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American Philological Association Parallel Lives: Hannibal and Scipio in Livy's Third Decade Author(s): Andreola Rossi Source: Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-), Vol. 134, No. 2 (Autumn, 2004), pp. 359-381 Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20054112 . Accessed: 20/04/2011 22:57 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=jhup. . 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American Philological Association and The Johns Hopkins University Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-). http://www.jstor.org of the American Transactions 134 Association Philological (2004) 359-381 Parallel Lives: Hannibal and Scipio in Livy s Third Decade ANDREOLA ROSSI Harvard andAmherst University College summary: I trace the correspondences between the lives of Hannibal and Scipio in the third Decade of Ab urbe condita and show how Livy fashions the two as "parallel lives." I further explore how this synkrisis reflects issues critical to the political discourse of the late Republic and sets up an exemplary antithesis be tween Rome's virtus past and her decline. present in Auc 30.30, Hannibal and scipio, the undisputed protagonists of the De cade and, as Livy reminds us, the greatest leaders of their age, meet on the field of Zama, just before the Carthaginians and Romans engage inwhat will time be their final confrontation the (for being). The entire episode, undoubt one of of the climactic the narrative, is indebted to Polybius' ac points edly count.1 Within charac it, however, Hannibal's speech presents un-Polybian teristics that need closer scrutiny. After a rather somber and lengthy reflection on the fickleness of fortune (Polybian in tone and theme), Hannibal devel ops important points of comparison between himself and Scipio that are com pletely absent from the Polybian version (30.30.12-152): id tu hodie es. Vixdum militari Quod ego fui ad Trasumennum, ad Cannas, aetate imperio accepto omnia audacissime et Patris fortuna. insigne virtutis inde quattuor patrui persecutus eximiae pietatisque Punicis exercitibus incipientem ex calamitate mortem nusquam vestrae cepisti; amissas Hispanias pulsis; consul creatus, fefellit domus cum decus reciperasti ceteris ad Italiam parum animi esset, transgressus in Africam duobus hie exercitibus caesis, binis eadem hora captis simul incensisque castris, Syphace tutandam 1 See Plb. 15.6.4-7.9 with Walbank ad loc. 2For books 26-30 the text is that of Conway and Johnson; for 21-25 it is that ofWalters and Conway. repented On hybrist?s. this passage Cf. see Mader also Butler and 206-9, Scullard who views ad loc, Hannibal's Edlund, and Will as that of a speech 168-69. Andreola Rossi 360 rege potentissimo sextum mihi tot urbibus capto, iam annum decimum eius, regni tot nostri in possessione haerentem imperii Italiae ereptis, me et detraxisti.... talis aliquando fortuna adfulsit. Iwas What at Trasimene, at Cannae, that you are today. a com received Having mand when barely old enough for service, you undertook everything with the greatest boldness; nowhere fortune did fail you. By avenging the death of your father and uncle you won from the disaster to your family a splendid reputa tion for courage and devotion. extraordinary You recovered the lost provinces of Spain, driving out of them four Punic armies. Elected consul, while the rest lacked courage to defend Italy, you crossed over to Africa. Here you destroyed two armies, captured two in the camps same and hour burnt at the them same time, took prisoner Syphax, amost powerful king, seized somany cities of his kingdom, so many in our domain, dragged me away when for sixteen years I had clung to the possession of Italy.... Once on me, too, such fortune smiled. In his speech Hannibal retraces the various phases of Scipio s career in detail and by a process of careful selection shapes Scipio's life and career into a virtual mir ror image of his own. Hannibal, too, had been elected general of an army when still in his youth and had shown unflinching devotion to his family. He, too, had led victorious campaigns in Spain and recovered it from the enemy. Likewise, he had proceeded from Spain to his enemy's homeland, and, after numerous field its power. As Hannibal victories, had come near to annihilating rightly states at the opening was of this portion at Trasimene and Cannae. of the speech, what On him, too, such Scipio is