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Developments in "Two Social Psychologies": Toward an Appreciation of Mutual Relevance Author(s): Sheldon Stryker Source: Sociometry, Vol. 40, No. 2 (Jun., 1977), pp. 145-160 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3033518 . Accessed: 28/09/2011 12:19 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. American Sociological Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Sociometry. http://www.jstor.org Sociometry 1977, Vol. 40, No. 2, 145-160 Developmentsin "Two Social Psychologies": Toward an Appreciationof Mutual Relevance * SHELDON STRYKER Indiana University Historically,the social psychologiesdeveloped bypsychologistsand by sociologists have paid relativelylittle attentionto one another. Yet they have much to say of mutual relevance. Motivated by these observations, this paper reviews a selected set of comparativelyrecent developmentsand seeks to draw from these a picture of general trends. The developments reviewed include attributiontheory,exchange theoryand sociological behaviorism,identity theory,ethnomethodology, the "discovery" of experimenterdemand, and the emergentdisaffection with experimentalsocial psychology. Commonalities and convergences withinand between the two social psychologies are remarked, as is what appears to be the major summarydevelopment:the subjective has become respectable. indefinition and therehave been,and there butthetwotendto differ Historically arenow,twosocialpsychologies (ignoring in execution. For psychologicalsocial variationswithin each). Occasionally, psychology,the field is definedby its processesof indithese touch and influenceone another; focuson psychological theimmoreoften,theyproceedessentially inde- viduals;thetaskis to understand ofone another.1 pendently One is a social pact of social stimulion individuals.For thefieldis psychology written by psychologists, the sociologicalsocialpsychology, of societyand other a social psychologywrittenby definedby thereciprocity andthefundamental taskis the sociologists.Neither is totallyremote individual; from the influenceof the other, nor explanationof social interaction.Almethodological isomorphicwith professionalpedigree, thoughsome fascinating developments are occurring in each, psychological social psychologyhas been * Thispaperis an extensively amendedversionof primarily experimentalin method,and an invited"refresherlecture" to the American sociologicalsocial psychology has relied SociologicalAssociationinAugust,1973.The paper observationand on surretainsthefocusof thelectureon "central"devel- on naturalistic opments and "larger"issuesandthemesrather than veys. on the esotericaand nuancesdear to professional The breadthofthefield,theplethoraof socialpsychologists per se, implying thebeliefthat journals reportingsocial psychological the specialistas well as the nonspecialistought attendthesedevelopments. To aid myoriginalef- work, the departmentalorganization dominating academicinstitutions, therelforts,I wroteseveralpersonsto ask whattheysaw as developments ofemphasis:Mythanksgo worthy ativesegregation of sociologistsand psyto SeymourBerger,WilliamGamson,HaroldKel- chologistswithintheirown professional ley, Bibb Latan6,and CharlesMcClintockwhose organizations, all thesecontribute tokeepresponsesI use, in part,in thebodyof thepaper. relaMore recently, my colleaguesGeorgeBohrnstedt, ing each of the social psychologies PeterBurke,and Allen Grimshawhave read and tivelyignorantof relevantwork in the commented uponthepaper;and I thankthem.My other.Buteach can and shouldlearnfrom thanksmust also be extendedto Sociometry's the other.Thus the questionof develanonymous readers,whosecomments helped. I Thequestion ofwhythisis so is dealtwithbriefly opments in each of these social psychologiesis worthaskingdespitethe in my review (1971) of theHandbook of Social Psychology(Lindzeyand Aronson,1969).Happilythis realizationthatno answercan be truly isolationis less extremethanit has been; one even Even a flawedaccountof desatisfactory: findsvolumeson experimental socialpsychology to velopmentscan increase awareness of whichsociologistshave contributed majorsections (McClintock, 1972).Thisis notto saythatisolation mutualrelevance.Barriersto becoming to one's ownalso doesnotexist,is notimportant anddisabling, orthat awareofworkrelevant itsconsequencescan easilybe dealtwith. exist withineach of the two social 145 146 SOCIOMETRY psychologies.In an age of specialization, randomselectionfromthe largerlist; it withspecializationoccurringearlierand has been chosenbecause it permitsmakearlierinprofessional careers,one's view ing a numberof pointsthat seem both important. trueand relatively becomesmyopic,and evendevelopments relatively emanatingfromwithinone's own disciplineare easilyoverlooked. I. SIX RECENT DEVELOPMENTS The attemptto raise and answerthe questionof developments in social psy- A. AttributionTheory chologyis also important to thosewhose intellectual problems are primarily Attribution theoryhas emergedas the sociological. Homans (1961) has argued primetheoretical focusof a considerable thatthereare no sociologicalprinciples and growing psynumberof(particularly) per se, butonlythepsychological It stems princi- chologicalsocial psychologists. ples of operant psychology which largelyfromthe work of Fritz Heider sociologistsmay apply to their"own" (1944, 1958). Heider's concernwas with phenomena.WhileI do not believe Ho- ''a common-sense psychology,"which, mans'argument, meanta concernwith itmight be so. Ifitis so, roughlytranslated, thensociologistsoughtbe aware of the phenomena thathavemeaningforand are groundson whichthe assertionis made phenomonologically realto an actor(e.g., and defended.If it is notso, sociologists actions like wanting,trying;ideas like oughttobe awareofthegroundson which "can"; etc.). He thusfocuseson perceptheassertioncan be denied.Muchof the tion,and his interpersonal relationsare relevantgroundsare to be foundin the relations inwhichthereis a perceiverperliterature of social psychology.But Ho- ceivinganotherwho is himselfa peris mans'pointcan be madein less extreme ceiver.Thattheotheris also a perceiver form. The enduringlesson of Dennis important,suggestsHeider, because it Wrong's(1961) important paper is that certainkindsof sociologicaltheorymade space (Sommer,1969;Argyle,1972;Altman,1975; certainassumptionsabout the natureof Edney,1974);(2) theelaborationoflabelingtheory 1963;Erikson,1966;Matza, 1969;Scheff, men,whichassumptions werenotreason- (Becker, 1966)andtheattackon labelling theory froma variable,withtheconsequencethatthetheory ety of perspectives(Gove, 1970; Gove, 1975; suffered. The lesson can be generalized: Schwartzand Stryker, 1971;Cicourel,1968;GarfinAny sociologicaltheorywillmake social kel, 1967; see also the November,1973issue of (3) the rapidlyemergentinterestin