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Transcript
Historical Pratisanship: The case of Abl Sufyrn ibn Harb SULEMAN ESSOP DANGOR Introduction It seems that the major concern of the earliest Muslim historians was the recording of events, and that they did not pay much attention to determining the accuracy of reports. While the science of criticism of hadith was well-established by the 9th century, no similar science was developed for the discipline of history. Though early historians were concerned about the accuracy of historical details they included in their writings, the accounts supplied by the earliest scholars to tackle the problem of reliability of historical information. These early historians were men like Muhammad ibn Ibr3him al-Iji and Ibn Khaldiin. Early historical works, therefore, contain many unverified accounts. Biographers of the Prophet (peace be upon him), likewise, did not attach as much importance to verifying their reports as did hadith scholars, in particular, the collectors of the sihah sittah (six reliable collections). This means that neither historical nor biographical works can be completely relied upon. Furthermore, the possible influence of political and theological groupings and factions on the reporting of historical events has also been considered by some modem scholars of slam.' The major historical works in Islam contain numerous reports reflecting Abii Sufy3n7sdevotion as well as his animosity to Islam and the Prophet (peace be upon him). While the latter is given prominence in most historical writings, instances of his magnanimity during and after the prophetic era are generally ignored. Even those incidents which clearly manifest the positive features of Ab6 Sufy3n7scharacter are interpreted by some historians as a mere fa~adeon his part. They portray him as hypocrite and classify him as one of the archenemies of the Prophet (peace be upon him) and of Islam. Other historians and biographers, while conceding that Ab6 Sufyih displayed hostility to the Prophet (peace be upon him) before the Conquest of Makkah, argue that he became a devoted companion of the Prophet (peace be upon him) after he embraced Islam on the eve of the Conquest. He is included by Ibn Hajar aLbAsqaliiniand Ibn al-Athi? in their biographies of the Companions, al-Zsabahfi Tamyiz al-Sahiibah and Usud al-Ghiibah fi Ma'rifat al-Sahiibah, respectively. The latter, in fact, does not contain any negative report about Abii Sufyiin. How should we, then, explain the two conflicting portraits of Abii Sufyiln in early Islamic literature? This article will attempt to reconcile the conflicting views about Abii Sufyiin, by tracing the origins of historical reports and by analyzing their contents to ascertain their validity. Literature dealing with the biographies of narrators will be used to establish the credibility of reporters. The authenticity of the text of the reports will also be determined on the basis of logic and reason, common experience, historical facts and circumstantial evidence. The views of mufassiriin will be considered where reference is made to Abii Sufyiin in the tafsir and hadith literature respectively. The Pre-Hijrah Phase: Doubt and Denial Abii Sufyiin is reported to have made negative comments about the Prophet (peace be upon him) or expressed his doubt in Muhammad's claim to nubuwwah (prophethood) on numerous occasions before the hijrah (migration). These will be enumerated below. After Abii SufySin had returned to Makkah from a trade journey to Yemen and was informed by his wife, Hind, that Muhammad had openly announced his prophethood, he responded: "this man is fa~se".~ When the Prophet's uncle 'AbbBs declared that he found his nephew to be honest and truthful, Abii Sufyiin cautioned him against making a hasty judgement . After listening to the famous poet, Umayyah ibn Abi al-Salt's description of Muhammad's qualities to a Christian in a Syrian village, Abii Sufyln responded that if a prophet were sent, he would be an old and noble man.4 On seeing the Prophet's companions being assaulted and humiliated by the Quraysh elite in Makkah on account of their acceptance of Islam, Abii SufySin thought to himself: "where is his army of angel& A rabbi in Yemen, after addressing a meeting following the arrival there of 'Abd All& ibn Hudhzah who had just embraced Islam, asked AbO Sufyiin for more information on the Prophet. He replied that he did not accept Muhammad as a messenger because there were others better than him.6 Once Abii Sufyiin remarked to Abii Jahl that the Prophet was from amongst those who were lower than them in status. On hearing this, the Prophet remarked that while the latter was inimical to Islam, the former's rejection was motivated by the prophet's ancestry.7 If we accept the veracity of the reports above, they certainly reflect Abii Sufyan's skepticism and/or rejection of Muhammad's claim to nubuwwah. However, his remarks also clearly indicate the reasons for his refusal to believe in the Prophet which could be summed up as follows: 1. In his view, the prophet was lower in social status than the Quraysh leaders who were men of wealth and authority. 