Download Historical Pratisanship: The case of Abl Sufyrn ibn Harb

Historical Pratisanship: The case of Abl Sufyrn ibn
Harb
SULEMAN ESSOP DANGOR
Introduction
It seems that the major concern of the earliest Muslim historians was the
recording of events, and that they did not pay much attention to
determining the accuracy of reports. While the science of criticism of
hadith was well-established by the 9th century, no similar science was
developed for the discipline of history. Though early historians were
concerned about the accuracy of historical details they included in their
writings, the accounts supplied by the earliest scholars to tackle the
problem of reliability of historical information. These early historians
were men like Muhammad ibn Ibr3him al-Iji and Ibn Khaldiin. Early
historical works, therefore, contain many unverified accounts.
Biographers of the Prophet (peace be upon him), likewise, did not attach
as much importance to verifying their reports as did hadith scholars, in
particular, the collectors of the sihah sittah (six reliable collections). This
means that neither historical nor biographical works can be completely
relied upon. Furthermore, the possible influence of political and
theological groupings and factions on the reporting of historical events
has also been considered by some modem scholars of slam.'
The major historical works in Islam contain numerous reports
reflecting Abii Sufy3n7sdevotion as well as his animosity to Islam and the
Prophet (peace be upon him). While the latter is given prominence in most
historical writings, instances of his magnanimity during and after the
prophetic era are generally ignored. Even those incidents which clearly
manifest the positive features of Ab6 Sufy3n7scharacter are interpreted by
some historians as a mere fa~adeon his part. They portray him as
hypocrite and classify him as one of the archenemies of the Prophet
(peace be upon him) and of Islam.
Other historians and biographers, while conceding that Ab6 Sufyih
displayed hostility to the Prophet (peace be upon him) before the
Conquest of Makkah, argue that he became a devoted companion of the
Prophet (peace be upon him) after he embraced Islam on the eve of the
Conquest. He is included by Ibn Hajar aLbAsqaliiniand Ibn al-Athi? in
their biographies of the Companions, al-Zsabahfi Tamyiz al-Sahiibah and
Usud al-Ghiibah fi Ma'rifat al-Sahiibah, respectively. The latter, in fact,
does not contain any negative report about Abii Sufyiin.
How should we, then, explain the two conflicting portraits of Abii
Sufyiln in early Islamic literature? This article will attempt to reconcile the
conflicting views about Abii Sufyiin, by tracing the origins of historical
reports and by analyzing their contents to ascertain their validity.
Literature dealing with the biographies of narrators will be used to
establish the credibility of reporters. The authenticity of the text of the
reports will also be determined on the basis of logic and reason, common
experience, historical facts and circumstantial evidence. The views of
mufassiriin will be considered where reference is made to Abii Sufyiin in
the tafsir and hadith literature respectively.
The Pre-Hijrah Phase: Doubt and Denial
Abii Sufyiin is reported to have made negative comments about the
Prophet (peace be upon him) or expressed his doubt in Muhammad's
claim to nubuwwah (prophethood) on numerous occasions before the
hijrah (migration). These will be enumerated below.
After Abii SufySin had returned to Makkah from a trade journey to
Yemen and was informed by his wife, Hind, that Muhammad had openly
announced his prophethood, he responded: "this man is fa~se".~
When the
Prophet's uncle 'AbbBs declared that he found his nephew to be honest
and truthful, Abii Sufyiin cautioned him against making a hasty
judgement .
After listening to the famous poet, Umayyah ibn Abi al-Salt's
description of Muhammad's qualities to a Christian in a Syrian village,
Abii Sufyln responded that if a prophet were sent, he would be an old and
noble man.4 On seeing the Prophet's companions being assaulted and
humiliated by the Quraysh elite in Makkah on account of their acceptance
of Islam, Abii SufySin thought to himself: "where is his army of angel&
A rabbi in Yemen, after addressing a meeting following the arrival
there of 'Abd All& ibn Hudhzah who had just embraced Islam, asked
AbO Sufyiin for more information on the Prophet. He replied that he did
not accept Muhammad as a messenger because there were others better
than him.6
Once Abii Sufyiin remarked to Abii Jahl that the Prophet was from
amongst those who were lower than them in status. On hearing this, the
Prophet remarked that while the latter was inimical to Islam, the former's
rejection was motivated by the prophet's ancestry.7
If we accept the veracity of the reports above, they certainly reflect
Abii Sufyan's skepticism and/or rejection of Muhammad's claim to
nubuwwah. However, his remarks also clearly indicate the reasons for his
refusal to believe in the Prophet which could be summed up as follows:
1.
In his view, the prophet was lower in social status than the Quraysh
leaders who were men of wealth and authority.
2.
He considered the Banii Umayyah branch of the Quraysh (to which
he belonged) to be superior to the Bani Hsshim branch (to which
Muhammad belonged) and, therefore, could not bring himself to
accept a prophet from an inferior branch.' His rebuke of ' U t M n
ibn 'Affan for having accepted 1slam9could be viewed in this light.
3.
Muhammad did not fit in with his idea of a prophet, namely that he
would be an old and noble man. The shaykh al-qabilah in Arab
society was usually chosen from amongst the elders of the tribe.
Muhammad, by comparison, was young at the beginning of his
nubuwwah.
4.
The fact that he did not witness an army of angels surrounding
Muhammad as predicted by Umayyah ibn Abi al-Salt added to his
scepticism. 'O
5.
On one occasion, Abii Sufyiin told the Prophet frankly that though
he had known him to be honest and truthful, he was obliged to
oppose him because Islam would put an end to distinction based on
noble rank and with that his own status would be undermined."