psychological and thoseas- Catalyst); assumptions, sociolinguistics, potentialparadigmatic import sumptions shouldsquarewithwhatis rea- with respect with to social psychology through sonablein lightofthebestsocialpsycho- ethnomethodology, the moreconventional through logicaltheoryand evidenceavailable.To smallgroupanalyst'ssearchforbasic unitsof inthedegreethatsociologistsare informed teraction(see, forexample,Burke's(1974)analysis ofturntaking), andthrough thesearchfora grammar aboutthattheoryand evidence,in short, of interaction thatis the formalequivalentof a willbe stronger. grammar sociologicaltheorizing oflanguage(see, e.g.,Grimshaw, 1972);(4) Thismotivating contextshapestheway theemergenceof "trust"as a centralconceptionin inwhichI havesoughttoanswertheques- widelydisparatearenasof concern(Gamson,1968; tionof recentdevelopments. Obviously, Converse,1972);and (5) theshiftin conceptualizationand analysisof collectivebehaviorand social a only subsetof all possible topics has movements represented intheworkofPinard(1968), beenincluded.3 The subsetchosenis nota Paige(1971),Gamson(1975),Zald(1966),Oberschall Stating thisissueinthesetermspresumes a separationofsociologyandsocialpsychology thatdoes notinfactexist.Muchofthestudyofsocialinteractionhas been called,forarbitrary reasons,social psychological becauseitsfocusis on actorsand actionsratherthanon abstractions fromthoseactors andactions.Bothfromthestandpoint ofhistory and of logic,to ignoresuchworkbecause it is "social is to ignorepartof sociologyitself. psychology" 3 Among thetopicsomitted are(1) theworkon the meaning, use,andimplications ofpersonalandsocial 2 (1973),andAsh(1972),a shift froma traditional mass society,alienation pointof viewto one whichsees collectivebehaviorand socialmovements as rationallyinstrumental in the"politicsof theunderdog." Whilesomeof thesewriters tendto readtheirown workas outsidea socialpsychological frame,I read itas a reactionto a particular kindofsocialpsychological theoryemphasizingirrationaland nonrationalresponses;to arguethatpeoplebehaverationally inthelightoftheirperceptions oftheir(economic)interestsis no less a social psychological argument thanis theformulation theyreject. "TWO SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGIES" 147 meansthatwhattheactordoes, whathe What we have, then, is a theoryof the believestheotheris, and whathe thinks developmentof the self(to use a language theotherwilldo are all affected. Thatis, Kelley does not use). True, it is a residual an actor's actions,attributions, and ex- theory,in the sense that Kelley initially pectationsare inpartfunctions ofthefact asks what moves people to externalattrithat others are themselvesperceiving butions, and then says failure to meet creatures. these conditionsserves to occasion interHeider'sworkthenfocuseson twomat- nal attribution.But it is nevertheless a ters: perceptualbalance and attributionfragmentary and suggestivetheoryof deprocesses.The former (needforbalance) velopmentof self.4(Kelley's answerto his is oneoftheprinciples governing thelatter question, incidentally, is that external (attribution). is theprocessof attributionsoccur to the degree that an Attribution in- actor's responses to an externalentityto assigning qualitiesto theenvironment, cludingthehumanotherswho are partof which attributionscan be made are disthatenvironment. We engagein attribu- tinctivein comparison with responses to tionbecausewe haveto,andwe havetoin other entities; whether these responses ordertoprovideforourselvesa necessary are consistent over time, in different stabilityin our psychologicalenviron- places, and under varyingcircumstances; ment.We have to in orderto givecoher- and whether others respond in similar ence (organization)and meaningto a ways to thatentity,i.e., whetherconsenworldthatwouldotherwise be totallycon- sual agreement between the actor and fused,unstable,and intolerable.People, others occurs or exists.) says Heider, develop theirown naive psychologiesas a means of providing B. Exchange Theoryand and organization meaning,continuity, to Sociological Behaviorism actionsof othersand ultimately to themselves. The notion of social behavior as exAttribution theoryis in effecta theory change is not new; its sociological pediof such naive psychologies,a theory gree goes at least to Simmel (1950:387which deals with the questionof how 388), who wrote: people give meaningto theirworldsand All contactsamongmenreston theschema give orderto theirphenomenologies. As ofgivingandreturning theequivalence.The such, its focus-very muchlike thatof equivalenceof innumerable giftsand perdissonancetheory-ison intra-individual formances canbe enforced.... Butthereare processes.We willreturnto theseasseralso innumerable towhichthe otherrelations legalformdoes notapply.... Heregratitude tions. Harold Kelley (1967, 1973)and others appearsas a supplement.... itis necessary (above all) to realize thatpersonalaction (e.g., JonesandDavis, 1965)pickup such in exmen . . . becomesobjectified among ideas and developthem.I wantto follow is the of change. Exchange objectification of theseideas, alKelley's development humaninteraction. beitonlybriefly sincea majorpointto be made withrespectto attribution theory While importantversions of exchange has alreadybeen made. First,Kelleyhas ideas may be foundin Thibautand Kelley movedfromthe"behavioristically" moti- (1959) and ih Blau (1964), while current vatedexchangetheoryofTheSocial Psy- formulationsgo far beyond Homans (see chology of Groups-his work with Emerson, 1969, 1972), and while psy- Thibaut(1959)-to cognitively motivated attribution theory.Second,forKelleythe 4 Myattention to Kelleyinthisconnection should keyfocusofattribution theoryis on what notobscurethefactthatJones'workon attribution governsthechoicebetweenexternalattri- (cf.JonesandDavis,1965;Jones,1976)is relevantto bution(e.g., an assignment ofresponsibil- selftheory,as in Bern's(1972).The former,howofan observer ity,causal efficacy,and quality,to the ever,stickscloselyto theattributions to an (other)actor;and the latteris motivated as and internal environment) attribution (the much by Skinneras by Heider.Bern,in fact,attriof responsibility, assignment etc., to one- butesspecifically to Kelleythebringing of together self). attribution and selftheory. 