2. He considered the Banii Umayyah branch of the Quraysh (to which he belonged) to be superior to the Bani Hsshim branch (to which Muhammad belonged) and, therefore, could not bring himself to accept a prophet from an inferior branch.' His rebuke of ' U t M n ibn 'Affan for having accepted 1slam9could be viewed in this light. 3. Muhammad did not fit in with his idea of a prophet, namely that he would be an old and noble man. The shaykh al-qabilah in Arab society was usually chosen from amongst the elders of the tribe. Muhammad, by comparison, was young at the beginning of his nubuwwah. 4. The fact that he did not witness an army of angels surrounding Muhammad as predicted by Umayyah ibn Abi al-Salt added to his scepticism. 'O 5. On one occasion, Abii Sufyiin told the Prophet frankly that though he had known him to be honest and truthful, he was obliged to oppose him because Islam would put an end to distinction based on noble rank and with that his own status would be undermined." It is evident from the above that AbU SufyBn did not harbour any special animosity for the Prophet. Many leaders and members of the Quraysh as well as other tribes shared his skepticism and rejection of Muhammad's nubuwwah. What was uppermost in his mind was his fear of losing his privileged status as a member of the Quraysh elite. There were instances when AbU Sufyiin showed great respect for the Prophet (peace be upon him) as the following report illustrates. Once on his return from Syria with his wife and son, M'uBwiyah, he met the Prophet (peace be upon him) near Makkah. He requested M'uiiwiyah to dismount and let the Prophet ride. When Hind protested he declared that the Prophet (peace be upon him) was better than they all were.I2 It is reported that when the Prophet (peace be upon him) used to be persecuted in Makkah, he often found refuge in Abii Sufy3n9shouse.13 According to Ibn ~ishSim,'~ several Quraysh leaders, including Abii SufySin, used to go to the Prophet's home secretly at night in order to listen to him reciting the Qur'3n. It is worth noting their reactions to the Prophet's recitation. Abii Jahl accused the Prophet (peace be upon him) of being possessed, Abii Lahab described him as a sorcerer and Huwaflib ibn al-'Uzza called him a poet. Abii Sufya, on the other hand, declared that he knew and understood some of what he had heard,15 but he did not regard everything the Prophet said as true.I6 Abii Sufyiin's attitude here reflects neither hatred nor arrogance as is the case with other Quraysh leaders, but a frank admission of his failure to fully comprehend the Qur'Sinic message as well as his refusal to accept as true everything that the Prophet (peace be upon him) propagated. It is understandable, therefore, that though Abii Sufy2n has been included among the a'immat al-ku r (chief leaders of disbelief) by many noted commentators of the Qur'iin, f; he is said to be one of the few among the Quraysh who were not as cruel and tyrannical as other leaders.'' From the eve of the Hijrah to the Truce of Hudaybiyyah: Conflict and Combat Reports indicate that towards the end of the Prophetic era in Makkah, Abii Sufyan began to actively oppose the Prophet (peace be upon him). This section will detail with Abii SufyZin's opposition from the eve of the hijrah to Madinah to the Truce of al-Hudaybiyyah. Abii Sufyan accompanied the Quraysh leaders who approached the Prophet's uncle, Abii TSilib, and requested him to prevail upon his nephew to abandon his mis~ion.'~ He joined them when they confronted the prophet (peace be upon him) directly in an attempt to draw him in an argument which would give them a pretext to act against him.20 He was also present at the Diir al-Nadwah where the Quraysh leaders took a decision to kill the After the Prophet (peace be upon him) and his companions had migrated to Madinah, Abii Sufyiin wrote to the people of Madinah protesting against their granting of refuge and shelter to the Prophet (peace be upon him).22 Abii SufySin anticipated that his trade caravan would be intercepted by the Prophet (peace be upon him) on its way back to Makkah from Syria and requested the Quraysh to send an army to protect it. However, as soon as he had passed Madinah safely, he informed the Quraysh leaders that there was no need for the army. It was Abii Jahl, Abii Lahab and other leaders who insisted that the army should proceed toward Madinah, culminating in the battle of ~ a d r . ~ ~ However, Abii Sufysn's demeanour changed after the defeat of the Quraysh army by the Muslims in the Battle of Badr. Many of his kith and kin and close companions, including his son Hanzalah, were killed in the battle. This loss, coupled with the humiliation of the defeat of the mighty Quraysh by a small untested Muslim army spurred him on to seek revenge. He swore to avenge the defeat at ~ a d rAnd . ~ readily ~ agreed to the Makkans' demand to use the profits that accrued from the sale of goods brought by the caravan from Syria to prepare an army against the ~ u s l i m s . ~He ' led the Quraysh army in all subsequent battles against the Muslims. Abii Sufysn began by persecuting those Muslims who had not migrated to Madinah with the Prophet (peace be upon him) but had remained behind in Makkah and were attempting to escape to Madinah after ~ a d rand , ~Muslims ~ who arrived in Mukkah for the pilgrimage.27 When 'Abd Allsh ibn Qamiah, a renowned Quraysh warrior, claimed to have killed the Prophet (peace be upon him) during the Battle of m u d , Abii Sufyiin expressed great satisfaction and jubi~ation.