeekaran.
Asprashyeekaran
M.N. Srinivas (1952, 1957) developed the concept of Sanskritisation.
Reacting to this concept, scholars like D.N. Majumdar and others used
the concept of desanskritisation. D.N. Majumdar, explaining desanskritisation or deritualisation in his book Caste and Communication
in an Indian village in 1958, stated that the members of high castes
have been dropping rituals, abandoning their age old ways of life,
adopting dress, diet and social customs which they did not subscribe
to in a process which we may call desanskritisation. This process of
desanskritisation (or deritualisation) is proceeding rapidly in all parts
of India and that is how the voltage of caste prestige has been lowered
and is on the decline. The term 'Desanskritisation' has been used here
very broadly.
In this paper, the concept of Asprashyeekaran has been propounded
in place of Desanskritisation. Asprashyeekaran is a process by which
a high or a low caste person or a tribal accepts the membership of an
untouchable caste and thereby lowers his social as well as ritual
Conversion of Upper Castes into Lower Castes 165
position. It involves imbibing the customs and beliefs and adopting the
ways of life of a lower or an untouchable caste. The previous caste
identity is lost over a period of time, say in a generation or two.
D.N. Majumdar had explained 'Desanskritisation' in terms of abandoning age-old ways of life and rejecting abhorred social customs.
However, this paper contends that the ideas of purity and impurity (as
also emphasised by Dumont in his description of the characteristics of
hierarchy in the caste system) should be given more importance in
rejecting one way of life and accepting another. When a high caste
person becomes a member of a lower caste, he/she keeps the pure and
the impure separate and the idea of the 'superiority of the pure to the
impure' is rejected. More importance is given to needs than to ritualistic purity. Asprashyeekaran is found functional for individual needs
and desires. Since the principle of 'linear order of castes' is rejected,
one does not mind being labelled Asprashya. The term,
Asprashyeekaran, therefore, appears to be a more logical term in
explaining the downward mobility of recent times.
It was found during our field work, that the process of
Asprashyeekaran is not confined to Hindu castes only, but it occurs
among the non-Hindu groups too, such as Muslims.
Bhangiisation was derived from the Bhangis of Rajasthan and not
from the Bhangi caste in other regions. Similarly, Asprashyeekaran is
not confined to the Bhangi caste but it also occurs among the other
untouchable castes too such as Chamar, Bhalahi, Mahar, Bairwa,
Pariah and others. The nature of this type of Asprashyeekaran is by no
means uniform, as the untouchable castes into which the conversion
has taken place vary, reflecting the diversity among the untouchable
castes.
Thus, there exist four models of Asprashyeekaran. These are:
• Sociocultural model
• Religion-ritual model
• Historio-political model
• Economic model.
Process of Asprashyeekaran
An upper caste person, who converts himself/herself to an untouchable
caste and changes his/her identity has to be formally incorporated and
admitted into that new untouchable caste. Normally, under the traditional setup, the untouchables place a great premium on the purity
of blood and they ex-communicate an untouchable having matrimo-
166 Shyam Lal
nial relations with persons of other castes. But under extraordinary
circumstances, it appears that they have their own cultural devices and
procedures to incorporate or convert non-members to their castes. The
process adopted by the Chamars, Balahis, Mahars and the Bairwas
while converting upper caste persons into their own castes is discussed
below.
Process of Conversion to the Chamar Caste
About forty years ago, Gunarthi (1950) described how outsiders were
admitted to Chamar caste in Rajasthan. Under the traditional setup
some ceremony was usually performed to seal admission of the outsiders to the Chamar caste. The high caste members who intended to
become a Chamar had to sleep under a cot. In the presence of the caste
gathering, the five Panchas of the caste (Chamar) sat on the cot and
took a bath one by one. After this ceremony was performed the
newcomer became a member of the Chamar caste.
Process of Conversion to the Balahi Caste
Russell and Hiralal (1916) give a detailed description of the Balahi
rites of admission.
The head and face of the neophyte are shaved clean, and he is
made to lie on the ground under a string-cot; a number of Balahis
sit on this and wash themselves, letting the water drip from the
bodies on to the man below until he is well drenched, he then
gives a feast to the caste-fellows, and is considered to have
become a Balahi.
Like Russell and Hiralal, Fuchs (1966) refers to the occurrence of
conversion of high castes people in the Balahi caste in Madhya
Pradesh.