148 SOCIOMETRY sociologyin operanttermsand chologistsconcernedwith dyadic rela- terpreting researchto tionships(e.g., Walster et al., 1973; a programof experimental thevalidityofthereinterpreHuesmanand Levinger,1976;Walsteret demonstrate againinal., 1976)maytake offas muchor more tation.The seconddevelopment They fromdissonanceas fromexchangetheory, volvesthesociologicalbehaviorists. fromHomansby assigningto their the impetusto the development of con- differ role: temporary exchangeideas in social psy- workmuchmorethanan application chology comes in considerabledegree They intendto discovernew principles fromGeorge Homans (1961); and he is whileapplyingoperantideas.5 workby responsibleforthe way manyformulate Perhapsthe mostnoteworthy the theoretical ideas involved.Sociology sociologistsproducedin thisvein to this is concernedwith social behavior,he pointis thatdone underthe directionof says, and all social behavioris exchange RobertHamblin(1971) in the St. Louis behaviorinthatitinvolvesactivity ofeach school system.Using tokens,M&M's, praise,etc.,as reinof two animals (human beings) which food,encouragement, Hamblinet al. gotclassroomnonservesto reinforce or to punishthe ac- forcers, tivity of the other. Homans draws talkersto talk, nonreadersto read, beon Skinner'soperantcondition- haviorproblemsto behave, and raised explicitly byusing ingpsychology to provideexplanations of I.Q. scoresofinnercitychildren, exchange social behavior:He invokestheconcepts operantprinciplesto structure betweenteachersand their of operant(behavioremittedby an or- relationships ganismthatis reinforceable, thatcan be students.6Just two furthercomments rewarded), reinforcement (reward aboutthiswork:(1) Atonepoint,Hamblin s view of learning providedtheorganism foremitting theop- notes that Skinner' erant),operant conditioning(the process theoryis a moregeneralversionof exoffixinga behaviorthrough theprovision changetheory.(2) At another,he notes ofrewards),and therelatedideas ofrate thatwhat is offeredin the book, apart oftherelationship of reinforcement, deprivation, satiation, fromthedemonstration of social exchange etc. WhenHomansinvokesconceptslike betweenthe structure is a "new" theoryof sentiments andvaluesand costsandprof- and acculturation, ofthegeneral- deviant behavior-an "inadvertantexits,theseare specifications 'ized conceptof a reinforcer, and theex- change theory of deviance"-which he providesarespecifically planations and suggeststhat"the deviantpatternoccurs ofwhat in childhoodin thisculturebecause what intentionally simplyrestatements is "known" fromoperantconditioning the parentand teacherassume to be a usuallyturnsout to be a repunishment studies. twodevelopments Morerecently, have wardforthedeviantchild.... parentsand occurred.One represents a kindof"push- teachers seldom become aware of the consequences of their acing Homans back to basics" tactic; in- reinforcing volvedis a groupof sociologistsinitially tions." Even so, the consequencesare centeredat WashingtonUniversity,St. real. "The 'pathogenicexchange' is a process in whichthe child Louis, who may be called "sociological conditioning behaviorists"fromthe titleof a volume developsdeviantabilitiesand taste,and edited by Burgess and Bushell (1969) whichis partmanifesto andprogrammatic 5 It is morethana littleironicthatsucha moveandpartreportofresearch.Thesepersons mentshouldoccurin sociologyat a pointwhenpsygo back of Homansto Skinner;although chologistshave operantideas underfireforbeing or accountfor learning to handlesingle-trial theyuse Homansas an authority figure, unable rather "perverse"behaviorinanimalslikeaccepting theytendto be quitecriticalof Homans' thanavoidingshock,etc. ratherthantestingoperant 6 Mypositiveappraisaloftheresearchbeingdisarm-chairing principlesexperimentally. They believe cussed needs be qualifiedto note thatit has not Homansdoes notgo farenough,thathe escaped criticismon variousgrounds,including thelastingqualityof changesobtained uses operantideas onlyanalogicallyand questioning and observed, the adequacy of the linguistic and indeed sloppily;and presuppositions superficially, thework,and underlying andtheory interpretation. to a program of rein- theadequacyof thetheoretical theyare committed "TWO SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGIES" 149 4, one needs he is labelleda deviant,sometimes forthe Thus, to get to proposition restofhislife"(Hamblin,et al., 1971:xi). thingsthatsimplyare notpartofan operThreepointsneedto be notedforfuture ant explanation.They are given condireference.(1) This same theoryis devel- tionsin operanttheory,butpreciselythe oped but froma role theoretic, symbolic sortofthinga sociologisthas no business 1 interactionist pointof viewin a paperby takingas givens.One needspropositions Schwartzet al. (1966). (2) The "error" and 2, but sociologistscan be willingto Propthat parents and teachers presumably taketheseas givenandunderstood. make in mistakingrewardsfor punish- ositions3 and4 deal withsocialstructural and theseare thebusiness ments both points up part of the arrangements, ethnomethodologist's message,of which of sociologyand sociologicallyoriented morein a moment,and (3) suggeststhe social psychology.We can use operant symbolicqualityofmany(most?all?) so- principles,but we mustbe carefulwith them.Involvedis theobservation thatthe cial reinforcers. theless itsays Hamblin's experimentalwork is im- moregenerala proposition, pressivebut limited:It stops shortof aboutthatmore.To use Emerson'sexamtheutility demonstrating ofoperantcondi- ple, a "norm" is a discriminative butnotall discriminative stimuli tioningideas formoregeneralsocial psy- stimulus, chologicaland sociologicalpurposes.This are norms.Thus, to translatethe latter is what the editors of Behavioral Sociol- intotheformer leaves something out,and is the specialbusinessof ogy(BurgessandBushell,1969)hopedthe thatsomething studiesreportedthereinwould do. That sociology.To use a different example, thestudiesaccomplish thisendis dubious; both"gifts"and "earnings"maybe reit seems clear that Richard Emerson wards, but to collapse these by calling eliminates (1969),who in an epilogueto Behavioral themequivalentlyreinforcers withboththe what is sociologicallymost significant Sociologydeals brilliantly utility and thelimitsof Skinner'sschema aboutthem. We can add to this appraisal three forsuchmoregeneralpurposes,does not dithinkso.7 It is worthindicating something furthercomments,one particularly rectedat thesociologicalbehaviorists, the of thatappraisal. whoare curConsiderthe empiricalgeneralization: otherat thosepsychologists withexchangetheory.In "in statushierarchies certaincommunica- rentlyintrigued has not tive acts tend to be addressedupward general,the operantorientation totreatas problematic just fromlower to higherstatus." Emerson ledresearchers asks why,and offersthefollowing set of whatbehaviorsare and are not selected outto be reinforced. Thatis, thebehavior propositions: tendstobe reinforcers 1. People perform operantbehaviorin ofthosecontrolling such a way as to maximizereward. takenas "given" and is not subjectto 2. Certaincommunicative acts are op- scrutiny and incorporationinto the Whatthisdoes is to theoretical structure. erant. 