It is evident from the above that AbU SufyBn did not harbour any
special animosity for the Prophet. Many leaders and members of the
Quraysh as well as other tribes shared his skepticism and rejection of
Muhammad's nubuwwah. What was uppermost in his mind was his fear
of losing his privileged status as a member of the Quraysh elite.
There were instances when AbU Sufyiin showed great respect for the
Prophet (peace be upon him) as the following report illustrates. Once on
his return from Syria with his wife and son, M'uBwiyah, he met the
Prophet (peace be upon him) near Makkah. He requested M'uiiwiyah to
dismount and let the Prophet ride. When Hind protested he declared that
the Prophet (peace be upon him) was better than they all were.I2 It is
reported that when the Prophet (peace be upon him) used to be persecuted
in Makkah, he often found refuge in Abii Sufy3n9shouse.13
According to Ibn ~ishSim,'~
several Quraysh leaders, including Abii
SufySin, used to go to the Prophet's home secretly at night in order to
listen to him reciting the Qur'3n. It is worth noting their reactions to the
Prophet's recitation. Abii Jahl accused the Prophet (peace be upon him) of
being possessed, Abii Lahab described him as a sorcerer and Huwaflib
ibn al-'Uzza called him a poet. Abii Sufya, on the other hand, declared
that he knew and understood some of what he had heard,15 but he did not
regard everything the Prophet said as true.I6
Abii Sufyiin's attitude here reflects neither hatred nor arrogance as
is the case with other Quraysh leaders, but a frank admission of his failure
to fully comprehend the Qur'Sinic message as well as his refusal to accept
as true everything that the Prophet (peace be upon him) propagated.
It is understandable, therefore, that though Abii Sufy2n has been
included among the a'immat al-ku r (chief leaders of disbelief) by many
noted commentators of the Qur'iin, f; he is said to be one of the few among
the Quraysh who were not as cruel and tyrannical as other leaders.''
From the eve of the Hijrah to the Truce of Hudaybiyyah: Conflict and
Combat
Reports indicate that towards the end of the Prophetic era in Makkah, Abii
Sufyan began to actively oppose the Prophet (peace be upon him). This
section will detail with Abii SufyZin's opposition from the eve of the
hijrah to Madinah to the Truce of al-Hudaybiyyah.
Abii Sufyan accompanied the Quraysh leaders who approached the
Prophet's uncle, Abii TSilib, and requested him to prevail upon his nephew
to abandon his mis~ion.'~
He joined them when they confronted the
prophet (peace be upon him) directly in an attempt to draw him in an
argument which would give them a pretext to act against him.20 He was
also present at the Diir al-Nadwah where the Quraysh leaders took a
decision to kill the
After the Prophet (peace be upon him) and his companions had
migrated to Madinah, Abii Sufyiin wrote to the people of Madinah
protesting against their granting of refuge and shelter to the Prophet
(peace be upon him).22
Abii SufySin anticipated that his trade caravan would be intercepted
by the Prophet (peace be upon him) on its way back to Makkah from
Syria and requested the Quraysh to send an army to protect it. However,
as soon as he had passed Madinah safely, he informed the Quraysh leaders
that there was no need for the army. It was Abii Jahl, Abii Lahab and other
leaders who insisted that the army should proceed toward Madinah,
culminating in the battle of ~ a d r . ~ ~
However, Abii Sufysn's demeanour changed after the defeat of the
Quraysh army by the Muslims in the Battle of Badr. Many of his kith and
kin and close companions, including his son Hanzalah, were killed in the
battle. This loss, coupled with the humiliation of the defeat of the mighty
Quraysh by a small untested Muslim army spurred him on to seek
revenge. He swore to avenge the defeat at ~ a d rAnd
. ~ readily
~
agreed to
the Makkans' demand to use the profits that accrued from the sale of
goods brought by the caravan from Syria to prepare an army against the
~ u s l i m s . ~He
' led the Quraysh army in all subsequent battles against the
Muslims.
Abii Sufysn began by persecuting those Muslims who had not
migrated to Madinah with the Prophet (peace be upon him) but had
remained behind in Makkah and were attempting to escape to Madinah
after ~ a d rand
, ~Muslims
~
who arrived in Mukkah for the pilgrimage.27
When 'Abd Allsh ibn Qamiah, a renowned Quraysh warrior,
claimed to have killed the Prophet (peace be upon him) during the Battle
of m u d , Abii Sufyiin expressed great satisfaction and jubi~ation.~~
On
hearing that the Prophet (peace be upon him) was still alive, he announced
that the battle of m u d was a consequence of the battle of Badr; he felt no
remorse about the mutilation of the bodies of Muslim soldiers who had
fallen in battle, though he had not given orders for their muti~ation.~~
Abii Sufysn was present at the execution of Khubayb ibn 'Adi and
Zayd ibn al-Dathinah, two surviving members of a party who were
deputed by the Prophet (peace be upon him) to teach Islam to the tribes of
'Udal and Qarah and who were subsequently ambushed and killed. The
two men were sold at Makkah where they were executed by their
owners.30
When the Jewish tribe of Banii al-Nadir decided to form an alliance
with the Quraysh and other tribes against the Prophet (peace be upon
him), Abii Sufya welcomed them with the words "the most beloved to us
are those who help us against ~uhammad."~'Before the Battle of the
Trench, it was Abii Sufysn who sent Huyayy ibn Akhtab - chief of the
Banii al-Nadir - to the Banii Qurayzah to plead with them to break off
their covenant with the
From Hudaybiyyah to the Conquest of Makkah: Reconciliation and
Rapprochement
The failure of the Quraysh and their allies to defeat the Muslims and
dislodge them from Madinah, despite their repeated efforts, eventually
convinced Abii Sufy2n about the futility of his cause. Not long after the
Battle of the Trench, one can note a marked change in his demeanour. The
Truce of al-Hudaybiyyah which established peace between the Quraysh
and the Muslims and led to free mingling between them, no doubt
impacted on Abii Sufy3n in a significant way.