at Zama, Hannibal fortunes once shone. at a significant point in the narrative (the end of the Decade and the end of the Second Punic War), Hannibal's speech is not only an elabora Placed tion of the theme of "the fickleness of fortune" in Polybian fashion. It also an ac narrative thread in the Decade. Hannibal's helps identify important count encourages readers to re-read and interpret as "parallel lives" the sto ries of the two generals' lives given in the previous books of the Decade. lives" is commonly associated with Plutarch's in the which author compares the life of a homonymous biographical work, Greek with the life of a Roman by pairing them and interpreting one "life" in light of the other. As Duff states ( 10), "each pair of Parallel Lives must be read The expression "parallel as a complete book, not as individual biographies: no one Life can be under its partner." Plutarch's enterprise, however, was not a novelty stood without in theWestern tradition; rather, itmarked the apex of a long tradition in the biographical genre.3 More relevant for the present study is the fact that, prior 3 Prior to Plutarch, ity in the Latin literature the pairing of lives of historical enjoys figures b.c.e. and can be best of the first century its greatest interpreted popular as an ex Parallel Lives 361 to Plutarch, synkrisis is also an important means of moral characterization in the related genre of historiography. Thucydides in his History already dis an in interest setting up implicit comparisons between important his plays torical characters.4 to move Sallust, on to Latin historiography, con openly as representatives of antithetical aspects of Roman virtus.5 Livy, as is noted by many scholars, exploits synkrisis to spin narrative of his history. threads that inform the meaning trasts Caesar and Cato In her recent book Livy sWritten Rome, Jaeger convincingly argues that Livy to one another. the stories of Manlius and Camillus complementary Manlius and Camillus match each other in their fight against the Gauls, makes defending the citadel from the inside, Camillus coming to its rescue from the outside. Afterwards, however, their lives diverge. Camillus becomes a second Romulus and the new founder of a city that encompasses the entire group of Romans, while Manlius becomes his rival and antithesis. By stirring Manlius up sedition and by separating the Capitol from the rest of the city, Manlius becomes the embodiment of awould-be conditor alterius urbis, the founder of a city represented by one place and one man only, the Capitol and Manlius.6 Livy sets up a similar series of antitheses in his portraits of Aemilius Paullus and Perseus. of pression Cicero the Romans' attempt an important draws dialogue is presented Paullus is permeated as the consummate to assert comparison between by comparisons equality with Themistocles their between Greeks of exemplary figure In Brutus Greece. and Coriolanus, and Romans. Nepos, 41-43 and the his contem is the author of an important of Livy), work entitled (and a near contemporary a universal can be read as an attempt to that and compare history synchronize events. Greeks, Greek and Roman historic however, were not the only target of compari son. Nepos' most famous work, De viris illustribus, extends the field of inquiry to other porary Chronica, nations and a book of juxtaposes biographies were at least 16 books and 400 of famous lives were non-Romans Romans. There each treated before the Roman. The book of being out by Hannibal's turns to Roman life. After this life Nepos a book of the foreigner the non-Roman duces category rounded with with compared, generals, in is "so that it might be easier to judgewhich side produced the better by comparing the deeds of the with foreigners qui viri praeferendi those of the Romans" sint, possit (Han. iudicari). 13A Probably quo facilius we will never collatis know utrorumque whether factis, Scipio ap peared inNepos' list of famous Roman generals (very likely) and whether (or how) he was directly Romans' compared fondness in its relation tory 4 with Hannibal. for biographical to other cultures. Nepos' work (and Cicero's), as a tool synkrisis See Scardigli to 20-21, however, and define organize with relevant See Scardigli Cf. also Duff 243-45. 4, with bibliography. 5 mea ingenti virtute, divorsis moribus Sal. Cat. 53.6 Sed memoria et C Caesar. I thank an anonymous referee for this reference. 