3. Controlover rewarding stimulivar- remove,forall practicalpurposes,thesocial and interactionalelementsin beies directly withstatus. socialpsychol4. Therefore,people address certain havior;andno responsible communicative actsupwardinstatus ogycan do this.The secondcommentis thatno amountof apparentformalization hierarchies. The first,he notes, is a vulgarized can in thelongrunhidetheemptinessof which introduce truism-amatterof definition-and is in- exchangeformulations deed providedin operantprinciples.The such abstractionsas "utilityfunctions" secondis an empiricalquestionnotcon- and which do not go beyond that by tainedin or providedby operanttheory. specifying just what"utilities"are implirelationcated in anygiveninterpersonal or of ship type interpersonal relationship. 7 Justicecannot be done here to Emerson's develAnd the thirdis thata genuinelysocial opment of exchange theory.But see his chapter in psychologycannot be satisfied with Burgess and Bushell (1969) and, particularly,his chapters in Berger et al. (1972). theorieswhichreducethe realitiesof in- 150 SOCIOMETRY withothers,both teractional exchangesto "perceptionsof learns, in interaction whatever)"alone,no how to classifyobjects withwhichone . . .(equity,utilities, sucha tacticmay comes into contactand how one is exmatterhowconvenient be froma researchoperationstandpoint. pectedto behave towardstheseobjects. The meaningof the classifications one C. IdentityTheory constructs residesin the sharedexpectainIdentity theoryhas itsrootsin symbolic tionsforbehaviorthe classifications andgivessomeprom- voke. interaction theory,8 ise ofmovingthelatteroffthetheoretical b. Amongthese class termsare symand empiricalpointon whichit has been bols used to designatethe stable,morrunningfor perhaps too long. Identity phologicalcomponents of social structure theoryinvolvesa set of ideas to whichI usuallytermed"positions,"anditis these am partialforthemostobviousreasons:I positions which carry the shared behave contributedto it (Stryker,1968; havioral expectation conventionally Schwartzand Stryker, 1971).McCall and labeled "roles." c. Actors withinthis social structure Simmons(1966) and Lofland(1966) are tothisdevelopment. Closelyre- nameone another,in thesense thatthey important havingto do recognizeeachotheras occupantsofposilatedis anotherdevelopment with the managementof interaction tions,and in namingone anothertheyinwithrespectto one an(Goffman, 1961,1967,1969,1974;Wein- vokeexpectations steinand Deutschberger, 1963;Blumstein other'sbehavior. d. Actorswithinthis social structure and Weinstein,1969), and this will be name themselvesas well-it is to these touchedon also. appliedpositionaldesignations Justenoughneeds be said about sym- reflexively bolicinteraction theoryto providea con- thatthe conceptof self is typicallyinin identity textfordevelopments theory.9 tendedto refer-and in so doing they expectationswithreThe generalizedsymbolicinteractionistcreateinternalized spectto theirown behavior. modelhas it that: e. Social behavior is not, however, a. Behavioris premisedon a "named" or classifiedworld,and "names" or class given by these expectations(eitherreof shared flectedor internalized). That behavioris termscarrymeaningconsisting behavioralexpectationsemergentfrom theproductofa role-making process,inithe process of social interaction.One tiated by expectationsbut developing a subtle,tentative, through probinginter8 Muchofthefieldidentifies symbolic interaction situations in actors change among given theory withHerbertBlumer(1969),an identification reshapesboth the form partially justified bythefactthatBlumerapparently thatcontinually invented thetermto labelhis development ofideas and thecontentof theinteraction. initially stemming fromG. H. Mead, W. I. Thomas Untilveryrecently,symbolicinteracandtheirforebearers. I-for one-have adoptedthe tionists havetendedto ignoretheimplicainteraction forthemoregeneralsetof termsymbolic James'assertionthatmen ideas havingthesestarting pointswhichdoes not tionsofWilliam In particu- have as manyselvesas thereare persons necessarily acceptBlumer'sformulation. lar, I see no contradiction betweenthesegeneral whoreacttothem.Rather, theyseemedto ideasand(a) a viableconception ofsocialstructure; postulatetheexistenceof a selfin an unof and (b) the commonly understoodconventions unitarysense-a concept science.I emphasizethesepointsto recordmydis- differentiated, of symbolicinterac- thatis closelytiedto G.H. Mead's (1934) pleasurewiththeidentification to legiti- conceptionof an ideal universeof distionwithBlumer'sparticular formulation, matetheappropriation ofthetermforideas(not,of coursecoterminous If withall ofmankind. course, uniquelymy own) differing in important therewerea setofundifferentiated others waysfromBlumer,and to notethatunlessone recthe presumably ognizesthatmanysimplyassumethatsymbolicin- withwhomone interacts, teractionism andBlumerarecoterminous, assertions consequence would be a single unmade about symbolicinteractiontheoryby its differentiatedself. Unfortunately-or critics-fromethnomethodological to radical-are otherwise-thatis not our world. Our oftenincomprehensible. and thereare dis9 The following briefstatement of symbolicin- worldis multi-faceted, withwhom or of others tinct sets others from earlier teraction theoryis virtually quoted my somestatement (Stryker, 1968). we interactwho providedifferent, "TWO SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGIES" 151 the inwaysthatpermit times conflicting, expectationsfor us. sonalenvironment offavoredidentities Given such circumstances, the selfas behavioralenactment neutralizethreatsto unitaryand undifferentiated is not likely and thateffectively It also raisesthe to be a usefulconception.Rather,theself such favoredidentities. in levelsof comof variability needsto be seen as a complexand differ- possibility and so raises to givenidentities, entiated constructionof many parts. mitment Thesepartsareidentities. Thus,one's self questions about the consequences for may consist in part of an identityas both social organizationand the social mother,sister,employee,friend,student, personof low commitments. etc., i.e., a set of identities representing It is intheserviceofsuchquestionsthat (Weinstein one's participation in structured socialre- conceptssuch as altercasting and Deutschberger,1963), impression lationships. These identitiesexist in an organized management(Goffman,1959), closed one assumes.Thatorganiza- awarenesscontexts(Glaser and Strauss, relationship, androledistance tion may be viewed as a hierarchyof 1964),roleembracement 1961)have developed. salience-withsaliencebeingdefinedas (Goffman, Whatis at staketheoretically here,as the probabilityof an identitybeing inof symstatement voked (resultingin behavior of given wellas in thesummary theory providedabove,is sorts)ina varietyofsituations. Salienceis bolicinteraction presumablya functionof commitment,various. It includesa view of man as ratherthanas passive measuredby the "costs" entailedin giv- active participant as (partial)shaperofhisdestiny