It was Abti Sufyi4n7svisit to Syria at this time that marked the
turning point in his life. He was summoned to appear before the Byzantine
emperor, Heraclius, to give an account of the man who had claimed
prophethood in Arabia. Although Abii Sufyiin had not as yet embraced
Islam, he gave truthful and accurate answers to the emperor's queries.33
When the courtiers and patriarchs began to raise a hue and cry after
Heraclius had read out the Prophet's letter inviting him to accept Islam,
Abii Sufyiin was overcome with a feeling that Islam would eventually
triumph and that he himself would embrace the faith.34
The Prophet's marriage to Abii Sufy2n7sdaughter, Umm Habibah,
played a significant role in effecting reconciliation between Abti SufyW
and the Prophet (peace be upon him). In fact, according to the Qur'anic
commentators Ibn Kathir, al-Suyiiti and al-Zamakhshati and the historian
Ibn ~ a ' d the
;~~
Qur'anic verse "It may be that Allah will ordain love
between you and those with whom you have enmity" (Qur'an, 60: 7)
refers to this marriage. If we accept their interpretation, it means that the
mamage was ordained precisely to reconcile Abii Sufy3n to the prophet
(peace be upon him).
There was, without doubt, a marked change in Abii Sufy3n7s
attitude to the Prophet (peace be upon him) following the signing of the
Truce of al-Hudaybiyyah. This was demonstrated by his acceptance of a
gift sent to him by the Prophet (peace be upon him), and his reciprocation
immediately t hereafter.36 While Abii Sufyi4n had made peace with the
Prophet (peace be upon him), he had yet to embrace Islam. However, it is
evident from his actions that it was only a matter of time before he
followed the example of two noted generals of the Quraysh army, 'Amr
ibn a]-'& and Khalid ibn al-Walid, who accepted Islam after the Truce of
a l - ~ u d a ~ b i ~ It
~ aish .not
~ ~ surprising that when the Makkans were
experiencing a severe drought, Abti SufyW requested the Prophet (peace
be upon him) to supplicate for his people.38
The Quraysh decision to abrogate the Truce of al-Hudaybiyyah was
not supported by AbU Sufyiin who agreed to mediate between the Makkan
leaders and the Prophet (peace be upon him). In fact, it appears that he
was not even consulted when the decision was taken. This was due to the
fact that the Makkan leaders had detected a softening of attitude on the
part of Abii Sufyiin and assumed that he would not support them. They
even suspected him of having secretly embraced ~ s l a r n . ~ ~
From the Conquest to the end of the Prophetic era: Submission and
Surrender
While there is general consensus among scholars about Abii Sufyiin's
enmity, hostility and opposition to Islam prior to the Conquest of Makkah
as outlined above, there is no unanimity about the genuineness of his
adoption of Islam. Some scholars are convinced that he made a complete
break with his past and committed himself to his new faith with sincerity.
Others, however, view the negative accounts about him in historical
works after his conversion as proof of his infidelity. They are not at all
persuaded by positive reports about him, and either consider these to be
false or interpret them as signs of his hypocrisy. There are even those who
actually believe that AbU Sufygn embraced Islam in order to subvert it
from within!
The very manner of Abii Sufyiin's acceptance of Islam on the eve of
the Conquest of ~ a k k a h ~led
' some scholars to conclude that he was
insincere and only announced his conversion in order to save his neck. He
was, after all, a captive in the hands of the Muslims. Despite this, he
expressed doubt about Muhammad's prophethood4' and seemed
concerned about the fate of the idol a l - ' ~ z z a . ~ ~
It should be remembered, however, that it was at Abii Sufyiin7s
behest that the Makkans agreed not to oppose the entry of the Muslim
army into Makkah at the time of the
The Prophet (peace be
upon him) was always willing to accord him the honour befitting a leader.
He announced that anyone who sought shelter in Abii Sufyiin's home
would be guaranteed indemnity.44
After the Ka'bah was purified of all idols - including Hubal, which
Abii Sufyiin had claimed to be the protector of the Quraysh at the battle of
Qud - the Prophet's cousin, al-Zubayr ibn al-'Awwiim, was keen to
know how he felt. Abii Sufygn responded: "I have realised that had there
been a god other than Muhammad's God, things would have been
different".45 When AbU Sufygn saw the horses of the Muslim army
emerging from the upper region of Makkah known as Kada he remarked:
"praise be to AllW who has guided me to slam".^^
These two statements are clear proofs of Abii Sufyiin's submission
to Islam. According to Ibn al-Athir, Ibn Kathir, al-Zarkali, al-'Aliisi, alNawawi and al-Tirmidhi, Abii Sufyiin was among the tulaqci (Makkans
who were pardoned by the Prophet (peace be upon him) on the day of the
Conquest of Makkah and who subsequently embraced Islam) who became
very good ~ u s l i m s . ~ ~
In view of this, reports containing statements inimical to Islam or
the Prophet (peace be upon him) attributed to Abii Sufyiin after the
Conquest of Makkah should be treated with caution. The alleged incident
in which Abti SufySn is said to have been contemplating the idea of
raising an m y against the Prophet (peace be upon him) after his entry
into Makkah does not have credence for two reasons: (a) the report is
based on the authority of Abii Ishiiq al-Sabi'i (d. 127 A.H.), a shi'ite
narrator.48The shi'ites are the most vehement in enmity to Abii SuQiin.