6 57-93. Jaeger fuere reveals Roman the his bibliography. viri duo, M. Cato Andreola Rossi 362 knowledge, his rival Perseus as a foreigner who, unlike his Roman opponent, fails to learn from the past.7 and antitheses between leading characters be This web of associations comes even more complex and pronounced in the third Decade. As was sug of this Decade, Fabius gested byWalsh, the three main Roman protagonists out and stand "as complementary Cunctator, Marcellus, Scipio Africanus, facets of the Roman genius for warfare and enlightened government."8 All three are also set against Hannibal.9 This contrast ismost explicit for the pair and Scipio, the focus of the present study. Hannibal in study on the third Decade, Burck casts Livy's Hannibal the role of the antihero (33-34); for Burck, Livy sees only insidiae, dolus, and fraus inHannibal's conception of military operations, inhuman cruelty in their execution, mere satisfaction of vengeance and greed for booty in victory. This is exactly the opposite of Livy's portrayal of Scipio, who is represented, ac In his seminal respect for his duty, cording to Burck, as constantly showing self-confidence, women. Walsh, to the comitas and verecundia towards dementia, vanquished, a to two characters and plays it out in terms too, alludes synkrisis between the in the role of the similar to those adopted by Burck. He casts Livy's Hannibal and deceitful, pitiless, irreligious Carthaginian who puts his tough, vigorous, trust wholly in fortune and ultimately confesses that his trust has been wrongly based. Scipio, by contrast, is represented as the fatalis dux whose "piety to the gods and equity to men underlies all his attitudes."10 Thus Livy's Scipio be comes the embodiment of Roman virtus, Hannibal, the embodi by contrast, ment of foreign vices. In this study Imove beyond this familiar set of antitheses. Following the between the life speech, I trace the web of correspondences cue of Hannibal's 7 118-19. See Chaplin humanorum documentum notes Chaplin casuum (45.40.6) in his final contio. of the two men 8 1982: 1067. According Walsh Roman and conservative are savagery later offensive wisdom. juxtaposed advocated Livy's 9 characterization For Fabius Livy links cautior Fabius, is, in turn, compare quam the sword as a Perseus the misfortunes promptior, of Rome, and dementia. prudentia with and his policy is contrasted Fabius' and Paullus epitomizes whose audacia the represents Scipio the policy For other of contain see my discussion of below. examples by Fabius. On this topic see Walsh 1961: 82-109 via comparison and Burck 31-36. seeWalsh seeWalsh For Marcellus 1961:106. and Hannibal and Hannibal ment 1982:1067. 10 Walsh of the war phase toWalsh, Marcellus, with that and has Aemilius 1982: 1068. Cipriani, and Mader. Hannibal and For Livy's See the Alexander also of Hannibal representation Borzs?k, who of the historiographie sees important tradition. see further parallels Canter, between Will, Livy's Parallel Lives of Hannibal half. I connect 363 in the first half of the Decade critical moments and that of Scipio in the second in their parallel lives and explore how the of the tales of Hannibal and Scipio does not simply synkritic representation the exploit exemplary opposition between a foreign enemy of Rome, bearer of foreign vices, and his Roman opponent. Rather, Livy's parallel lives of Scipio reflect issues critical to the political discourse and Hannibal simultaneously of the late Republic and set up an exemplary Rome's past virtus and her present decline. 1. PASSAGE between antithesis the tales of TO SPAIN swears that he will be still a boy, and at his father's bidding, Hannibal an enemy to the Romans Soon summoned after, (21.1.4). by Hasdrubal, he without the stern joins the Carthaginian general and his army in Spain?not a men and of Hanno few who all the best included men, opposition practically While of his father endears him to the army?the (21.4.1). At first, the memory soon soldiers believe that the young Hamilcar has been restored to them?but his own merits win over soldiers and superiors alike (21.4.1-3). Hence, when is appointed his successor at the soldiers' ur is killed, Hannibal Hasdrubal gent request, although he is still in his youth (21.3.1 put, is the information given by Livy about Hannibal's iuvenis).11 This, briefly life and career prior to the war. account of the first military operation of the war, Hannibal's siege of Saguntum. After a fierce resistance the city capitulates. Livy rounds out