ing up relationsto particular otherspre- recipient, misedon a givenidentity (e.g., thecostof ratherthantotallyresponsiveto societal and combreakinga maritalrelationship premised demands;a view of interactive municative processesas permitting-and on beinga "husband"). These notions,phrasedas theywere even perhaps "requiring"-'concealment someeightyearsago (Stryker, 1968),are and indirection(sometimes)as well as used to explainwhygivenidentities seem candidnessand directness(sometimes);a thatadmitsof to pervademoreor less of a person'sbe- viewof social organization poweras well as choicesin situations conflictand differential havior,whybehavioral a viewofsoand reciprocity; ofroleconflict are made,whyone is more cooperation on inas botha constraint or less resistant to changesdemandedby cial structure changingsocial circumstances, etc. In- teractionand responsiveto the novelties Whatis at stakeis, deed, reportsof researchbased on these possibleininteraction. ideas are appearing:the Schwartzand in brief,a rejectionof the kindof role so forcefully by Wrong Stryker (1971)study,forexample,dealing theory-criticized withdelinquency;the Hammersmith and (1961)-derivingfromRalphLinton,emWeinberg(1973)studyof homosexuals;a phasizing roles as disembodiedideal studyby Hunt(unpublished) ofblackand norms,and developedin perhapsitsmost of Talcott whiteboys' self-esteem; formin thewritings the Gibbset al. influential (1973)studyofdoctrinal orthodoxy among Parsons (1950). how It maybe well to indicatebriefly ministers; and the Lewis (1973) studyof come notionssuch as thoseadumbrated theformation of dyads. Identitytheoryspeaks to questionsof intoplay; forthispurposeI willuse the the developmentand changein partsof "role distance"conceptas developedby theselfand thebehavioralconsequences Goffman.10 Goffmansees interaction as of such developmentand change.Obvi- something of a gamein whichdefinitions ously, concern with developmentand of self,other,and situationare contested mustembraceat the andnegotiated changein identities as andinwhichinteraction sametimea concernwiththemaintenance it unfoldsis boththescene backdropping of an identityonce developed and in- the construction of definitions and the vested with affect.This latterconcern consequenceof the winningdefinitions. raises questions about resistance to change, about a person's ability and 10 Thefollowing makesuse ofan earlierdiscussion to manipulatehis interper- (Stryker,1973). opportunity 152 SOCIOMETRY Takingforgrantedthepriorexistenceof are some who would argue vehemently selves and roles forinteraction, he sees againstthis assertionof relationship-is commitment ofethnomethodology to rolesas variable,and low theemergence (Garcommitment as characteristic of muchof finkel, 1967; Sudnow, 1972; Cicourel, social lifeand as of considerableconse- 1964, 1973; Turner,1974). Not strictly quence forbothpersonand social orga- concerned with a social psychology, nization. ethnomethodology nevertheless growsout Low commitment mayrequireroledis- ofsomeofthesamerootsas does symbolic tance:effectively theoryandinsomewaysexists expressed,pointedsep- interaction arationbetweenthe individualand his as a challengeto at leastsomeversionsof putativerole.Role distancesaysineffect: thattheory(as well as to all otherextant "This is notme," andis illustrated bythe social psychologies).Ethnomethodology professor whomeetshisclass barefooted. is, perhapshappily,manydifferent things Suchexpressionsserveto telloneselfand to manydifferent people; but, whatever othersthatone is dissociatedfroma role else it may be, ethnomethodology is an as an ideal pattern.For oneself,suchex- attack,fromthepointofviewofa radical pressionscan serve to protectthe self phenomenology,on currentlyconvenagainstfailurein a role; forothers,such tionalwaysof doingsociologyand social can demandthattheynottake psychology. expressions is concernedwith Ethnomethodology seriouslyor holdone accountableforfailure. Expressionsof role distancecan ef- understandingthe implicitrules that fectivelyinsulateone fromthe potential underlythe ordinaryconductof persons consequencesof malperformance of nor- as they unselfconsciously go about the mativeexpectationswhenone is not yet business of conductingtheir everyday fully"into" a role, and whenone seeks affairs-or,as ethnomethodologists are wontto say-as they"do" whateverit is egressfromthatrole. Equallyimportant froma socialpsycho- that they do-whether sociology,telelogical perspective, at least for a phoning,or makinglove. It is insistent sociologist, are the organizational thatin orderto accomplishthistask of possibilitiesinherentin expressionsof analyzingthe "taken for granted,"the role distance:They may make possible whole of the intellectualapparatus-the continued conceptualtools-of sociolroleperformances undercondi- conventional tionsofseverestress,tension,fearor dis- ogy mustbe suspendedon the grounds aster,andhighprobability offailure.They that this conventionalapparatusforces may serve to controlpotentialconflicts our observationsof subjectsinto molds among persons functionally realityoftheexpeinterdepen- thatbelietheultimate dentyet at odds withone another.And rience of those subjects themselves, to getto. It theymayserveas theguisethrough which whichis whatwe are trying varying,conflicting definitions are intro- demands,in otherwords, that we apduced intohighlychargedinteractions in proach our tasks naively,withoutthe which more overt expressionsof dif- kindsof presuppositions builtintoextant in orderthatwe can particiframeworks, ferencesare inadmissible. pate in and grasp the "methods" that D. Ethnomethodology11 people use to make sense of theirown In some ways related to the just- phenomenological worldsandto "do" the revieweddevelopments-although there business of living. The rules the seek are not norms ethnomethodologists I enternowa territory where,ifangelsdo not in the sense of conventional sociological feartotread,theyshould.I do notunderstand every- discourse;theyare, rather,guidesto acthing thatfitstherubric ethnomethodology, andI am formulated and nothelpedbythefactthateachtimeI readthework tionthatare continuously in reformulated the of invery process of someoneworking in thisvein,I am toldthatthe personI readjustpreviously missesthepointofthe teraction. The rulesdo notpre-exist, they enterprise.I understanda few things about emergefrominteraction. ethnomethodology, however,and the pointsthat And, very much in the spiritof the need to be madecan be madeby stayingclose to insists on foregoing,ethnomethodology these. "TWO SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGIES" 153 bias in the reactive nature of conventional establishedthefactof interviewer producingresociological techniques of research- the sense of interviewers experimentaland surveytechniquesin sults consistentwiththeirbiases, make