~~ On hearing that the Prophet (peace be upon him) was still alive, he announced that the battle of m u d was a consequence of the battle of Badr; he felt no remorse about the mutilation of the bodies of Muslim soldiers who had fallen in battle, though he had not given orders for their muti~ation.~~ Abii Sufysn was present at the execution of Khubayb ibn 'Adi and Zayd ibn al-Dathinah, two surviving members of a party who were deputed by the Prophet (peace be upon him) to teach Islam to the tribes of 'Udal and Qarah and who were subsequently ambushed and killed. The two men were sold at Makkah where they were executed by their owners.30 When the Jewish tribe of Banii al-Nadir decided to form an alliance with the Quraysh and other tribes against the Prophet (peace be upon him), Abii Sufya welcomed them with the words "the most beloved to us are those who help us against ~uhammad."~'Before the Battle of the Trench, it was Abii Sufysn who sent Huyayy ibn Akhtab - chief of the Banii al-Nadir - to the Banii Qurayzah to plead with them to break off their covenant with the From Hudaybiyyah to the Conquest of Makkah: Reconciliation and Rapprochement The failure of the Quraysh and their allies to defeat the Muslims and dislodge them from Madinah, despite their repeated efforts, eventually convinced Abii Sufy2n about the futility of his cause. Not long after the Battle of the Trench, one can note a marked change in his demeanour. The Truce of al-Hudaybiyyah which established peace between the Quraysh and the Muslims and led to free mingling between them, no doubt impacted on Abii Sufy3n in a significant way. It was Abti Sufyi4n7svisit to Syria at this time that marked the turning point in his life. He was summoned to appear before the Byzantine emperor, Heraclius, to give an account of the man who had claimed prophethood in Arabia. Although Abii Sufyiin had not as yet embraced Islam, he gave truthful and accurate answers to the emperor's queries.33 When the courtiers and patriarchs began to raise a hue and cry after Heraclius had read out the Prophet's letter inviting him to accept Islam, Abii Sufyiin was overcome with a feeling that Islam would eventually triumph and that he himself would embrace the faith.34 The Prophet's marriage to Abii Sufy2n7sdaughter, Umm Habibah, played a significant role in effecting reconciliation between Abti SufyW and the Prophet (peace be upon him). In fact, according to the Qur'anic commentators Ibn Kathir, al-Suyiiti and al-Zamakhshati and the historian Ibn ~ a ' d the ;~~ Qur'anic verse "It may be that Allah will ordain love between you and those with whom you have enmity" (Qur'an, 60: 7) refers to this marriage. If we accept their interpretation, it means that the mamage was ordained precisely to reconcile Abii Sufy3n to the prophet (peace be upon him). There was, without doubt, a marked change in Abii Sufy3n7s attitude to the Prophet (peace be upon him) following the signing of the Truce of al-Hudaybiyyah. This was demonstrated by his acceptance of a gift sent to him by the Prophet (peace be upon him), and his reciprocation immediately t hereafter.36 While Abii Sufyi4n had made peace with the Prophet (peace be upon him), he had yet to embrace Islam. However, it is evident from his actions that it was only a matter of time before he followed the example of two noted generals of the Quraysh army, 'Amr ibn a]-'& and Khalid ibn al-Walid, who accepted Islam after the Truce of a l - ~ u d a ~ b i ~ It ~ aish .not ~ ~ surprising that when the Makkans were experiencing a severe drought, Abti SufyW requested the Prophet (peace be upon him) to supplicate for his people.38 The Quraysh decision to abrogate the Truce of al-Hudaybiyyah was not supported by AbU Sufyiin who agreed to mediate between the Makkan leaders and the Prophet (peace be upon him). In fact, it appears that he was not even consulted when the decision was taken. This was due to the fact that the Makkan leaders had detected a softening of attitude on the part of Abii Sufyiin and assumed that he would not support them. They even suspected him of having secretly embraced ~ s l a r n . ~ ~ From the Conquest to the end of the Prophetic era: Submission and Surrender While there is general consensus among scholars about Abii Sufyiin's enmity, hostility and opposition to Islam prior to the Conquest of Makkah as outlined above, there is no unanimity about the genuineness of his adoption of Islam. Some scholars are convinced that he made