The usual applicants are persons who have lost all their relatives
and caste fellows in a village and consequently have associated
with the Balahis; or they have been expelled from their own caste
and, for certain reasons, are unable to gain readmission. Instead
of remaining outcastes forever they prefer to join the Balahi
community. Others may have fallen in love with a Balahi
woman, or a girl or woman of a higher caste may have been
seduced by a Balahi. In the latter case the woman is never taken
back by her community and is therefore obliged to join the
Balahis. Such cases are relatively frequent.
Conversion of Upper Castes into Lower Castes 167
Process of Conversion to the Mahar Caste
Some idea of conversion and change of identity and admission of
higher castes persons among the Mahars may also be obtained from
the following description given by Russell and Hiralal, 1916:
When an outsider is to be received into the community all the
hair on his face is shaved, being wetted with the urine of a boy
belonging to the group to which he seeks admission.
Process of Conversion to Bairwa Caste
The Bairwas also adopted a procedure basically similar to Bhangis,
while converting upper caste persons. However, they do not have a
Pindi Panchana ceremony as organised and performed by the Bhangis.
Instead, the Bairwas have evolved a separate centralised sociopolitical
organisation of their own, called Chorasi Panchayat (caste meeting
body) which deals with the breach of caste norms. It is this body which
deals with caste conversion, change of identity and admission of a
non-Bairwa into the Bairwa caste fold. The sarpanch of the organisation conducts the proceedings. At least one person from each of the
(84) villages is expected to attend the meeting and the non-Bairwa who
intends to become a Bairwa has to throw a feast to the people.
Motivating Factors in Asprashyeekaran
The basic question in the functioning of the caste system in India is:
Was there any possibility of changing from higher to lower caste in
the past? Was any such case ever reported in ancient, medieval or
British periods? Has any scholar cited any example of lowering the
status of a higher caste? This paper reiterates that it had happened in
the past and it is happening even today in Hindu society. A few
instances of Asprashyeekaran of high castes in ancient and medieval
India are cited here while paying greater attention to the period
immediately before and after the establishment of the British rule.
The Asprashyeekaran of high castes appears to be a complex
problem. Racial invasions and Muslim rulers in different periods left
their imprint on the caste system. Hence, the Asprashyeekaran of
higher castes in India should be studied from a historical perspective.
Ketkar (1909: 108) while analysing the caste system and the social
life of people in India during the third century found that a person could
not go into a higher caste, but could move down from a high station.
He could lose his caste status and could mingle with persons of lower
168 Shyam Lal
castes. He further maintained that there are many castes who suffered
in status 'on account of their mixing with low castes or of neglect of
sacred rites'.
Ketkar's statement points out that Asprashyeekaran is not a recent
phenomenon in India. On the contrary, it was present during all the
ages of Indian history.
I
What, then, are the causes of this downward mobility in Indian society?
One important factor responsible for social degradation was outcasting. It affected individuals as well as groups. Breach of established
social norms and usages was considered a social crime. Anyone who
violated the approved societal norms was regarded guilty and forcibly
declared an outcaste. Thus, the position of the outcastes was lowered
and they were also prohibited from following their traditional occupations. Though only a small fraction of high caste people were thus
degraded, the degradation to a lower caste often changed customs as
well as the general culture. Dubois (1953), refers to the occurrence of
social degradation of high castes and has pointed out how high castes
were eventually merged into lower castes. Dubois states:
The Pariahs were most probably composed in the first instance
of all the disreputable individuals of different classes of society,
who, on account of various offenses, had forfeited their right to
associate with respectable men. They formed a class apart....
(1953: 53).
The early period of Rajasthan history, for instance, records instances of social degradation. The medieval period saw the fall of a
section of a dominant caste of Rajputs in the Marwar state. Those
Rajputs who were engaged in making the arrows for Bhils and Meenas
were labelled outcaste and called 'Tirgars'. In course of time, the
Tirgars assumed a new lower caste designation and the original caste
name 'Rajput' disappeared.
Munshi Hardayal Singh also noted the social degradation of Inda
Rajputs in Marwar states as early as 1891. In about 1406, Mandor, the
then capital of Marwar, was conquered by Jallalludeen Khilji from
Padiyar Rajputs. The Muslim rulers harassed and tortured the Rajputs
and some years later, the Inda Rajputs, another sect of Padiyar Rajput,
recaptured it from Khilji. Later on, Mandor was given in dowry to Rao
Chundaji to whom they gave their daughters in marriage. This resulted
Conversion of Upper Castes into Lower Castes 169
in a lowering of their social position. Since then, some Padiyars
merged with the lower castes.
II
Another important factor that leads to downward mobility and social
degradation in the Hindu society is the principle of ceremonial purity.
