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SEALE-HAYNE EDUCATIONAL TRUST
FINAL PROJECT REPORT
The purpose of this form is for applicants in receipt of grants to provide the Trustees with a
report on the progress of their project
Please ensure that this Report is not more than three sides of A4 (Arial, font size 12).
Title of Project
Experiences of place and change in rural landscapes: the case
of wind farms
Name of Applicant(s)
Rebecca Wheeler (née Eastman)
Start date:
May 2013
Completion date:
October 2015
Funds awarded:
£1153.60
Funds spent:
£11540
Please attach a financial statement from your faculty/college accounting point showing
a breakdown of the costs incurred.
State the original objectives of the project:
1. To evaluate how rural land-use changes are incorporated into local perceptions of the
countryside
2. To identify whether local attitudes towards existing wind farms are positive, negative or
ambivalent, and whether or not these have changed over time
3. To explore how people’s relationship to the place where they live is affected by the
presence of a wind farm
Have those objectives been achieved? If not, please explain why.
Yes – see below.
Please summarise your project, outlining methods, results and conclusions
Methods
The research for the project was conducted using qualitative walking interviews with rural residents
in the village of Martham, Norfolk, which complemented previous interview data gathered in the
villages of Mullion (Cornwall) and Askam and Ireleth (Cumbria). Initially, participants were recruited
via ‘gatekeepers’ such as the parish council and local history society. Further volunteers were then
identified using the snowballing technique. In total, 27 participants were interviewed in Martham,
adding to the 51 previously interviewed in the other case study areas. The interviews explored
residents’ perceptions and opinions of the place in which they lived and how it had changed over the
time that they had known it, focussing particularly on attitudes to the local wind farm, which in
Martham’s case has existed since 1992. Since the Martham fieldwork (the component funded by
SHET) formed part of a wider project, the results discussed below refer to the whole research - i.e.
all three case studies, rather than just Martham alone.
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Results
Rural residents’ experiences of, and responses to, place-based changes are unsurprisingly
multifarious and complex. However, the results of this research refute assumptions of blanket
resistance to change in ‘traditional’ rural areas. Changes such as housing developments and an
increase in newcomers, as well as the introduction of wind-farms, were observed in all three case
studies. Whilst there are a number of issues and concerns relating to these changes (e.g. housing
affordability for ‘locals’), many residents took a pragmatic view and felt that some amount of placebased change is necessary in order for the village to thrive and ‘live’. Past changes are, therefore,
for the most part accommodated within interviewees’ identifications with place, as new structures
become incorporated into the background of people’s everyday lives and new people become
assimilated into the social relations and dynamics of the ‘community’. There is, however, a strong
desire to retain the place’s ‘character’ and links to its traditional roots. I suggest that heritage-related
practices such as the creation of local history groups and the continuation of traditional community
events (e.g. carnival parades) help to maintain this sense of connection with the past throughout
times of change. For many residents, maintaining a sense of ‘community’ is a priority in protecting
the place’s identity. Thus, in the long term, changes with notable social impacts are likely to elicit
more negative opinions among local residents than transformations that primarily affect the
aesthetics of the physical environment – though widespread ‘acceptance’ of a land-use change
requires time and is highly context dependent.
The majority of residents that were interviewed did not have particularly strong opinions about their
local wind farm and did not raise it in their conversations about place and change. When prompted,
many were ambivalent about its presence, stating that they did not notice it on a day-to-day basis
and that it did not have a significant impact (either positive or negative) on the place where they lived
(which virtually all participants felt strongly attached to). Some of these people reported on having
changed their opinion since the wind-farms initial proposal (having been sceptical to begin with), but
most do not remember ever feeling particularly strongly about it. This does not mean that existing
wind-farms are entirely unproblematic, however, as high profile contestations over wind-farms are
testament to the strength of feeling by opponents at the proposal stage and the disruption and
distress this causes. Furthermore, a few participants continued to strongly dislike the turbines and
reported negative impacts, such as noise-pollution and visual intrusion. Many others (including some
of those who were generally ambivalent) expressed sustained scepticism about the wind-farm’s
efficiency and need to be there. In terms of positive opinions, several participants found the turbines
aesthetically pleasing and two people in Cumbria mentioned the positive affect that they believe the
nearby off-shore wind-farm has had on fish stocks (due to reduced accessibility by fishing boats).
However, only one person mentioned any positive effects for the community itself – this being the
Goonhilly Wind Farm Community Fund, which is now available to local groups in Mullion.
There were, however, differences in the relative strength of positive/negative opinions between the
three case studies due to a number of site-specific factors. Scepticism was relatively high in Askam
and Ireleth, where the wind-farm provoked considerable controversy when it was built in 1999 and
where an organised protest group existed. Here, there were more comments questioning the windfarm’s efficiency and complaints about noise from those living nearest to it. The wind-farm’s
positioning on a steep slope overlooking the village may also contribute to a sense that it is “in
people’s faces”. The high number of wind-farms in Cumbria as a whole, and around the case study
area in particular, also emerged as contributing to negative perceptions, as there was a feeling that
the area has already ‘done enough’ towards meeting the nation’s energy demands – particularly as
the Sellafield nuclear reprocessing plant and Rampside Gas Terminal are also located nearby. In
contrast, residents in Martham were generally quite positive – or at least ambivalent - about their
wind-farm, partly due to a feeling that it was a natural continuation of Norfolk’s historical use of wind
power and ‘fitted in’ with the traditional windmills in the landscape. The flat landscape also means
that the wind-farm is not as visible from most of Martham as in the Askam and Ireleth case. Mullion
residents were perhaps most ambivalent about the wind-farm. This is partly related to its age (being
built in 1993) and thus familiarity to residents, but is also partly due to its particular inland location.
Being sited away from the coast - arguably Mullion’s most treasured attraction - means that its
presence does not significantly encroach on the most valued assets of the place.
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Conclusions
 Experiences of rural land-use change are multifarious and dependent upon the local context
and specificities of the change. However, in general, rural residents recognise the need for
change and, under the right conditions, may even welcome it. Protecting or enhancing social
vitality and a sense of community is key to this.