(b) The source of the report is Kitiib al-Iklil of al-Ham&ni (d. 334 AH)
the South Arabian archaeologist, poet, geographer and genealogist. This
work cannot be relied upon in matters relating to sirah as it deals
primarily with geography and archaeology.
The report cited by al-Tabari, Ibn Ishliq and al-Wiiqidi on the
authority of 'Asim ibn 'Urnar Qatiidah that Abii Sufyiin's remarks when
he saw Muslims fleeing the battlefield of Hunayn were filled with
cannot be true. For, after the battle, the Prophet (peace be upon
him) appointed Abii Sufyiin to guard over the prisoners of war." Had
there been any doubt in his mind about Abii Sufyiin's loyalty, he would
not have entrusted him with such an important responsibility. The very
fact that Abii Sufyiin participated in the battle against his former allies is
significant in itself.
During the siege of Tg'if, Abii Swiin lost his one eye as a
consequence of being struck by an arrow shot by defenders of the fort."
When he was given a choice between having his e e restored or being
recompensed in the Hereafter, he chose the latter? After the siege of
Ta'if, Abii Sufyiin was one of the Quraysh leaders who were allotted a
share in the booty acquired in ~ u n a ~Inn fact,
. ~ ~he received the largest
share of the booty.54
Abii Sufyan is included in the category of those people whose
friendship the Prophet (peace be upon him) wished to court, referred to as
mu'allafat al-qulzib (those whose hearts are to be reconciled) in the
~ u r ' g n . ' ~The Prophet (peace be upon him) was particularly keen to win
over the affection of the Quraysh leaders who would be instrumental in
effecting reconciliation between him and their followers.
If Abfi Sufyiin's apparent concern for the fate of 'Uzzii referred to
above, created doubts about his sincere adoption of Islam, this should be
offset by the eagerness with which he set about the destruction of al-Et,
the idol of the Thaqif tribe. It is reported that with every strike he uttered:
"woe to you! alas to
It is evident that the Prophet (peace be upon him) had developed
great trust in Abii Sufytin. He chose Abii Sufyiin as a witness to the terms
agreed between himself and the delegation of the Baliyy tribe which came
to Madinah to declare its intention of accepting m slam.^^ Abii Sufyiin was
also chosen as a witness to the conditions the Pro het (peace be upon him)
stipulated in his letter to the Christians of Najriin. SF:
Abii Sufjiin was appointed as collector of sadaqah from the
Yemenite tribes of Bajilah and ~hawliin:~people of ~ i i ' i pand of
N a j ~ n . ~He
' was also appointed as governor of Jurash, a province of
erne en^^ and of Najt-211.~~
The Caliphate Phase: Dissimulation or Dedication?
Most reports in the early sources, which cast doubts on Abii Sufyiin's
commitment to Islam, relate to the period of Abii Bakr's caliphate.
Accepting the veracity of these reporters, many historians doubt his
fidelity to Islam. They maintain that Abii Sufyan's enmity to Islam did not
cease and that his conversion to Islam was motivated by pragmatism.
Al-Balgdhuri reports on the authority of Hishiim ibn Muhammad alKalbi, that upon the death of the Prophet (peace be upon him), Abii
S u f y h approached 'Uthmn and suggested to him that the Banii
Umayyah should seize the opportunity to establish their authority over the
~ u s l i m s Since
. ~ ~ al-Kalbi was a Rgfidite and was known for his hostility
to the Umayyads, the report is suspect. A similar report cited by alBalfidhufi on the authority of Hisham ibn Uassan cannot be accepted
either, because he has been classified as "weak" and "unreliab~e".~~
Furthermore, according to al-Kalbi himself, Abii Sufyiin was not present
in Madinah at the time of the Prophet's death.66
Likewise, the report by al-Balgdhufi, al-Tabari and Ibn 'Abd Rabbih
that when Abii Sufyiin heard of the Prophet's death and of Abii Bakr's
election as caliph he predicted
cannot be accepted on the
basis of riwiiyah. For the isndd of al-Bal&ihuSs report includes Ilm Abi
Hazm who was well known for fabricating reports.68 The source of Ibn
'Abd Rabbih's report is Ja'far ibn Sulaymiin who was known to have been
a shi'ite ~ ~ r n ~ a t h i s e r . ~ ~
A1 Baliidhuil, al-Tabari, Ibn 'Asgkir and al-Isbahiini have all cited a
report - on different authorities - that after Abii Bakr's election as caliph,
Abii SufySin approached 'Ali and offered to prepare an army to wage war
against Abii Bakr. However, 'Ali rebuked him, accusing him of
hypocrisy.70This report, designed to "prove" that Abii Sufy- favoured
'Ali's appointment to the caliphate, must be rejected on the following
grounds:
1.
If Abii Sufyan had been inciting his own clan, the Banii Urnayyah,
to wrest the caliphate from Abii Bakr - as reported by al-Baladhuri
- it is inexplicable why he should now suddenly incite 'Ali to do so
since 'Ali belonged to the Banii HBshim.
2.
Though 'Ali is supposed to have condemned Abii Sufyan according
to the report, it is strange that 'Ali did not report the matter to Abti
Bakr.
3.
Abii Bakr retained Abti Sufyan as governor of ~ajrgn,'' indicating
that he had full confidence in Abii SufyBn.