his description of its capture with a coda that records the painful deaths endured by some of its citizens: in order not to fall into the hands of Next follows the detailed the enemy some of them decide to throw themselves headlong into the fire their shut their themselves, wives, and chil possessions, others together with dren into their houses and kill themselves by setting their homes ablaze (21.14.1,4). Where Livy compresses his account of Hannibal's early years into a few continuous passages, he gives Scipio's youth a much fuller, albeit more dif fuse, treatment. Like Hannibal, Scipio shows military virtus and courage early on: with an act of valor he rescues his wounded father in the battle of Ticinus (21.46.7). Livy also reports an oath sworn by Scipio, right after the debacles of Trasimene and Cannae: when he learns that many of the nobles were say ing that Rome was doomed and some were planning to escape overseas, Scipio, still a youth (iuvenis), solemnly swears never to desert the republic of the Roman people or to allow any other Roman citizen to do so (22.53.5-13). 11 For Livy's portrait of Hannibal (21.4.2-9) see my discussion below. 364 Andreola Rossi Eventually, likeHannibal, he is elected commander in chief in spite of his youth and is shipped to the same province, Spain, where Hannibal had begun his operations.12 The successful capture of New Carthage marks the military of his campaign and, as in the case of Hannibal's beginning capture of a coda rounds out Livy's description of the event (26.50): Scipio Saguntum, restores a captive woman unharmed to her parents and grants her an addi tional dowry tomarry her betrothed, a leading man of the Celtiberians. This time, however, thanks to Scipio's exemplary show of dementia and benignitas, are replaced by scenes of reconcili images of flames, death, and destruction ation, the promise of awedding, and an important alliance between Romans and Celtiberians. History indeed worked wonders in creating parallels between and that of Scipio, but let us now examine how Livy uses these parallels to fashion meaning. We begin by analyzing Scipio's first speech to his troops upon his arrival in Spain as general in 210. Placed in the first book of the second Pentad, Scipio's the life of Hannibal speech (26.41.3-25) explores (and exploits) themes that define the role he envisions for himself both as heir of his family and as member of the Roman State. In Livy's narrative Scipio is, above all, eager to present himself as the son of the man under whose command the troops previously served, seeking a to establish between himself and his soldiers. thereby privileged relationship When Hannibal first joined his father's army in Spain, the old soldiers that the young Hamilcar had been restored to them, for they saw the thought same vigor in his look, the same fire in his eyes, the same expressions and features in his face.13What came naturally to Hamilcar's veterans is here ex pressly solicited by the newly appointed Roman general. Scipio underscores to his father and uncle, and promises his soldiers his physical resemblance soon that he will also reproduce an image of their mind, of their loyalty and courage, "so that each man shall say that his general Scipio has come back to life or has been born again."14 He offers his soldiers a spectacle of imagines of the dead and casts himself as their living embodiment; through him the dead men continue to exist both in body and in soul. The speech creates a striking 12 26.19.9 Imperium tune civitas permisit. development. vimque 14 26.41.25 haudquaquam Scipio, appointment who had not invested with proconsular 13 21.4.2 Hamilcarem voltu aetati This in oculis, maturae tantam been 32. See Scullard Imperium. iuvenem sibi veteres milites redditum habitum oris rerum molem an important stage in Rome's or consul, was the first praetor marks intueri. credere; tantumque constitutional privatus eundem to be vigorem in lineamentaque nunc noscitatis in me patris patruique ut, quemadmodum et lineamenta oris voltusque ita similitudinem corporis, virtutisque ingeniifidei effigiem vobis sibi quisque reddam ut revixisse aut renatum dicat. Scipionem imperatorem Brevi faciam Parallel Lives themes of loss and new life. As Scipio soldiers, he is a new leaf, a new branch of an old family ask you, soldiers, is that you look with favor upon the upon the scion of your generals (suboli imperatorum himself balance between again, as it were, from