a complete break with his past and committed himself to his new faith with sincerity. Others, however, view the negative accounts about him in historical works after his conversion as proof of his infidelity. They are not at all persuaded by positive reports about him, and either consider these to be false or interpret them as signs of his hypocrisy. There are even those who actually believe that AbU Sufygn embraced Islam in order to subvert it from within! The very manner of Abii Sufyiin's acceptance of Islam on the eve of the Conquest of ~ a k k a h ~led ' some scholars to conclude that he was insincere and only announced his conversion in order to save his neck. He was, after all, a captive in the hands of the Muslims. Despite this, he expressed doubt about Muhammad's prophethood4' and seemed concerned about the fate of the idol a l - ' ~ z z a . ~ ~ It should be remembered, however, that it was at Abii Sufyiin7s behest that the Makkans agreed not to oppose the entry of the Muslim army into Makkah at the time of the The Prophet (peace be upon him) was always willing to accord him the honour befitting a leader. He announced that anyone who sought shelter in Abii Sufyiin's home would be guaranteed indemnity.44 After the Ka'bah was purified of all idols - including Hubal, which Abii Sufyiin had claimed to be the protector of the Quraysh at the battle of Qud - the Prophet's cousin, al-Zubayr ibn al-'Awwiim, was keen to know how he felt. Abii Sufygn responded: "I have realised that had there been a god other than Muhammad's God, things would have been different".45 When AbU Sufygn saw the horses of the Muslim army emerging from the upper region of Makkah known as Kada he remarked: "praise be to AllW who has guided me to slam".^^ These two statements are clear proofs of Abii Sufyiin's submission to Islam. According to Ibn al-Athir, Ibn Kathir, al-Zarkali, al-'Aliisi, alNawawi and al-Tirmidhi, Abii Sufyiin was among the tulaqci (Makkans who were pardoned by the Prophet (peace be upon him) on the day of the Conquest of Makkah and who subsequently embraced Islam) who became very good ~ u s l i m s . ~ ~ In view of this, reports containing statements inimical to Islam or the Prophet (peace be upon him) attributed to Abii Sufyiin after the Conquest of Makkah should be treated with caution. The alleged incident in which Abti SufySn is said to have been contemplating the idea of raising an m y against the Prophet (peace be upon him) after his entry into Makkah does not have credence for two reasons: (a) the report is based on the authority of Abii Ishiiq al-Sabi'i (d. 127 A.H.), a shi'ite narrator.48The shi'ites are the most vehement in enmity to Abii SuQiin. (b) The source of the report is Kitiib al-Iklil of al-Ham&ni (d. 334 AH) the South Arabian archaeologist, poet, geographer and genealogist. This work cannot be relied upon in matters relating to sirah as it deals primarily with geography and archaeology. The report cited by al-Tabari, Ibn Ishliq and al-Wiiqidi on the authority of 'Asim ibn 'Urnar Qatiidah that Abii Sufyiin's remarks when he saw Muslims fleeing the battlefield of Hunayn were filled with cannot be true. For, after the battle, the Prophet (peace be upon him) appointed Abii Sufyiin to guard over the prisoners of war." Had there been any doubt in his mind about Abii Sufyiin's loyalty, he would not have entrusted him with such an important responsibility. The very fact that Abii Sufyiin participated in the battle against his former allies is significant in itself. During the siege of Tg'if, Abii Swiin lost his one eye as a consequence of being struck by an arrow shot by defenders of the fort." When he was given a choice between having his e e restored or being recompensed in the Hereafter, he chose the latter? After the siege of Ta'if, Abii Sufyiin was one of the Quraysh leaders who were allotted a share in the booty acquired in ~ u n a ~Inn fact, . ~ ~he received the largest share of the booty.54 Abii Sufyan is included in the category of those people whose friendship the Prophet (peace be upon him) wished to court, referred to as mu'allafat al-qulzib (those whose hearts are to be reconciled) in the ~ u r ' g n . ' ~The Prophet (peace be upon him) was particularly keen to win over the affection of the Quraysh leaders who would be instrumental in effecting reconciliation between him and their followers. If Abfi Sufyiin's apparent concern for the fate of 'Uzzii referred to above, created doubts about his sincere adoption of Islam, this should be offset by the eagerness with which he set about the destruction of al-Et, the idol of the Thaqif tribe. It is reported that with every strike he uttered: "woe to you! alas to It is evident that the Prophet (peace be upon him) had developed great trust in Abii Sufytin. He chose Abii Sufyiin as a witness to the terms agreed between himself and the delegation of the Baliyy tribe which came to Madinah to declare its intention of accepting m slam.