During the caliphate of 'Umar, Abii Sufyan was included in the
register of salary instituted by the second caliph and received an annual
stipend,72It is reported that 'Urnar used to spread out a bed in his house
on which he allowed only the Prophet's uncle, al-'~bb&,and Abii Sufyiin
to sit, uttering the words "this is the Prophet's uncle and this is the shaykh
of the ~ u r a ~ s h " . ~ ~
Despite his old age, Abii Sufyiin participated in the Battle of
Yarmiik in 15 A.H.1636 C.E. - the battle in which the Muslims finally
broke the back of Byzantine resistance. He fought under the command of
his son, Yazid, one of the four commanders initially appointed by Abii
Bakr to confront the Byzantine troops in ~ y r i aHe
. ~ was
~ appointed as the
qiiss (one who incites and encourages the troops to fight). During the
battle, he used to walk among the troops impressing upon them that they
were the protectors and helpers of Islam, urging them on with the words
"0 servants of Allah, help Allah and He will help you" and invoking
Allah to help the Muslims in battle.75
Abii Sufyiin also offered suggestions to the commanders on the
tactics to be adopted in the battle and they followed his advice.76Before
the battle, he addressed the troops, advising them to be courageous in
battle and patient in times of adversity. They were now in a foreign land,
cut off from their own people, their country, and their caliph, as well as
from the sources of material support. He exhorted them to co-operate with
each other and support one another, and to put their faith and trust in
~ l l a h Among
. ~ ~ the Muslim women who had accompanied their men in
h.~'
battle were Abu Sufyiin's wife, Hind, and daughter, ~ u w a y r i ~ ~ aAfter
addressing the men, Abii Sufyiin turned to the women and ordered them to
beat with stick and stones any Muslim soldier fleeing from the battlefield.79
During the battle, Abii Sufyiin encouraged the men with his
persuasive eloquence to perform heroic deeds. He reminded Yazid that as
an army commander, he should excel his men in courage and show a
greater willingness to take risks in battle." When the Muslim voices
became subdued as a result of having lost three thousand men in battle,
Abii SufySin's was the only audible voice supplicatin to Allah for help
and encouraging the Muslim army to remain steadfast.'
f
Abii Sufyiin lost his second eye during the battle of Yarmiik when it
was pierced by an arrow.82 He had lost his first eye during the siege of
TSiLif.Subsequently, he had to be guided by a servant for the rest of his
life.83
The third Caliph, 'Uth-n
employed Abii SufySin as a
chamber~ain.'~He offered to give him one thousand dinars which he
found deposited in the public treasury by 'Umar (r.a.). This was the
money acquired by Yazid through trade while he was governor of TSi'if.
In terms of 'Umar's policy, all money acquired by governors belonged to
the state treasury. AbU Sufyiin, however, declined to take the money,
advising 'Uthmiin not to act against 'Umar's decisions because that would
invite the dis leasure of people and also encourage his successors to
emulate him.
'P
When Abii SufyW died, 'Uthmiin led the funeral prayer.86 It is
evident from the above that the first three Caliphs of Islam held AbU
SufySin in high esteem. They put their confidence in him and appointed
him to various responsible positions.
Conclusion
A critical examination of the narrators of the negative reports in the last
section reveals that most of them were themselves shi'ah or had
sympathies for the shi'ah. Since Abii Sufyiin happened to be the father of
Mu'iiwiyyah who had challenged 'Ali for the khiliifah, and subsequently
had appointed his son - Yazid - to succeed him, thereby inaugurating the
Urnayyad dynasty, the shi'ah developed antipathy to him. It is not
surprising that the majority of negative reports about Abii Sufyiin emanate
from shi'ite sources. Other reports discrediting Abii Sufyiin could be
dismissed on the basis of the unreliability of narrators.
However, the fact that Abii SufySin is included in the biographies of
companions is significant. It means that these biographers were not
influenced by the negative reports about Abti Sufyiin which they must
have come across when they were compiling their biographical works.
The Prophet's complimentary remarks about Abii Sufyiin cited in
authoritative hafith works cannot be summarily dismissed. They illustrate
his confidence in Abii SufySin's conversion to Islam. Finally, several
ahiidtth dealing with the sirah have been reported on Abii SufyZin's
authority in the standard works of hadtth by prominent companions like
'Abd All& ibn ' ~ b b i i s This
. ~ ~ confirms the acceptance of Abii SufyFin by
senior sahiibah as a reliable source of information.
It is evident from the above that all reports relating to Abii SufyFin in
historical sources have to be carefully considered and should be subjected
to critical evaluation, if we are to make an honest assessment of his
character as well as his loyalty to Islam. It is only through a process of
historical analysis, that a more accurate portrayal of Abii SufyW can
emerge. Also, we should bear in mind that what applies to Abti Sufyiin
applies equally to many personalities whose reputations may have been
sullied by inaccurate reporting or deliberate misrepresentation. A typical
example is the unfavourable manner in which 'UthmZin (r.a.) is portrayed
by al-Ya'qtibi in his Tiirikh. Alternatively, some historical personalities
have benefited from the patronage of historians who were inclined to
support a particular philosophical or theological trend. This is true of
some caliphs who received glowing tributes from their court historians..
The critical evaluation of historical reports about Abii Sufyiin in
order to determine the veracity of the charge of dissimulation against him
illustrates graphically the problematic of historical partisanship in Islam.
End Notes
I
For details, see Franz Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography (Leiden: E.J.
Brill, 1968), 63-65.