stems that have been 365 reminds his tree (26.41.22): "All I name of the Scipios, cut down vestrorum), growing (accisis recrescenti stirpibus)." This is not, however, the only role Scipio claims for himself. His mapping of Roman history, which culminates with a reminder of his family's accom in the present war, reveals Scipio's plishment tion between familia and state. interest in creating a connec Scipio's excursus on Roman history begins with his recalling themany times Rome has been on the brink of disaster (26.41.9): "It is the lot assigned to us by some fate," Scipio says, "that in all the great wars we have emerged victori ous from defeat." A list of exempla follows (26.41.10-12): Porsenna, the Gauls, the Samnites; the many fleets, generals, and armies defeated in the First Pu the many battles lost in the Second Punic nic War; of more recent memory, War: Trebia, Trasimene, Cannae; the revolt of Italy, Sardinia, and a great part of Sicily; and finally the threatening presence of Hannibal and his army al at the gates of Rome.15 In this general crash, one thing only was left stand intact and unshakable: the courage of the Roman people (26.41.12). Sig ing nificantly, Scipio rounds out his excursus on Roman history by mentioning his father's achievements (26.41.13): most Under diers, the command to oppose and auspices of my father, you were the first of all, sol Hasdrubal when he, after the defeat at Cannae, was on his way to the Alps and Italy; and if he had joined his brother, the very name of the Roman people would be no more. out of the story of Rome, the feats of his family?the In Scipio's mapping an integral part of the history of the state: had history of his familia?become it not been for his father and its army, the name of Rome would have been erased forever. We can go even further. In Scipio's speech, the behavior of (and that of their soldiers) parallels the paradigmatic state. As Scipio points out (26.41.12), thanks to its Scipio's father and uncle behavior of the Roman own virtus Rome survived great perils and the general crash (Ln hac ruina was to it which rerum) exposed during the Second Punic War; this alone stood intact and unshakable (stetituna integra atque immobilis virtuspopuliRomani). Itwas this virtus that raised and set up all the debris scattered to the ground 15 The omitto. first three exempla are, however, introduced indirectly by the disclaimer vetera Andreola Rossi 366 (haec omnia strata humi erexit acsustulit). Likewise, under the command and auspices of Scipio's father (26.41.13 ductu auspicioque patris mei), the army stood against (obstitistis) Hasdrubal and saved Rome from complete oblit (nullum iam nomen essetpopuli Romani). Together with his father and fortune of the Roman uncle, the soldiers were able to uphold the wavering vos cum meis... sustinuisse hic labantem fortunam parentibus people (26.41.17 In the of of his family members behavior the populi Romani).16 Scipio's speech, eration and their armies exemplifies therefore the virtus of the Roman people. From this perspective, Scipio's claim to be his father's scion moves beyond a nar row family dimension. By proclaiming that he will soon reproduce an image (26.41.25 effigiem) of his father's and uncle's mind, loyalty, and courage heir to himself simultaneously (26.41.25 virtutis), he is in fact proclaiming the virtus of the patria. For Scipio, family traditions and history are a reflec tion of the traditions and history of the State. His devotion to the mores of the familia is an expression of his loyalty to the mores of the patria. Thus, Scipio effectively reconciles affiliation to patria with affiliation to familia and un derscores that to benefit the former is to promote the welfare of the latter. He reminds his army of veterans that their ability to defend the territory of Spain has simultaneously benefited him, in his capacity asmember of the family of the Scipiones, and the nation as awhole (26.41.4-5): laid me Fortune or camp under ... because obligation when to you, possession of before I could the province had even see my been so province disastrously lost, you by your courage (virtute vestra) held it intact both for the Roman (populo Romano) and for me as their successor (successori mihi).17 people Patria and familia, however, are not interchangeable entities; the latter is not the equivalent of the former but merely one of its parts. Hence, affiliation and loyalty to the one cannot fully replace affiliation