^^ Abii Sufyiin was also chosen as a witness to the conditions the Pro het (peace be upon him) stipulated in his letter to the Christians of Najriin. SF: Abii Sufjiin was appointed as collector of sadaqah from the Yemenite tribes of Bajilah and ~hawliin:~people of ~ i i ' i pand of N a j ~ n . ~He ' was also appointed as governor of Jurash, a province of erne en^^ and of Najt-211.~~ The Caliphate Phase: Dissimulation or Dedication? Most reports in the early sources, which cast doubts on Abii Sufyiin's commitment to Islam, relate to the period of Abii Bakr's caliphate. Accepting the veracity of these reporters, many historians doubt his fidelity to Islam. They maintain that Abii Sufyan's enmity to Islam did not cease and that his conversion to Islam was motivated by pragmatism. Al-Balgdhuri reports on the authority of Hishiim ibn Muhammad alKalbi, that upon the death of the Prophet (peace be upon him), Abii S u f y h approached 'Uthmn and suggested to him that the Banii Umayyah should seize the opportunity to establish their authority over the ~ u s l i m s Since . ~ ~ al-Kalbi was a Rgfidite and was known for his hostility to the Umayyads, the report is suspect. A similar report cited by alBalfidhufi on the authority of Hisham ibn Uassan cannot be accepted either, because he has been classified as "weak" and "unreliab~e".~~ Furthermore, according to al-Kalbi himself, Abii Sufyiin was not present in Madinah at the time of the Prophet's death.66 Likewise, the report by al-Balgdhufi, al-Tabari and Ibn 'Abd Rabbih that when Abii Sufyiin heard of the Prophet's death and of Abii Bakr's election as caliph he predicted cannot be accepted on the basis of riwiiyah. For the isndd of al-Bal&ihuSs report includes Ilm Abi Hazm who was well known for fabricating reports.68 The source of Ibn 'Abd Rabbih's report is Ja'far ibn Sulaymiin who was known to have been a shi'ite ~ ~ r n ~ a t h i s e r . ~ ~ A1 Baliidhuil, al-Tabari, Ibn 'Asgkir and al-Isbahiini have all cited a report - on different authorities - that after Abii Bakr's election as caliph, Abii SufySin approached 'Ali and offered to prepare an army to wage war against Abii Bakr. However, 'Ali rebuked him, accusing him of hypocrisy.70This report, designed to "prove" that Abii Sufy- favoured 'Ali's appointment to the caliphate, must be rejected on the following grounds: 1. If Abii Sufyan had been inciting his own clan, the Banii Urnayyah, to wrest the caliphate from Abii Bakr - as reported by al-Baladhuri - it is inexplicable why he should now suddenly incite 'Ali to do so since 'Ali belonged to the Banii HBshim. 2. Though 'Ali is supposed to have condemned Abii Sufyan according to the report, it is strange that 'Ali did not report the matter to Abti Bakr. 3. Abii Bakr retained Abti Sufyan as governor of ~ajrgn,'' indicating that he had full confidence in Abii SufyBn. During the caliphate of 'Umar, Abii Sufyan was included in the register of salary instituted by the second caliph and received an annual stipend,72It is reported that 'Urnar used to spread out a bed in his house on which he allowed only the Prophet's uncle, al-'~bb&,and Abii Sufyiin to sit, uttering the words "this is the Prophet's uncle and this is the shaykh of the ~ u r a ~ s h " . ~ ~ Despite his old age, Abii Sufyiin participated in the Battle of Yarmiik in 15 A.H.1636 C.E. - the battle in which the Muslims finally broke the back of Byzantine resistance. He fought under the command of his son, Yazid, one of the four commanders initially appointed by Abii Bakr to confront the Byzantine troops in ~ y r i aHe . ~ was ~ appointed as the qiiss (one who incites and encourages the troops to fight). During the battle, he used to walk among the troops impressing upon them that they were the protectors and helpers of Islam, urging them on with the words "0 servants of Allah, help Allah and He will help you" and invoking Allah to help the Muslims in battle.75 Abii Sufyiin also offered suggestions to the commanders on the tactics to be adopted in the battle and they followed his advice.76Before the battle, he addressed the troops, advising them to be courageous in battle and patient in times of adversity. They were now in a foreign land, cut off from their own people, their country, and their caliph, as well as from the sources of material support. He exhorted them to co-operate with each other and support one another, and to put their faith and trust in ~ l l a h Among . ~ ~ the Muslim women who had accompanied their men in h.~' battle were Abu Sufyiin's wife, Hind, and daughter, ~ u w a y r i ~ ~ aAfter addressing the men, Abii Sufyiin turned to the women and ordered them to beat with stick and stones any Muslim soldier fleeing from the battlefield.79 During the battle, Abii Sufyiin encouraged the men with his persuasive eloquence to perform heroic deeds. He reminded Yazid that as an army commander, he should excel his men in courage and show a greater willingness to take risks in battle." When the Muslim voices became subdued as a result of having lost three thousand men in battle, Abii SufySin's was the only audible voice supplicatin to Allah for help and encouraging the Muslim army to remain steadfast.' f Abii Sufyiin lost his second eye during the battle of Yarmiik when it was pierced by an arrow.82 He had lost his first eye during the siege of TSiLif.Subsequently, he had to be guided by a servant for the rest of his life.83 The third Caliph, 'Uth-n employed Abii SufySin as a chamber~ain.'