Isma6TI ibn KathW, al-Bidcyah wa al-Nihciyah (Beirut: Maktab al-Ma'kif, 1966). 2:
223; 'Ali ibn al-Hasan ibn Hibbat Allah ibn 'Asakr, Tahdhib Tarikh Dirnashq al-Kabir,
ed. 'AM al-Qadir Badran (Beirut: Dilr al-Massira, 1927), 6: 395-396.
'Ali ibn al-Husayn al-IsbahIni, Kitab al-Aghiini (Cairo: Costatasumas, n.d.), 6: 350.
4
Ibn Kathir, al-Biddyah, 2: 222-223; Abii Bakr Ahmad ibn al-Husayn al-Bayhaqi,
Dalii'il al-Nubuwwah, ed. Sa'id Ahmad Saqar (Cairo: al-Ahram, 1970), 1: 470; Ma'ruf
al-ArnIwut, Sayyid Qurayslz, 3d ed., (Beirut: DIr al-KalIm, 1971), 1: 11-17.
5
Ibn Kathir, al-Bidijah, 2: 223.
Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiyah, 3: 65; al-Sayyid Mahmiid al-Aliisi, Riih a1 Ma'iinifi Tafsir alQur'dn al-'Azim wa al-sub' al-Mathiini (Beirut: D k Ihya' al-Turlth al-'Arabi, n.d.), 17:
48.
For details see Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul wa al-Muliik, ed. M.J.
de Goeje (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1964), S 1: 1089; 'Abd al-Malik ibn HishIm, al-Sirah alNabawiyyah, 2nded, Mustafa al-Saqa et al, ed. (Cairo: Mustafa al-BIbi al-Halabi, 1955),
1: 124-132; Muhammad ibn Sa'd, KitcSb al-Tabaqiit al-Kabir, Eduard Sachau ed.
(Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1322 A.H.), 1: 1: 37-51,4: 1: 12.
Ahmad ibn Y a h F ibn Jgbir al-BalIdhuri, Ansdb al-AshrdJ Max Schloessinger ed.
(Jerusalem: Magnus Press, 1971), 4A. 7.
lo Ibn Kathir, Bidijah, 2: 223.
II
Al-Baladhuri, Ansiib al-Ashrdj 4A: 9.
Ibid., 4A: 7.
13
A h a d ibn 'Ali ibn Hajar al-'AsqalLni, Tahdhib al-Tahdhib (Hyderabad: Da'irat alMa'Irif al-NizImiyyah, 1325 A.H.), 4: 41 l ; A b a d ibn 'AIi ibn Hajar al-'Asqallni, alIsiibahfi Tamyiz al-Sahiibah (Beirut: D k IhyZ' al-Turiith al-'Arabi, 1328 A.H.), 2: 179;
Ibn 'AsIkir, Tdrikh Dirnashq, 6: 397.
14
Ibn Hishm, Sirah, 1: 315-316.
lS Ibid., 1: 315-316.
l6 Muhammad al-Jawi al-Nawawi, Marah Libid (Cairo: Dar Ihya' al-Kutub al'Arabiyyah, 1376 A.H.), l: 480.
17
Al-Aliisi, Rt7h al-Ma'cini, 10: 59; JalIl al-Din al-Suyiiti, al-Durr al-ManthJrfi alTafsir al-Ma'thiir, Muhammad Arnin Darnaj ed. (Beirut, n.d.), 3: 214; Muhammad ibn
Jarir al-Tabari, Jcimi' al-Baydnfi Tafsir al-Qur'iin (Beirut: D k al-Ma'kif, 1983), 6: 62;
Abii Bakr A l p a d ibn 'Ali A l - W i , Kitab Ahkiim al-Qur'iin (Beirut: D k al-Kit%bal'Arabi, 1335 A.H.), 3: 86.
Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqcit, 1: 1: 133-134; 'Ali ibn Muhammad ibn al-Athir, al-Kdmilfi alTarikh (Beirut: Dar Sadir, 1965), 2: 76.
Ibn Hisham, Sirah, 1: 264-265.
"Ibid., 1: 295.
2
' Ibn Hishiim, Sirah, 1: 480-482; al-Tabari, Tdrikh, S 1: 1229-1231.
l9
22
'
Ibn Hish-, Sirah, 1: 448; Abu Ja'far Muhammad ibn Habib, Kitcib al-Muhabbar,
E.L. Shtater ed. (Beirut: D k al-Afaq al-Jadidah, 1361 A N ) , 271.
23
Ibn Hishiim, Sirah, 1: 618; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 2: 1: 7; al-Tabari, TGrikh, S 1: 13061307; Muhammad ibn 'Umar al-WIqidi, Kitcib al-Maghdzi ed. Marsden Jones, (London:
Oxford University Press, 1966). 1: 43.
24
Muhammad ibn Ismii'il al-Bukhiri, al-Jiimi ' al-Sahih, ed. M. Ludolf Krehl (Leiden:
Brill, n.d.), 3: 60; Ibn Hishiim, Sirah, 2: 44; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 2: 1, 20; al-Tabari,
Tiirikh, S 1: 1364-1365.
25
Ibn Hishlm, Sirah, 2: 60; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 2 : 1 : 25; al-Tabari, Tcirikh, S 1 : 1384;
al-Wiiqidi, al-Maghiizi, 1: 199-200.
Al-Wlqidi, al-Maghiizi, 1: 73-74; al-Tabari, Tafsir, 10: 20 : 85-86.