As Ketkar pointed out:
A caste is . . . degraded by giving up .. . the traditional rules of
purity surrounding dominant castes and by irregular conduct
from their standard (1909: 21).
Many Brahmin castes in Western India degraded themselves because of the use of meat and wine. Ketkar reported:
In Western India, some castes are degraded by the use of wine
and meat and even by that of tobacco. Many Brahmin castes in
certain localities have lost their status by using meat, which is
used in those localities only by non-Brahmins
Many castes
have been lowered in social scale by the customs of polygamy
(1909:21).
Describing this trend of a downward social mobility in the Rajputana princely states, Gunarthi wrote:
Many twice-born castes had fallen from high station on account
of their neglect of sacred rites and rituals and deeds and merged
among the Chamars and adopted the traditional occupation of
this caste. Because of this age-old process, gotras of different
higher castes are also found among the Chamars (1950: 261).
The Bhakti cults of medieval India are also significant because they
challenged the idea of inequality based on caste. A few sects founded
by lower caste saints recruited followers from several higher castes in
their early evangelical phase. Referring to the influence of Lalgir (one
of the medieval saints of Bikaner state), on high caste Hindus, Sheering
wrote in 1881:
Nearly fifty years ago a Chamar, named Lalgir founded a religious sect . . . to which high officials, Rajpoots and others . . .
attached themselves (1974: 62).
Louis Dumount has also held that people converting to Bhakti sects
in the past centuries have formed new castes (cf. Kolenda, 1984: 116).
170 Shyam Lal
In such a movement, the direction of change will be towards a social
degradation model rather than the Sanskritisation model.
III
The political system of British India witnessed downward mobility for
some strategically situated individuals and groups. A secondary source
of downward mobility in that system was the king or any other
acknowledged political head of the region. The king had the power to
promote and demote castes inhabiting his kingdom. For instance,
Ballan Sen, the king of Bengal, in the twelfth century enjoyed the
power of elevating and degrading the rank of castes in his kingdom.
In Vallabh Charita, it was pointed out, that Ballal Sen demoted the
Sonar Banias to the status of an unclean caste (O'Malley, 1913: 452).
The power to promote or demote castes stemmed from the fact that
pre-British Indian kings, Hindu or Muslim stood at the apex of the
caste system. The ranking of castes within the kingdom had the king's
consent and an individual who had been termed an outcaste by his caste
council for an offence had always the right of appeal to the king. The
latter had the power to examine the evidence and confirm or alter the
verdict.
Degradation to a low caste was one of the five severe punishments
to be imposed. In the year 1820, W. Hamilton mentioned that a century
ago, members of the best families were degraded to a low caste by
which they lost both liberty and caste.
Similar incidents have been reported by writers from other parts of
India during the last few centuries. In 1883, S.C. Bose traced the
demotion of a Brahmin of Santipur of eighteenth century Nadia, who
had sexual relations with a girl of low caste. They appealed to the Raja
and afterwards to the Nawab, for restoration of caste, but in vain. (cf.
O'Malley, 1913:453).
IV
Another important aspect of degradation is what is loosely called the
economic dimension. More precisely, this refers to the 'occupational
demand' in trade or government or social organisation. The occupation
determines the social position of individuals and groups. Briggs noted
this almost seventy years ago. He wrote:
The Jatiya, for example, is of a higher physical type than some
other sub-castes and of lighter complexion. The explanation in
this case may be that some occupational demand drew jats into
Conversion of Upper Castes into Lower Castes 171
this lower form of work, or more likely that pressure or penalty
resulted in their degradation (1920: 18).
V
A great deal of downward mobility and social degradation occurred
because of illicit relations of Chamar women with persons of high
castes. As a result of his historical research, Briggs has described the
case of Jats, who were degraded in Uttar Pradesh in the sixteenth
century. The Jats' degradation may be explained partly by the illicit
relations of Chamar women with men of higher castes and partly by
certain social and religious customs that prevailed extensively. Some
Jatiyas claim to be the descendants of Jats. Many persons of this
sub-caste resemble these taller and fairer complexioned neighbours.
VI
Subjugation of tribe after tribe has been a recurring phenomena in
India. Indian history illustrates the process of rising and falling of tribes
and classes under foreign and local waves of invasions.
Foreign invasions and local waves of conquest are significant in
social degradation in another way. There is first of all the process of
social degradation when a caste or section of a caste lost political
power. It also lost the traditional symbols of higher status, namely
customs, rituals and lifestyles of higher caste. In her study of Tanjore
village in Tamil Nadu, Gough (1960) reports the extinction of a royal
family in 1855 and the subsequent downward mobility of its courtier
families.