~He offered to give him one thousand dinars which he found deposited in the public treasury by 'Umar (r.a.). This was the money acquired by Yazid through trade while he was governor of TSi'if. In terms of 'Umar's policy, all money acquired by governors belonged to the state treasury. AbU Sufyiin, however, declined to take the money, advising 'Uthmiin not to act against 'Umar's decisions because that would invite the dis leasure of people and also encourage his successors to emulate him. 'P When Abii SufyW died, 'Uthmiin led the funeral prayer.86 It is evident from the above that the first three Caliphs of Islam held AbU SufySin in high esteem. They put their confidence in him and appointed him to various responsible positions. Conclusion A critical examination of the narrators of the negative reports in the last section reveals that most of them were themselves shi'ah or had sympathies for the shi'ah. Since Abii Sufyiin happened to be the father of Mu'iiwiyyah who had challenged 'Ali for the khiliifah, and subsequently had appointed his son - Yazid - to succeed him, thereby inaugurating the Urnayyad dynasty, the shi'ah developed antipathy to him. It is not surprising that the majority of negative reports about Abii Sufyiin emanate from shi'ite sources. Other reports discrediting Abii Sufyiin could be dismissed on the basis of the unreliability of narrators. However, the fact that Abii SufySin is included in the biographies of companions is significant. It means that these biographers were not influenced by the negative reports about Abti Sufyiin which they must have come across when they were compiling their biographical works. The Prophet's complimentary remarks about Abii Sufyiin cited in authoritative hafith works cannot be summarily dismissed. They illustrate his confidence in Abii SufySin's conversion to Islam. Finally, several ahiidtth dealing with the sirah have been reported on Abii SufyZin's authority in the standard works of hadtth by prominent companions like 'Abd All& ibn ' ~ b b i i s This . ~ ~ confirms the acceptance of Abii SufyFin by senior sahiibah as a reliable source of information. It is evident from the above that all reports relating to Abii SufyFin in historical sources have to be carefully considered and should be subjected to critical evaluation, if we are to make an honest assessment of his character as well as his loyalty to Islam. It is only through a process of historical analysis, that a more accurate portrayal of Abii SufyW can emerge. Also, we should bear in mind that what applies to Abti Sufyiin applies equally to many personalities whose reputations may have been sullied by inaccurate reporting or deliberate misrepresentation. A typical example is the unfavourable manner in which 'UthmZin (r.a.) is portrayed by al-Ya'qtibi in his Tiirikh. Alternatively, some historical personalities have benefited from the patronage of historians who were inclined to support a particular philosophical or theological trend. This is true of some caliphs who received glowing tributes from their court historians.. The critical evaluation of historical reports about Abii Sufyiin in order to determine the veracity of the charge of dissimulation against him illustrates graphically the problematic of historical partisanship in Islam. End Notes I For details, see Franz Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1968), 63-65. Isma6TI ibn KathW, al-Bidcyah wa al-Nihciyah (Beirut: Maktab al-Ma'kif, 1966). 2: 223; 'Ali ibn al-Hasan ibn Hibbat Allah ibn 'Asakr, Tahdhib Tarikh Dirnashq al-Kabir, ed. 'AM al-Qadir Badran (Beirut: Dilr al-Massira, 1927), 6: 395-396. 'Ali ibn al-Husayn al-IsbahIni, Kitab al-Aghiini (Cairo: Costatasumas, n.d.), 6: 350. 4 Ibn Kathir, al-Biddyah, 2: 222-223; Abii Bakr Ahmad ibn al-Husayn al-Bayhaqi, Dalii'il al-Nubuwwah, ed. Sa'id Ahmad Saqar (Cairo: al-Ahram, 1970), 1: 470; Ma'ruf al-ArnIwut, Sayyid Qurayslz, 3d ed., (Beirut: DIr al-KalIm, 1971), 1: 11-17. 5 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidijah, 2: 223. Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiyah, 3: 65; al-Sayyid Mahmiid al-Aliisi, Riih a1 Ma'iinifi Tafsir alQur'dn al-'Azim wa al-sub' al-Mathiini (Beirut: D k Ihya' al-Turlth al-'Arabi, n.d.), 17: 48. For details see Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul wa al-Muliik, ed. M.J. de Goeje (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1964), S 1: 1089; 'Abd al-Malik ibn HishIm, al-Sirah alNabawiyyah, 2nded, Mustafa al-Saqa et al, ed. (Cairo: Mustafa al-BIbi al-Halabi, 1955), 1: 124-132; Muhammad ibn Sa'd, KitcSb al-Tabaqiit al-Kabir, Eduard Sachau ed. (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1322 A.H.), 1: 1: 37-51,4: 1: 12. Ahmad ibn Y a h F ibn Jgbir al-BalIdhuri, Ansdb al-AshrdJ Max Schloessinger ed. (Jerusalem: Magnus Press, 1971), 4A. 7. lo Ibn Kathir, Bidijah, 2: 223. II Al-Baladhuri, Ansiib al-Ashrdj 4A: 9. Ibid., 4A: 7. 