27 Ibn Hishiim, Sirah, 1: 650-651; al-Tabari, Tarikh, S 1: 1345-1346.
28 Al-Wlqidi, al-Magh&i, 1: 236.
29 Al-BukhSri, Sahih, 2: 256; 3: 79; Ibn Hishiim, Sirah, 2: 93; al-Tabari, Tcirikh, S 1:
1410; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqrir, 2: 1: 33; al-Waqidi, al-Maghiizi, 1: 296-297; Ahmad ibn
Hanbal, Musnad (Beirut: D L Sldir, n.d.), 1: 288; 4: 293.
'O Ibn Hishlm, Sirah, 2: 172-173 Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 2: 1: 39-40.
Ibn Hishlm, Sirah, 2: 214; al-Tabari, Tarikh, S 1 : 1464; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, 2: 1 : 47;
al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi, 2: 441-442.
32 Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqcit, 2: 1: 48; al-Wlqidi, al-Maghiizi, 2: 454-456.
33 Al-BukhFiri, Sahih, 1: 7-8; 162,203,223, 233-235; Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, 1: 262-263;
al-Tabari, Tarikh, S 1: 1563-1564; Abii al-Husayn al-Hajjlj Muslim, Sahih, Muhammad
Fu'ld 'AM al-Bfiqi ed. (Beirut: 'Isfi al-B2bi al-Halabi, 1955), 3: 1393-1395.
34
Al-BukhLi, Sahih, 3: 216; Muslim, Sahih, 3: 1397.
"Isml'il ibn Kathir, Tafsir al-Qur'cin al-'Aqim (Beirut: D L al-Ma'rifah, 1969). 4: 349;
al-Suyuti, al-Tafsir al-Ma'thiir, 6: 205; Mahmiid ibn 'Umar al-Zamakhshari, alKashshiifan Haqii'iq al-Tanzil wa'l 'Uyiin al-Aqiiwilflwujiih al-Ta 'wil (Tehran: Aftab,
n.d.), 4: 91; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 8: 70.
Ibn Hajar, al-Iqcibah, 2: 179; Ibn 'Asair, Tiirikh Dimashq, 6: 397; 'AM al-Rabfin
ibn 'AM Alllh ibn Ahmad ibn Abi al-Hasan al-Suhayli, al-Rawd al-Unuf, ed. TlhB 'AM
al-Ra'uf Sa'd (Cairo: Maktabat al-Azhariyyah, n.d.), 4: 197.
38 Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari, Jiimi' al-Baydn fl Tafsir al-Qur'iin (Beirut: D 3 alMa'rifah, 1983), 4: 118-121; al-Bukhai, Sahih, l: 255, 259; 3: 307.
39 Al-Wlqidi, al-Maghiizi, 2: 783-795.
40 Ibn Hishm, Sirah, 2: 402-403; al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 1631-1632; al-Wlqidi, alMaghiizi, 2: 8 17-818.
4' Ibn Hishm, Sirah, 2: 403; al-Tabari, Tarikh, S 1: 1632; al-Wlqidi, al-Maghiizi, 2:
818.
42 Al-Suhayli, al-Rawd al-Unuj 4: 99.
43 Ibn Hishw, Sirah, 2: 405.
44 Muslim, Sahih, 3: 1408; Ibn Hishilm, Siah, 2: 403; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 2: 98; alTabarT, Tiirikh, S l: 1633; Ibn 'Astlkir, Tiirikh Dirnashq, vol. 6, p. 405, SulaymSn ibn alAsh'ath AbB DawUd, Sunan, Muhammad Muhi al-Din 'AM al-Hamid ed. (Baghdad: Dar
byii' al-Sunnah al-Nabawiyyah, n.d.), 3: 162.
45 Al-Wiiqidi, al-Maghdzi, 2: 832.
46
Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiyah, 2: 319.
Ibn Kathir, al-Bidijah, 8: 117; al-Aliisi, Ruh al-Ma'cini, 10:63 'AIi ibn Muhammad
ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghcibahfi Ma'rifat al-Sahiibah, Muhammad Ibrahim al-Banna, et al
ed. (Cairo: al-Sha'b, 1970), 6: 149; Khayr al-Din al-Zarkali, al-A'llm (Cairo:
Costatasumas, 1954), 3: 288; Muhammad al-Jiiwi al-Nawawi, Tahdhib a!-Asm~?'wa alLughlt (Cairo: Idarat al-Tibii'ah al-Muniriyyah, n.d.), l: 2: 239-240; Muhammad ibn 'is2
ibn Thawrah al-Tirmidhi, Sunan, 2nded. (Cairo: 'Abd al-Wahhiib 'Abd al-Latif, 1963), 8:
356.
48 Muhammad ibn Ahrnad ibn 'Uthmn al-Dhahabi, Miziin al-l'tidiil j
i Naqd al-Rijdl,
'Ali Muhammad al-Bijawi (Beirut: 'Is5 al-Biibi al-Halabi, 1963), 3: 350.
49 Ibn Hishiirn, Sirah, 2: 443; al-Wiiqidi, al-Maghcizi, 3: 910; al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1:
1660.
Al-Balsdhuri, Ansiib al-AshriiJ 4A: 9; Ibn 'Asair, Tcirikh Dimashq, 6: 407.
47
'' Ibn Qutaybah, al-Ma'iirif, 344; Ibn 'Asiikir, Tiirikh Dimashq, 6: 408.
Ibn 'As5kir, Tiirikh Dimashq, 6: 395, 408; Ibn Hajar, al-Isiibah, 2: 179; Ahmad ibn
Yahfi ibn JWir al-Balidhuri, Futiih al-Bulddn, 2nd ed, M. J. de Goeje ed. (leiden: E. J.