particular.In effect,it assertsthatany the same generalpoint:The experiment is a social situation and the re- (or theinterview) structure attemptto deliberately orby has a social psychology. searchprecessbygivinginstructions Butthisgeneralpointdidnotreallybeaskingpre-written questionsbothimposes the conceptualschemaof come generallyattendedto in social psyunwarrantedly theobserver,and is reactivein thesense chologyuntilpublicationof the workof thatit shapes ensuingbehaviorso that MartinOrne (in 1962),RobertRosenthal whatwe see is whatwe putintothesitua- et al. (1966and 1969),and MiltonRosenunderthelabel tion in the firstplace ratherthanbeing berg(1965,1969).Whether evaluationapitis we wish of demandcharacteristics, "real" or "true"towhatever prehension,or experimenter bias, the to be studying. Thereare,tobe sure,substantive works point was made: Things happen in tonesof voice, thatmay be labeled "ethnomethodologi-experiments-instruction, cal." But,to thispointat least,itsprime postures,subject'sdesiresto please the or to avoidbeingor looking importance has been metatheoretical and experimenter methodological. Furthercommentwillbe foolish-which exist as explanations postponeduntiltwo finaldevelopments competingwithwhateverhypothesisdeideastheexperare elaborated,whichdevelopments are velopedoutoftheoretical wishesto testintheexperimental also methodological (albeitwithimportant imenter situation.For example:Rosenthal(1966) theoretical overtones). notes that experimenters tend to smile moreat femalesubjectsthanat malesubE. The "Discovery" of Experimenter jects. If one thenfindsthatthereis a sex Demand difference in responseto fearappeals,is of something aboutmales In a recentand somewhatunconven- thusa function ofthefact tionalsocial psychology text,Alan Elms and females,or is it a function makes a (1972:409) writes: " 'The people who that any smilingexperimenter worryaboutdemandcharacteristics' now fearappeal less fearful? Once one observesthattheexperiment include,I'd guess, nearlyevery social personsocin thecountry."This state- is a social situationinvolving psychologist mentis at least verynearlytrue,and its cupyingpositionsand playingroles,one with truthgivesloud testimony to a mostsig- can treat this as an interference methodologybynificantdevelopmentin social psychol- proper experimental ogy. Whilethisdevelopment is certainly e.g.-crossing it withothervariablesin in an ANOVA froma long-run encouraging it orderto pulloutitseffects standpoint, double-blind expercan have and is havingits pathological design,or by running demand iments.One can also putit to theoretical aspects:To use theexperimenter possibilityin all researchto dismissthe use. Thisis whatRosenthalandJacobsen findings ofall research(as someappearto (1968) do in theirPygmalionstudiesin be doing)is-to makethepointmildly- whichtheytrace the impactof teacher of a perversion. something expectationson pupilperformance (i.e., and teacherexpectations, The idea that"experimental subject"is theymanipulate are important theoretia rolethatcan be played,andthattherole theseexpectations may well include "giving the experi- callyand notas methodological artifact). menterwhatyou thinkhe wants" is not In sociology, C. Norman Alexander new; such an idea was relativelycom- (Alexanderand Epstein,1969;Alexander monplacein the cultureof at least some and Knight,1971)has takenthe lead in as social situations personsdoingexperimental workduring analyzingexperiments the 1950's and 1960's. Indeed, a paper and in suggesting waysof usefullyadaptends. He publishedin 1929(Rice, 1929),but espe- ing this analysisto theoretical ciallyearlystudiesof theAmericanInsti- does so, sensiblyenoughsincehe is dealtuteofPublicOpinion(Katz, 1942),which ing with the effect of expectations 154 SOCIOMETRY engendered withingivensocialstructures,in the affirmation of the goal of generalby fruitfully applyingthe ideas of sym- ized, "a-" or "trans-"historical, knowlbolic interaction theory(as this termis edge. being employedhere; see footnote8). Gergen's(1973)premiseis thattheaim Othersare also pursuing thislead; so, for of social psychologyhas been the disexample,theresultsoftypicaldissonance coveryof laws, conceivedas stablerelastudiesare beingre-examined, usinga re- tionships betweenobservableevents.Obsearch designwhichcomparesthe ade- viously,to discoverlaws so conceived, quacy ofthedissonanceexplanation with theremustbe stablerelationships to be an explanationframedin termsof self, observed.Gergendeniesthatsuchexistin role,and otheroperating withinthesocial humaninteraction; the worldof interacsituationof the experiment (Arnold,un- tion is unstable.The instability of this published). worldis a consequenceofitsessentialindeterminancy. Indeterminancy exists in human affairs as a function of a feedback F. The EmergentDisaffectionwith loop connectingscience and society. ExperimentalSocial Psychology Gergenargues thatpeople can see the This finaldevelopment to be discussed evaluationalbiases builtinto social psyalso inpartgrowsoutofa methodologicalchological concepts (e.g., the aucritiqueof social psychology:the emer- thoritarian personality)and can and do gent disaffectionof many psycho- actinwaysto denythevalidity ofthebias, logically-trainedsocial psychologists, thusinvalidating theconcepts.He argues thatas knowledgeof social psyincludingmany who have made their further careersby doingsuchwork,withtheex- chologicalprinciplesis disseminated,it perimental method. An articulate liberatespeople fromthe behavioralimspokesmanfor those disaffected in this plicationsof those principles.And he wayis KennethGergen(1973);anotheris arguesthatvalues of autonomyand indiM. BrewsterSmith(1972). The disaffec- viduality intheWesternworldlead people tion is symbolizedby presentand on- to "escape to freedom,"to act in ways goingeffortsto drop the term"experi- counterto those predictedforthemby mental"fromthenameof a more-or-less social psychology.Thus, his pessimistic eliteorganization of social psychological conclusionthat social psychologyis an researchers: theSocietyforExperimental historicalundertakingwhich seeks to Social Psychology. One psychologist providea systematic accountof contem(Elms, 1975)describesthemoodthathas poraryaffairs;it is not and cannotbe evolved as a crisis of confidence.The orientedto the development of scientific remedieswhichsome have suggested- principles. treatingsocial psychologyas history A varietyof elementsin thisargument (Gergen,1973)or humanizing social psy- meritconsideration. One is theidentificachology(Smith,1974)-are of consider- tionof social psychologywiththe social able interest and significance to psychological the laboratory experiment, sociologically-oriented social psycholo- equation of the field with a particular gists. strategyof gatheringdata, a particular In particular,Gergen's (1973) paper method.Anotheris