Local attitudes towards existing the wind-farms studied here are generally ambivalent.
Strongly positive or strongly negative opinions do exist, but are less common. Scepticism
about the efficiency of wind-farms, however, is high, even among those who are ambivalent
about their presence.

For the most part, wind-farms have become accommodated within residents’ perceptions of
place over time and do not have a significant impact on their attachment to it. However, those
most strongly opposed continue to view their local wind-farm as a negative intrusion on the
landscape and community.

The ease and extent to which wind-farms are incorporated into place identity is dependent on
factors such as the socio-historical context of the area and the perceived appropriateness of
the wind-farm’s specific siting.
These findings suggest that conducting meaningful conversations with local people about how
changes can be implemented in a way that minimises disruption to place identities and enhances
‘community’ life holds promise for improving the management of change in rural areas. Identifying
opportunities for tying new developments in with existing socio-historical contexts, avoiding
impacting on particularly valued place-assets, and enhancing social facilities/community life may
also prove beneficial.
What specific outcomes (tangible or intangible) have arisen from this research
(including publication, events, media interest and other forms of dissemination)?
Academic papers:
Wheeler, R. (2014) ‘Mining memories in a rural community: landscape, temporality and place
identity’ Journal of Rural Studies, 36 (0). pp 22-32.
An additional two papers relating to the research are planned for publication over the next year.
Conference presentations:
‘Wind energy and local readings of landscape: conflict or congruent?’ Presented at the RGSIBG Annual Conference 2014 (London 27th-29th August 2014).
‘Mining memories in a Cumbrian village: landscape and place identity’. Presented at the RGSIBG Postgraduate Mid-term Conference 2014 (Loughborough, 14th – 15th April 2014).
‘The hybrid countryside: a wind energy resource?’ Presented at ‘Rurality: New Perspectives and
Themes’ (Bamberg, Germany, 14th-15th November 2013).
Other:
As a piece of doctoral research, this project has contributed greatly to the professional development
of the principal investigator and has provided her with extensive experience of designing, carrying
out and disseminating research. The financial support provided by SHET was invaluable in enabling
the Martham fieldwork to be conducted. It thus greatly enhanced the quality and value of the wider
research project, as the ability to include a third case study facilitated insights that would not
otherwise have been gained and increased the robustness of the findings.
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