Brill, 1968), 56, 135.
j2
" Ibn Hish5n-1, Sirah, 2: 492-493; Muslim, Sahih, 2: 737-738; al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1:
1679; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqcit, 2: 1: 110; al-Wiiqidi, al-Maghiizi, 3: 994.
54 Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, 2: 1: 110; al-Wsqidi, al-Maghlzi, 3: 944-945.
''Al-Tabari, Tafsir, 10: 112.
56 Ibn Hishiirn, Sirah, 2: 541-542; al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 1691-1692; al-Wsqidi, alMaghdzi, 3: 97 l.
"Ibn
Sa'd, Tabaqdt, 1: 2: 24.
58 Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, 1: 2: 35-36; Ibn Kathir, aldidiiyah, 5: 55; al-Baliidhuri, Futiih alBulddn, 65.
59 *mad
ibn Y a h p ibn Jiibir Al-Baliidhuri, Amdb al-Ashriij Dr Muhammad
Hamidullah ed. (Cairo: D2r al-Ma'2rif, 1959). 1: 530.
60 Ibid, vol. 4A, p. 6.
61
Al-Suhayli, al-Raw4 al-Unuf,4: 217.
Al-Baliidhuri, Futllh al-Buldiin, 59.
Al-Baliidhuri, Ansiib al-AshrdJ 1: 529, 589; al-Balldhuri, Futiih al-Buldiin, 69; Ibn
Hajar, al-hdbah, 2: 179; Ibn 'Asiikir, Tiirikh Dimashq, 6,407; Yiisuf ibn 'Abd All* ibn
Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Ban, al-lsti'ab fi Ma'rifat al-Aghiib (Baghdad: Maktabat alMuthanna, 1328 A.H.), 2: 190.
64 Al-Balidhuri, Ansiib al-Ashrdf, 4A: 11.
65 Ahmad ibn 'Abd Allah Al-Khazraji, Khuliisah Tahdhib Tahdhib al-KaMlfiAsmiiJalRijiil, ed. Mahmiid 'Abd al-Wahhgb Fiiy'id (Cairo: Maktabat al-Qfiira, 1971), 3: 113;
Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn 'Uthmln al-Dhahabi, al-Mughnifi al-Qu'afii', Niir al-Din
'Itr ed. (Aleppo: D& al-Ma'Firif, 1971), 2: 710.
Al-Baliidhuri, Ansiib al-AshriiJ 1: 529.
63
67 Al-Baliidhuri, Anriib al-AshrciJ 1: 589; al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 1827; Ahmad ibn
Muhammad ibn 'AM Rabbih, al-'Iqd al-Farid, 2nded., Ahmad Amin et al. ed. (Cairo:
Lajnat al-Ta'lif wa'l Tarjamah wa'l Nashr, 1948), 4: 257.
68
Al-Dhahabi, al-Mughni, 2: 397.
69 Al-Dhahabi, al-Mughni, 1: 132; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqiit, 7: 2: 44; Ahmad ibn 'Ali ibn Hajar
al-'Asqalsni, Taqrib al-Tahdhib, 2nd ed., ed. 'AM al-Wahhiib 'AM al-Latif (Cairo:
Shar'iyyah College, 1975), 1: 131.
70 Al-Baliidhuri, Ansiib al-AshriiJ 1: 588; al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 1827; Ibn 'Asiikir,
Tiirikh Dimashq, 6: 408; al-Isbahiini, al-Aghani, 6: 355.
71 Al-Baladhuri, Futzih al-BuldZn, 103.
72 Al-Baladhuri, Futzih al-Buldiin, 457; al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 2750; Alpnad ibn Abi
Ya'qiib ibn Ja'far ibn Wahb ibn Wadih al-Ya'qubi, Tiirikh (Beirut: D& Siidir, 1960), 2:
153.
73 Muhammad ibn Yazid al-Mubarrad, a l - K h i l Muhammad Abu'l Fad1 Ibriihim ed.
(Cairo: D& Nahdah, n.d.), 1: 319.
74
Al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 2079; al-Baladhuri, Futzih al-Buldiin, 108.
75 Al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 2095; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidcryah, 7: 8; Ibn al-Athir, Usud alGhiibah, 3: 10; Ibn 'Asakir, Tarikh Dimashq, 6: 408.
76 Ibn 'AsLkir, Tiirikh Dimashq, 1: 162.
77 Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiyah, 7: 9; Ibn 'Asiikir, Tiirikh Dimashq, 1: 164.
78 Al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 2100; al-Baliidhuri, Futnh al-Buldiin, p. 135.
79 Ibn 'Asskir, Tiirikh Dimashq, 1: 164; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiyah, 7: 11.
Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiyah, 7: 14; Ibn 'AsIikir, Tiirikh Dimashq, 1: 169.
" Al-BalMhuri, Ansiib al-AshriiJ 4A: 9; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidiiyah, 7: 14; Ibn 'AsBkir,
Tiirikh Dimashq, 6: 408.
82 Al-Tabari, Tiirikh, S 1: 2101.
"Ibn al-Athir, Usud al-GhZbah, 3: 11.
84 Al-Baliidhuri, Ansiib al-AshriiJ 4A: 11; Ibn 'AM Rabbih, al-'Iqd al-Farid, 1: 71.
85
Al-Baliidhuri, Ansiib al-AshriiJ 4A: 8; Ibn 'AsIikir, Tiirikh Dimashq, 6: 409; al-Tabari,
Tiirikh, S 1: 2766.
Ibn al-Athir, Usud al-Ghiibah, 6: 149.
87 See Al-Bukhari, Sahih (Kitiib al-Zakrit, 1: 352).
86