to the other. Cicero enunci ates this concept in de Officiis (1.57): But when you have surveyed everything with a rational mind, there is no alliance (societas) more important and dearer than the one that links each one of us with our country. Parents are dear, children are dear, and so are relatives and friends; but the homeland by itself (patria) embraces all our affections; and what good citizen would hesitate to give his life for it, if he could benefit it by his death?18 16 On 17 Cf. casion this speech see also Scipio's speech Scipio establishes Jaeger 100 n. 16. on to quell the mutiny in Spain. Similarly of his troops an between and the because himself country: equivalence the soldiers have banished the memory of their country and of himself mutiny ex animis vestris). Sed horum quoque memoriam, sicut patriae meique, eieceritis 18 116-23. See also Feldherr that oc of their (28.28.8 Parallel Lives 367 Scipio's famous oath after the defeat at Cannae provides the readers with a of the same idea: loyalty to the familia is subordinate dramatic endorsement to that to the patria. Scipio iswilling to sacrifice family and family posses sions should his oath of loyalty to the state be proven false (22.53.10-11): "I swear from my heart," he says, "that Imyself will not desert the republic of the Roman people, or permit any other Roman citizen to desert it; if I know ingly speak false, may you Jupiter Optimus Maximus bring me, my house, my family, and my to a shameful estate ruin." portrait of the young Scipio begins to emerge. Livy's Scipio, as presented in the early phases of his career and upon his arrival in Spain, is the Roman civis who correctly defines the norms of the complex relationship between patria and familia, public and private, individual and A clear and coherent collectivity.19 Hannibal's early career ismarked by an opposite political ideology, as is foreshadowed by the solemn oath that first introduces the reader powerfully to his character. Hannibal's oath, contrary to Scipio's, takes place in a private setting. It seals a compact between a child and his father; at his father's bid ding the son swears on the altar of the gods to carry on, from one generation to the next, the hatred of his family towards the Romans (21.1.4). Hannibal's line of conduct will be forever limited and controlled by the nature of his pledge. In Livy's narrative, it is, above all, Hannibal's close identification with his family that drives his campaign against the Romans (21.5.1-2): For the rest, from the day he was proclaimed commander in chief, as though Italy had been assigned to him as his province and he had been instructed to wage war on Rome, he decided to attack Saguntum. He thought that no post ponement was permissible lest he, too, like his father Hamilcar, and afterwards Hasdrubal, should be overtaken by some accident while delaying. as a rather unsatisfying explanation of the causes of the Sec ond Punic War,20 this passage gains poignant relevance in light of Hannibal's Often dismissed 19 Cf. where 28.28.11-13, Scipio praises the ability of the state to survive the loss of however individuals, great. 20 is little trace of these reasons given by "There See, for example, Burck, esp. 29-30: Fabius Pictor and Polybius in Livy.... he ascribes the entire responsibility for the Instead, war to Hannibal and the majority of the Carthaginian Senate. Hannibal's his de hatred, sire for power other, the war but and his always, from against Rome the Second Punic War one to an for military craving glory urge him from undertaking on the moment of assuming his command, his keeping sights set in Italy." For modern criticisms of Livy's analysis of the causes of see further xiv. Jal xxxv- Andreola Rossi 368 of the war against oath, for it effectively reflects Hannibal's conceptualization Rome as an additional chapter of the on-going private struggle between his family and the Romans. Inwaging war against the Romans, Hannibal carries on his family tradition and fulfills his oath. He carries out what his father and had long striven for but failed to accomplish. brother-in-law Respectively placed at the beginning of the first and second Pentads, Scipio's journeys to Spain define a turning point in Livy's narrative of each general's life. Hannibal's arrival in Spain and his subsequent capture of not obvious beginning mark the of the hostilities between only Saguntum and Hannibal's but, as in the case of Scipio, are also the