13 A h a d ibn 'Ali ibn Hajar al-'AsqalLni, Tahdhib al-Tahdhib (Hyderabad: Da'irat alMa'Irif al-NizImiyyah, 1325 A.H.), 4: 41 l ; A b a d ibn 'AIi ibn Hajar al-'Asqallni, alIsiibahfi Tamyiz al-Sahiibah (Beirut: D k IhyZ' al-Turiith al-'Arabi, 1328 A.H.), 2: 179; Ibn 'AsIkir, Tdrikh Dirnashq, 6: 397. 14 Ibn Hishm, Sirah, 1: 315-316. lS Ibid., 1: 315-316. l6 Muhammad al-Jawi al-Nawawi, Marah Libid (Cairo: Dar Ihya' al-Kutub al'Arabiyyah, 1376 A.H.), l: 480. 17 Al-Aliisi, Rt7h al-Ma'cini, 10: 59; JalIl al-Din al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-ManthJrfi alTafsir al-Ma'thiir, Muhammad Arnin Darnaj ed. (Beirut, n.d.), 3: 214; Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari, Jcimi' al-Baydnfi Tafsir al-Qur'iin (Beirut: D k al-Ma'kif, 1983), 6: 62; Abii Bakr A l p a d ibn 'Ali A l - W i , Kitab Ahkiim al-Qur'iin (Beirut: D k al-Kit%bal'Arabi, 1335 A.H.), 3: 86. Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqcit, 1: 1: 133-134; 'Ali ibn Muhammad ibn al-Athir, al-Kdmilfi alTarikh (Beirut: Dar Sadir, 1965), 2: 76. Ibn Hisham, Sirah, 1: 264-265. "Ibid., 1: 295. 2 ' Ibn Hishiim, Sirah, 1: 480-482; al-Tabari, Tdrikh, S 1: 1229-1231. l9 22 ' Ibn Hish-, Sirah, 1: 448; Abu Ja'far Muhammad ibn Habib, Kitcib al-Muhabbar, E.L. Shtater ed. (Beirut: D k al-Afaq al-Jadidah, 1361 A N ) , 271. 23 Ibn Hishiim, Sirah, 1: 618; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 2: 1: 7; al-Tabari, TGrikh, S 1: 13061307; Muhammad ibn 'Umar al-WIqidi, Kitcib al-Maghdzi ed. Marsden Jones, (London: Oxford University Press, 1966). 1: 43. 24 Muhammad ibn Ismii'il al-Bukhiri, al-Jiimi ' al-Sahih, ed. M. Ludolf Krehl (Leiden: Brill, n.d.), 3: 60; Ibn Hishiim, Sirah, 2: 44; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 2: 1, 20; al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 1364-1365. 25 Ibn Hishlm, Sirah, 2: 60; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 2 : 1 : 25; al-Tabari, Tcirikh, S 1 : 1384; al-Wiiqidi, al-Maghiizi, 1: 199-200. Al-Wlqidi, al-Maghiizi, 1: 73-74; al-Tabari, Tafsir, 10: 20 : 85-86. 27 Ibn Hishiim, Sirah, 1: 650-651; al-Tabari, Tarikh, S 1: 1345-1346. 28 Al-Wlqidi, al-Magh&i, 1: 236. 29 Al-BukhSri, Sahih, 2: 256; 3: 79; Ibn Hishiim, Sirah, 2: 93; al-Tabari, Tcirikh, S 1: 1410; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqrir, 2: 1: 33; al-Waqidi, al-Maghiizi, 1: 296-297; Ahmad ibn Hanbal, Musnad (Beirut: D L Sldir, n.d.), 1: 288; 4: 293. 'O Ibn Hishlm, Sirah, 2: 172-173 Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 2: 1: 39-40. Ibn Hishlm, Sirah, 2: 214; al-Tabari, Tarikh, S 1 : 1464; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, 2: 1 : 47; al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi, 2: 441-442. 32 Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqcit, 2: 1: 48; al-Wlqidi, al-Maghiizi, 2: 454-456. 33 Al-BukhFiri, Sahih, 1: 7-8; 162,203,223, 233-235; Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, 1: 262-263; al-Tabari, Tarikh, S 1: 1563-1564; Abii al-Husayn al-Hajjlj Muslim, Sahih, Muhammad Fu'ld 'AM al-Bfiqi ed. (Beirut: 'Isfi al-B2bi al-Halabi, 1955), 3: 1393-1395. 34 Al-BukhLi, Sahih, 3: 216; Muslim, Sahih, 3: 1397. "Isml'il ibn Kathir, Tafsir al-Qur'cin al-'Aqim (Beirut: D L al-Ma'rifah, 1969). 4: 349; al-Suyuti, al-Tafsir al-Ma'thiir, 6: 205; Mahmiid ibn 'Umar al-Zamakhshari, alKashshiifan Haqii'iq al-Tanzil wa'l 'Uyiin al-Aqiiwilflwujiih al-Ta 'wil (Tehran: Aftab, n.d.), 4: 91; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 8: 70. Ibn Hajar, al-Iqcibah, 2: 179; Ibn 'Asair, Tiirikh Dimashq, 6: 397; 'AM al-Rabfin ibn 'AM Alllh ibn Ahmad ibn Abi al-Hasan al-Suhayli, al-Rawd al-Unuf, ed. TlhB 'AM al-Ra'uf Sa'd (Cairo: Maktabat al-Azhariyyah, n.d.), 4: 197. 38 Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari, Jiimi' al-Baydn fl Tafsir al-Qur'iin (Beirut: D 3 alMa'rifah, 1983), 4: 118-121; al-Bukhai, Sahih, l: 255, 259; 3: 307. 39 Al-Wlqidi, al-Maghiizi, 2: 783-795. 40 Ibn Hishm, Sirah, 2: 402-403; al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 1631-1632; al-Wlqidi, alMaghiizi, 2: 8 17-818. 4' Ibn Hishm, Sirah, 2: 403; al-Tabari, Tarikh, S 1: 1632; al-Wlqidi, al-Maghiizi, 2: 818. 42 Al-Suhayli, al-Rawd al-Unuj 4: 99. 43 Ibn Hishw, Sirah, 2: 405. 44 Muslim, Sahih, 3: 1408; Ibn Hishilm, Siah, 2: 403; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 2: 98; alTabarT, Tiirikh, S l: 1633; Ibn 'Astlkir, Tiirikh Dirnashq, vol. 6, p. 405, SulaymSn ibn alAsh'ath AbB DawUd, Sunan, Muhammad Muhi al-Din 'AM al-Hamid ed. (Baghdad: Dar byii' al-Sunnah al-Nabawiyyah, n.d.), 3: 162. 45 Al-Wiiqidi, al-Maghdzi, 2: 832. 46 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiyah, 2: 319. Ibn Kathir, al-Bidijah, 8: 117; al-Aliisi, Ruh al-Ma'cini, 10:63 'AIi ibn Muhammad ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghcibahfi Ma'rifat al-Sahiibah, Muhammad Ibrahim al-Banna, et al ed. (Cairo: al-Sha'b, 1970), 6: 149; Khayr al-Din al-Zarkali, al-A'llm (Cairo: Costatasumas, 1954), 3: 288; Muhammad al-Jiiwi al-Nawawi, Tahdhib a!