Now for a brief analysis of the case of Chamars of Uttar Pradesh.
Briggs reports that there were no Chamars in Gorakhpur District in the
sixteenth century. The question is, how did the Chamars emerge?
Briggs suggests that 'There are good reasons for believing that this
caste has received large recruitment from above'.
The census of Marwar Report for 1891 says that in Marwar, the
erstwhile princely state, the Rajput Malis were comparatively large in
number. The Rajputs bravely fought and defended their kingdom
against the Muslim invaders but were defeated and punished severely
by the triumphant conqueror. In desperation, some of the Rajputs left
their traditional caste and converted themselves voluntarily into the
Mali caste to save themselves from Muslim atrocities. This process of
conversion into the Mali caste occurred gradually but it intensified in
the twelfth century when Prithvi Raj Chauhan, the last Hindu king of
172 Shyam Lal
Delhi, bravely defended his kingdom against the Mughals and was
eventually defeated by Mohammad Quari, the Muslim invader. After
the defeat of Chauhan, the Rajputs who were captured by the Muslim
armies during the wars were, forcibly converted into Muslims. After
they embraced the Islamic religion, they were called Gauri Pathans.
Some other Rajputs took shelter in other lower castes to conceal their
Rajput status. In accepting the membership of different castes according to their convenience, the Rajputs saved their lives but lost their
caste rank in social structure and assumed the occupation of the
adopted castes. Many Rajputs merged with the Mali castes. The census
officials have also traced the emergence and the development of Rajput
Mali caste through the downfall of the Rajputs after the death of Prithvi
Raj Chauhan (see Marwar, 1891: 83-85; Angris, 1991: 65-66).
In 1313, a meeting of the members of Rajput Malis was held at
Pushkar in Ajmer under the presidentship of Mahadev. The meeting
unanimously passed 22 reforms for their caste, such as a ban on the
eating of meat, drinking of wine and killing of animals and widow
remarriage (Marwar, 1891: 83-85).
The Rajputs were not only converted into the Mali caste but were
also converted into untouchable castes such as Chamars and Bhangis
(Marwar, 1891:583).
Like Briggs, Gunarthi also traces the origin of a new sub-Chamar
caste in Rajasthan in the fifteenth century. In Rajasthan, there was a
thikana known as Nimad. Gunarthi comments that in 1412 Maharana
Ratan Singh attacked Nimad but was badly defeated. During the
struggle, some of the soldiers were captured and were forced to weave
the cloth for the natives of Nimad. Weaving was the traditional
occupation of a low caste known as Balahi. Later on, they were called
by the degraded terms, Nimad Balahi.
Similar descriptions have been reported from other parts of India
relating to the early period. Shastri cites an example from the history
of Bengal where how, as a result of loss of political power, the
Buddhists of Bengal were eventually demoted into the low social
status. According to Shastri:
The people of Bengal, who after the downfall of the Hindu rule
did not accept either Brahmanism or Islam, but stuck to their old
mode of worship, became the untouchables of today. History is
not without such examples (cf. Prasad, 1957: 46).
Conversion of Upper Castes into Lower Castes 173
The Chamars, Balahis, Bhambis and Meghwals of Rajasthan are
briefly discussed here. In Rajasthan, from the early period, the traditional Chamars admitted the outsiders into their fold. Gunarthi writes
that for Rajasthan region, the Chamars are grouped into two main
categories, A dak and Sadak. The term Adak was used for the traditional
Chamars in general, whereas the term Sadak was used particularly for
those converted Chamars who were recruited in the Chamar castes
from higher castes. This conversion is elaborated in Singh's description of how members of the Brahmin, Rajput, Jat and Charon castes in
Rajasthan were lowered. Singh says:
.. .In times past, when Marwar was troubled by foreign invaders,
a large number of Rajputs, Jats and Charans joined the Bhambi
caste and thus, in course of time, there arose five subdivisions
among the Bhambis as follows:
i) The Adu or unmixed Bhambis.
ii) The Maru Bhambis comprising Rajputs,
iii) The Bamnia Bhambis comprising Paliwal Brahmins,
iv) The Jata Bhambis including Jats — 1,128 males and
1,029 females have separately retained themselves under
this head,
v) The Charnia Bhambis including Charans (1990: 197; see
Vyas and Gehlot, 1992).
It would thus be logical to say that in the case of Chamars, who
seem to have been recruited in medieval times from several higher
castes like Rajputs, Brahmins, Jats and Charans, cultural differences
exist between sub-caste groups in different parts of the country. In fact,
the Chamars like Jata Bhambis, Bamnia Bhambis and Charnia Bhambis in Rajasthan do not inter-marry within these sub-castes. These
groups are more conscious of maintaining their old traditions and
customs. Not only this, there is also considerable diversity in the dress
habits between different Chamar groups.