theviewofscienceas entitled"Social Psychologyas History" involving thediscoveryoflaws. A thirdis has disturbedsome and has servedas a the assumptionthat a "total" determirallyinggroundforothers.Expressedin nancymustundergird thedevelopment of thatpaper is Gergen'sprofounddisillu- a science. Considerationof these three sionment withwhathe and otherscoming elementscan lead to the rejectionof out of a psychologicalsocial psychology Gergen'spessimisticconclusion. traditionhad been (and are) doing. InA rejection(or, more appropriately, volvedare a rejectionoftheidea ofsocial frommypointof view, an awarenessof psychologyas a generalizing ofexperiments discipline, thelimitations) as waysof and a rejection of the experimental gathering data does not requirerejecting methodwhosejustification is readas lying theaimofdeveloping socialpsychology as "TWO SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGIES" 155 social science,althoughit laws,andtheaimsofsciencecan be quesa generalizing viewof tioned.Thereare two majorissues here: mayrequirea somewhatdifferent what social psychologyseeks than is One is that Gergen takes an "all-orof sometimestaken. Perhaps more impor- nothing"view of the determinancy tant,thesedo requirea moresociological human behavior; the other is that he in the worldrather view of the disciplineof social psychol- places determinancy thanin our theoriesabouttheworld. ogy. whose Sociologicalsocialpsychologists A majorproblemof the typicalsocial is thatit "un- workderivesfromG.H. Mead have alpsychologicalexperiment roots" the person. The psychological ways"known"thatthereis an indetermifocuson theindividualleads to designof nancyof sortsin behavior,in theformof etc. self-control, whichtakepeopleoutofim- choice, self-direction, experiments portantsocial contextsand treatthemin But(a) thesetoo are sociallyderived,i.e., essentialisolationfromotherswho are theyare rootedin theworldof social inand (b) evengivenchoice,etc., to them.The personin such teraction; important notrandom. in brief,tendsto be unan- humanbehavioris certainly experiments, choredand theretendto be few if any Empirically,there is considerableregbe- ularityin whatpeople do. The task of a costsentailedin altering interpersonal to describe is properly or social psychology haviorin responseto theexperimenter insofaras it his theories.A consequenceis the un- and explainsuch regularity behavior that exists. There is no need to premisethe stable and nonrepetitive generalization. searchforgeneral"truth"on the existGergensees as defeating unilessonto be drawn,it ence of a completelydeterministic The appropriate seemsto me, is thatthebehaviorof per- verse. Further,it can reasonablybe mainis unsonsremovedfromsocial structure stable,and notthatbehavioris unstable. tainedthatthepropertaskof social psyIt mayor maynotbe possibletobuildinto chologyis notto discoverlaws butto inexperimentsrealistic and meaningfulvent theories. Such determinancyas and although existscan be locatedinthesetheories, of social structure, simulations ofdegree.However, need not be soughtin the worldper se surelythisis a matter as is Gergen thismeanssimplythatwe mustbe aware One neednotbe as disturbed natureof ofthelimitations ofexperimental findings bythediscoveryofthehistorical in this area and orientedto examining the social world. Surely, the world behaviorin "real world"set- changesand thesechangesimpacton the counterpart study. tings,and notthatwe mustabandonthe behaviorsthatsocialpsychologists experimentor the goal of generalized Butchangedempiricaleventscan be conknowledge.To this it must be added: ceptualizedinequivalentterms,andthese Gergen'svisionoftheessentialinstability conceptscan be orderedin systematically ofsubjectbehavioris premisedlargelyon relatedcausal hypotheses.The factthat workwhich,whateverits pretensions to our empiricalindicatorsof our concepts being a social psychology,tends to focus may differfromone time to another butneednotbe dison individual behaviorandnoton interac- causes complications, one is abling.12 tion.Givena focuson interaction, of thatis a function likelyto findstability theconstraints bypersons'ties introduced II. SOME CONCLUDING GENERALIZATIONS to one anotherin interaction. The pointcan and needsto be generalTo thispoint,theconcernhas beenwith ized: If we root action in social structure-if we take seriously the reasonablyspecificdevelopments.The to view behavior sociologicalimperative theconsequenceofsocial as (importantly) 12 The similarity beingmadehere oftheargument organization-thenGergen's argument to that the madeby Lewin(1951)in distinguishing does nothave theforceit mayotherwise phenotypical is bothapparent fromthegenotypical have.It losesforceas wellwhenone notes andironic,giventhedebtowedhimbypsychological that Gergen's views of determinancy,socialpsychology. 156 SOCIOMETRY questionoccurs: Are thereany general social psychologists as a wholehave not trendstobe discernedamongthewelterof beenguiltyofthis"sin"; enoughofthem developments? The answeris thatsome have,however,to warrant the"unseemly thingsby way of generaltrendscan be number"observation.But perhapsas a indicated.Then,thekeygeneralquestion consequenceof theintellectual pressures thatcan be said to facethefieldof social emanating fromtheradicalleft;perhapsas psychologyat thispointin timewill be a function of the "discovery"of experiposed by way of bringing thisreviewof menter demand and the consequent developments to an end. situation of the experimental recognition Alongwithall of social science,indeed as a social structure; perhapsbecausethe all fieldsofknowledge,socialpsychology demandforrelevanceforcedone to look has been and is facingdemandsforrele- at social structure-economic,power, vance. It is, of course, not completely whatever-inorderevento pretend to say clearjust whatis and is notmeantbythat somethingpertaining to the real world; slipperyterm;and it is completely clear perhapsforall ofthesereasonsand more, thatone person'srelevanceis another's thereseemsto be a revitalized awareness irrelevance. Social psychology, and of whathas been called thefundamental perhapsespeciallythatversionwithits insightof social psychology.This reviin Emerson's(1972) rootsin psychology,has-at least since talizationis manifest the 1930's-been strongly infusedwithat developmentof exchange theory; in least one kind of relevance:A goodly changes(see footnote3) in workbeing in thewillingshare of its practitioners have oriented doneon socialmovements; inthe theirworkto the solutionof "practical" nessofsymbolicinteractionists-as problems(whether ofthe"how do we get work on identity described briefly increasedproductivity," or the "how do above-to do morewiththeidea ofsocial we reduce prejudice" varieties). Cur- structure thandissolveit intodefinitions rently,while such work continues,the of the situation;in workon urbanriots; concernwithtrustin