-Asm~?'wa alLughlt (Cairo: Idarat al-Tibii'ah al-Muniriyyah, n.d.), l: 2: 239-240; Muhammad ibn 'is2 ibn Thawrah al-Tirmidhi, Sunan, 2nded. (Cairo: 'Abd al-Wahhiib 'Abd al-Latif, 1963), 8: 356. 48 Muhammad ibn Ahrnad ibn 'Uthmn al-Dhahabi, Miziin al-l'tidiil j i Naqd al-Rijdl, 'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawi (Beirut: 'Is5 al-Biibi al-Halabi, 1963), 3: 350. 49 Ibn Hishiirn, Sirah, 2: 443; al-Wiiqidi, al-Maghcizi, 3: 910; al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 1660. Al-Balsdhuri, Ansiib al-AshriiJ 4A: 9; Ibn 'Asair, Tcirikh Dimashq, 6: 407. 47 '' Ibn Qutaybah, al-Ma'iirif, 344; Ibn 'Asiikir, Tiirikh Dimashq, 6: 408. Ibn 'As5kir, Tiirikh Dimashq, 6: 395, 408; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiibah, 2: 179; Ahmad ibn Yahfi ibn JWir al-Balidhuri, Futiih al-Bulddn, 2nd ed, M. J. de Goeje ed. (leiden: E. J. Brill, 1968), 56, 135. j2 " Ibn Hish5n-1, Sirah, 2: 492-493; Muslim, Sahih, 2: 737-738; al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 1679; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqcit, 2: 1: 110; al-Wiiqidi, al-Maghiizi, 3: 994. 54 Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, 2: 1: 110; al-Wsqidi, al-Maghlzi, 3: 944-945. ''Al-Tabari, Tafsir, 10: 112. 56 Ibn Hishiirn, Sirah, 2: 541-542; al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 1691-1692; al-Wsqidi, alMaghdzi, 3: 97 l. "Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, 1: 2: 24. 58 Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, 1: 2: 35-36; Ibn Kathir, aldidiiyah, 5: 55; al-Baliidhuri, Futiih alBulddn, 65. 59 *mad ibn Y a h p ibn Jiibir Al-Baliidhuri, Amdb al-Ashriij Dr Muhammad Hamidullah ed. (Cairo: D2r al-Ma'2rif, 1959). 1: 530. 60 Ibid, vol. 4A, p. 6. 61 Al-Suhayli, al-Raw4 al-Unuf,4: 217. Al-Baliidhuri, Futllh al-Buldiin, 59. Al-Baliidhuri, Ansiib al-AshrdJ 1: 529, 589; al-Balldhuri, Futiih al-Buldiin, 69; Ibn Hajar, al-hdbah, 2: 179; Ibn 'Asiikir, Tiirikh Dimashq, 6,407; Yiisuf ibn 'Abd All* ibn Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Ban, al-lsti'ab fi Ma'rifat al-Aghiib (Baghdad: Maktabat alMuthanna, 1328 A.H.), 2: 190. 64 Al-Balidhuri, Ansiib al-Ashrdf, 4A: 11. 65 Ahmad ibn 'Abd Allah Al-Khazraji, Khuliisah Tahdhib Tahdhib al-KaMlfiAsmiiJalRijiil, ed. Mahmiid 'Abd al-Wahhgb Fiiy'id (Cairo: Maktabat al-Qfiira, 1971), 3: 113; Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn 'Uthmln al-Dhahabi, al-Mughnifi al-Qu'afii', Niir al-Din 'Itr ed. (Aleppo: D& al-Ma'Firif, 1971), 2: 710. Al-Baliidhuri, Ansiib al-AshriiJ 1: 529. 63 67 Al-Baliidhuri, Anriib al-AshrciJ 1: 589; al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 1827; Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn 'AM Rabbih, al-'Iqd al-Farid, 2nded., Ahmad Amin et al. ed. (Cairo: Lajnat al-Ta'lif wa'l Tarjamah wa'l Nashr, 1948), 4: 257. 68 Al-Dhahabi, al-Mughni, 2: 397. 69 Al-Dhahabi, al-Mughni, 1: 132; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 7: 2: 44; Ahmad ibn 'Ali ibn Hajar al-'Asqalsni, Taqrib al-Tahdhib, 2nd ed., ed. 'AM al-Wahhiib 'AM al-Latif (Cairo: Shar'iyyah College, 1975), 1: 131. 70 Al-Baliidhuri, Ansiib al-AshriiJ 1: 588; al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 1827; Ibn 'Asiikir, Tiirikh Dimashq, 6: 408; al-Isbahiini, al-Aghani, 6: 355. 71 Al-Baladhuri, Futzih al-BuldZn, 103. 72 Al-Baladhuri, Futzih al-Buldiin, 457; al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 2750; Alpnad ibn Abi Ya'qiib ibn Ja'far ibn Wahb ibn Wadih al-Ya'qubi, Tiirikh (Beirut: D& Siidir, 1960), 2: 153. 73 Muhammad ibn Yazid al-Mubarrad, a l - K h i l Muhammad Abu'l Fad1 Ibriihim ed. (Cairo: D& Nahdah, n.d.), 1: 319. 74 Al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 2079; al-Baladhuri, Futzih al-Buldiin, 108. 75 Al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 2095; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidcryah, 7: 8; Ibn al-Athir, Usud alGhiibah, 3: 10; Ibn 'Asakir, Tarikh Dimashq, 6: 408. 76 Ibn 'AsLkir, Tiirikh Dimashq, 1: 162. 77 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiyah, 7: 9; Ibn 'Asiikir, Tiirikh Dimashq, 1: 164. 78 Al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 2100; al-Baliidhuri, Futnh al-Buldiin, p. 135. 79 Ibn 'Asskir, Tiirikh Dimashq, 1: 164; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiyah, 7: 11. Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiyah, 7: 14; Ibn 'AsIikir, Tiirikh Dimashq, 1: 169. " Al-BalMhuri, Ansiib al-AshriiJ 4A: 9; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiyah, 7: 14; Ibn 'AsBkir, Tiirikh Dimashq, 6: 408. 82 Al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 2101. "Ibn al-Athir, Usud al-GhZbah, 3: 11. 84 Al-Baliidhuri, Ansiib al-AshriiJ 4A: 11; Ibn 'AM Rabbih, al-'Iqd al-Farid, 1: 71. 85 Al-Baliidhuri, Ansiib al-AshriiJ 4A: 8; Ibn 'AsIikir, Tiirikh Dimashq, 6: 409; al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 2766. Ibn al-Athir, Usud al-Ghiibah, 6: 149. 87 See Al-Bukhari, Sahih (Kitiib al-Zakrit, 1: 352). 86