Sardar (1914:238) mentions that Meghwal admitted people of
higher castes into their caste.
Like Singh and Sardar, Mead and Macgregor, (1912) draw attention
to the same fact that Bhangis of Bombay are an admixture of outcastes.
In other words, the sociopolitical system favoured.downward mobility. (See Table 1 for an analysis of castes which were given low
status in different periods in some Indian states).
TABLE 1
CASTES WHICH WERE GIVEN LOW STATUS IN DIFFERENT PERIODS IN
RAJASTHAN, UTTAR PRADESH, BENGAL AND TAMIL NADU
* Caste has not been specified by the author.
** Occupation has not been mentioned.
** States have not been specified
Conversion of Upper Castes into Lower Castes 175
VII
The last important factor that led to the downwards (and also upward)
mobility in Hindu society is the benefit of reservation. Poor economic
conditions and craze for power and status lead to the process of
Asprashyeekaran of those economically poor upper castes through
aspiration for reservation benefits. These castes, in order to avail themselves of the facilities of reservation, must adopt one of the categories of
SC/ST and other backward classes notified by the Constitution of free
India. This has been successfully done by the higher caste people. Some
of the higher castes have been adopting the lower castes since the British
period in order to enjoy the fruits of reservations. For instance, in 1974,
Saraswathi described an incident from the Madras state:
The Britishers adopted the policy of political concession for the
minority communities, backward classes and depressed classes
there was a competition among the upper castes to adopt, the names
of the lower castes so as to qualify themselves for the benefits of
the British reservations. This was done by the Viswa Brahmin caste,
one of the non-brahmin upper castes of Madras State, who had tried
to join the lower castes for the sake of getting reservation benefits
from Britishers, (cf. Guru: 1986).
Even today the higher castes are willing to take the status of lower
castes for the sake of getting reservation benefits given by the Constitution to the above mentioned cases. According to the reports of the
Commissioner for SCs and STs, there are a number of instances where
high caste people secured false certificates by unscrupulous means in
the support of their claims of belonging to SC and ST groups for entry
into services under the Central Government, State Government and
public sector undertakings. Thus, reservations as a practical necessity
to remove the economic backwardness compel the higher castes to
undergo the process of asprashyeekaran.
Asprashyeekaran: Socio-religious and Cultural Changes
The converted Chamars, Bairwas and Bhangis of Rajasthan today do not
claim to be the descendants of upper castes, though in reality they are
converts from castes of Hindus and non-Hindus. Over the generations,
the converted families have succeeded in completely obliterating their
upper caste ancestry and have created a new social identity for themselves
as the descendants of traditional Chamars, Bairwas and Bhangis.
176 Shyam Lal
The conversion of upper castes to the Chamar, Bairwa and Bhangi
caste was both an individual and group process. The conversion of
individuals/groups made the transition from the upper strata to the low
stratum and the accompanying positional changes, somewhat easier
for upper caste members. Some major adjustments were required, but
whatever the individual convert lost by way of social intercourse with
upper castes was eventually gained among the Chamars, Bairwas and
Bhangis. Converts to the Chamar, Bairwa and Bhangi castes are
usually characterised as Chamar, Bairwa and Bhangi and no specific
term is used for them. They are not looked down upon by the traditional
Chamars, Bairwas and Bhangis. This did not give rise to any kind of
differentiation in the adjustment of the converts. After their conversion
to Chamar, Bairwa and Bhangi castes in different regions, they continue to enjoy an equal status among the members of Chamar, Bairwa
and Bhangi groups as the whole.
The Trend
A caste has its own self-image and identity on the basis of which it
considers itself historically as well as socioculturally and nominalistically distinct from other castes and tenaciously sticks to and justifies
this identity in spite of various changes taking place in its life.
There exists a vast body of data on cultural dynamics among the
untouchable castes and various aspects of cultural and social changes
and factors responsible for them. However, such studies generally do
not seem to discuss the change of the identity of a caste.
It may be noted that this change of identity from upper caste to lower
caste status throws significant light on the course of Indian history. At
the same, at the macrocosmic level, it has a significant bearing on the
understanding of some aspects of Indian civilisation where the process
of fission and fusion of the various castes and cultural groups has been
making an impact on the homogeneity of the population. This phenomenon deserves the serious attention of sociologists and cultural
historians alike.
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The Indian Journal of Social Work, Vol 57, Issue 2, April 1996