interpersonal rela- and so on. tions,withaggression,withaltruism,as Whileone oughtnotto be pollyannaish difwellas withsuchappliedworkas thatof aboutit,and whilerealand continuing Hamblin-very much in the behavior ferencesexist,itis possibleto see in curmodification vein-and thefocuson prob- rentdevelopments an important degreeof inimportant lemsofidentity represent de- emergent bothwithrespect commonality within orientations greeresponsesto the "need" to be rele- to diversetheoretical and with vant. sociologicalsocial psychology, For a considerableperiod of time- respectto thegulfthathas separatedthe perhapsthehighwatermarkcame in the two social psychologists. hiddenby ofFestinger's(1957)treatiseon arefrequently aftermath Commonalities dissonance reduction-an unseemly difference in language.Yet thereare afnumberof sociologicallytrainedprac- finitiesbetween exchange theory and titionersof social psychologyseemed symbolicinteraction theory,bothin the drawnawayfromthefundamental insight senseofhavingsomeofthesameintellecmotivatingtheir discipline:that social tual forebears(Stryker,1973)and in the structure and social personmutually con- sense ofbuildingwithcomparableunderstrain one another, if they do not lyingideas and concepts (Singlemann, presupposeone another.Thus,therewas 1972).Even shouldone takethatformof some tendencyto focuson intra-psychicexchangetheorythatintendsto be most to the radicallybehavioristic, the comparability processeswithoutmuchreference structured situationsin whichthosepro- and compatibility ofideas exist:We have cesses occurred.To thedegreethatsocial noted above the developmentof equivpsychologists ignorestructure, theyleave alent ideas about devianceby Hamblin themselves open to the charge- and by Schwartzet al. (1966),beginning frequently enoughheard-of havingmin- fromtwo presumablydisparatestarting cerimal importfor sociology. Sociological points;and theexchangeperspective "TWO SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGIES" 157 ofthetwosotainlyhas strongaffinities withthat of denceofthecommonalities Goffman.And in spite of the strident cial psychologiesthatthe spiritand the claimsof the mostardentproponents of aim of Heider's so-callednaive psycholideas which each, the"strictly"behavioristic operant ogy and of the attribution conditionersand the interactionists do stemfromHeider-thesearchfora theory have commonground,ifonlythatthelat- of how people order their pheterdo use, albeitinformally, principles of nomenologiesto give meaningto their reinforcement, and the formerdo findit worlds-are quite consistentwith the view of social necessary to introducethe subjective symbolicinteractionist's componentsof experienceeven if dis- life as constructed and with the chargeto focus on guised as "subjectiveutility,""expec- ethnomethodological tancystates,"etc. The samepointcan be howpeople "do" theirliving.But potenthantheseobservamade withrespectto ethnomethodologytiallymoreimportant and interactionism: There is no need to tions of affinities, commonalities,and denydifferences, buttheseoughtnotob- consistencies,are the possibilitiesfor ofone ofthese of commonalities.13growthshouldproponents viatethe recognition The "convergence"of the two social theoreticalpositionsheed the messages psychologies that have existed his- availablein anotherofthem.It is at least torically-psychologicaland sociologi- possible that the currentlimitingintracal-is, to one who has foughtnow- individualfocus of attributiontheory ancientfights,quite remarkable.Move- would give way to a genuinelyinteracfocus,should ment by both camps has occurred,14 tionalsocial psychological thesymbolic takeseriously butthewriter is sufficiently thesociologi- itsproponents cal chauvinist insistenceon the social to be pleasedby themajor interactionists' inofa socialrealitythrough movement thathas takenplace, a move- construction mentthatcan be describedby notingthat teraction.It is at least possiblethatboth the subjectivehas become respectable. attribution researchersand symbolicinThe sort of "back-door" respectabilityteractionistswould find their methods thatis involvedin(again)suchconceptsas enrichedand theirfindings more secure intotheirown or expectancystatescan were theyto incorporate subjectiveutility insistence be citedhere. But one need not be this worktheethnomethodologists' indirect.The "self' has becomerespect- on the reactivityof currentprocedures able. It has beenused as thekeyto under- and the demandthatour conceptionsof theresultsof dissonancestudies behaviorbe discoveredin our subjects' standing (Aronson,1969;Bem, 1972);itentersim- interactiveexperiences.It is at least intoattribution portantly theory,etc. In- possible thatthe symbolicinteractionist claimthatsym- and the ethnomethodologist could move deed,one can legitimately bolic interactiontheoryand attributiontheirideas further weretheyto seek the and research precisestatement theoryhave a greatdeal in common.It relatively may be especiallyworthnotingin evi- focus of the attribution researcher,and theymightdo thisbypayingcarefulattentionto attribution formulations. 13 This remarkpresupposesthat one does not Statedeven moregenerally,whathas identify symbolic interaction theory andBlumer, and overthepastyearsin socialpsythat (at least some) ethnomethodologists attack occurred (some) problemsakinto thoseof a moreconven- chologyhas been thegeneralsurge(more tionalsociologyand socialpsychology. A goodpart appropriately, the resurgence) of of thecurrent attempt to drawabsolutedifferences phenomenologicalthinking.And this amongpointsof viewis betterunderstood in social movement thanin strictly intellectual terms.But it surge poses the key question-the key socialpsychology today maybe thatI do notunderstand ethnomethodologychallenge-facing properly, orthatsomewhoclaimthatlabeldo notso and for the immediatefuture.Tradiunderstand it (cf. Heap and Roth,1973). and by and large,socialpsycholtionally, 14 See Alexander and Sagatun(1973)fora report has been an empiricaldiscipline ogy whichillustrates themovement in one direction by of scienceas bringing together attribution andsymbolic theory in- guidedby the conventions teraction theory. commonlyunderstood.In some degree, 158 SOCIOMETRY thosesegmentsof social psychology that saw the need to come to gripswiththe subjectiveaspectsofexperiencedivorced themselvesfromconventionalscience.'5 One way ofreadingthecurrent challenge is this:To whatdegreewillitproveto be possibleto be truebothto the demands imposed by takingthe subjectiveseriously,andtotherequirements imposedby science for replicable,generalizableresults? Social Psychology.Vol. 6. New York: AcademicPress. Blau, PeterM. 1964 Exchangeand Powerin Social Life. New York:Wiley. Blumer,Herbert 1969 Symbolic Interactionism. Englewood Cliffs:Prentice-Hall. 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