events inwhich the general actively recognizes his role as heir to his family legacy and com mits to his inheritance. But Hannibal's behavior reveals a fatal flaw. Unlike Rome and Carthage is unable to reconcile his affiliation to the legacy of the fam Scipio, Hannibal to his patria. He privileges the interests of his familia and his affiliation ily over those of the state. In crossing into Spain and beginning the war against Rome, Hannibal misreads or rather willfully ignores the instructions of his own patria. He operates "as though (velut) Italy had been assigned to him as his province and he had been instructed to wage war on Rome." This line of and his expedition. But it does a set of anticipates (in speeches that are most prob Livian Hannibal's subversion of loyalties results in a "fabrications"21), ably serious threat to the existence of Carthage itself. for himself conduct will have dire consequences not end here. As Hanno first speech (the first of the Decade) takes place when Hannibal to join Hamilcar's in army Spain.22 Opposing popular sentiment, Hanno cautions the Carthaginians about letting the young Hannibal join the son we fear that... the of the king whose son army of his father (21.3.5): "Do Hanno's is about heir to the command of our armies may find us too slow in our master?" Rather, Hannibal him should be kept at home and for accepting to the laws (sub legibus) and the magistrates be taught to live in submission on equal footing (aequo iure) with others, in order to (sub magistratibus), in-law was made prevent him from harming the country in the future, or as Hanno has it, "lest this small fire one day kindle a great conflagration" (21.3.6 ne quandoque incendium Hanno's is given to no hie parvus ingens exsuscitet). warning ignis to not learn to submit to avail. Hannibal is allowed join the army and does the laws of the state. When 21 22 See Lenschau and Clauss the Roman 174 n. ambassadors arrive at Carthage after 19. In Livy, Hanno's first speech is reported when Hannibal's to be ratified by the Carthaginians, but it refers to a previous was allowed a to Hamilcar's army. join youth, election to general event when Hannibal, is about still Parallel Lives 369 has already crossed to Spain and besieged Saguntum, it is too late. is here cast in the role of the Hanno, who, as is noted by Mader (209-16), that Hannibal has become Herodotean wise adviser, alerts the Carthaginians an internal enemy besieging the state.23 The Carthaginians have nourished Hannibal the fire now engulfing Carthage itself (21.10.4 Aluistis ergo hoc incendium quo nuncardetis). In a recent book Feldherr has shown how Livy's history is, among other of things, a gallery of exempla that (120) "not only teach the subordination the smaller unit in the interests of the larger state but also reinforce both the and the parallelism between interdependency family, state, and body." Cincinnatus leaves his farm to become dictator, Brutus puts his sons to death for treason, Mucius Scaevola burns off his hand in what is a demonstration of Roman citizenship. In the third Decade Livy develops this theme by shaping the characters of Hannibal and Scipio as representatives of two antithetical con ceptions of the relation between individual and State. Scipio is shown as fol lowing the exemplary behavior of Cincinnatus, Brutus, and Mucius Scaevola. is his negative complement. He embodies the menace that threatens Hannibal the very existence of the life of a state when such a relationship is subverted?he states, threatens to destroy the collectivity. is the internal fire that, as Hanno 2. GENERALSHIP PUT TO THE TEST In 216, after his legendary crossing of the Alps and an uninterrupted string of victories at Ticinus (218),Trebia (218), Trasimene (217), and Cannae (216), sets his winter quarters in Capua, the city that had deserted the Hannibal Romans to side with the Carthaginians. Drawing on previous accounts tradition that connected a people's character with and on an ethnographical that of the land they inhabit, Livy gives readers a brief but significant description of the city. As Livy puts it, the city was almost genetically inclined to luxury (23.4.4 Prona semper civitas in luxuriam), a result not only of defects of char acter but also of the abundant ment 23 quatit of all the charms, 21.10.10 ariete. Carthagini For an analysis for indulgences and the beguile opportunity the amoenitas, of land and sea.24 The story that fol nunc Hannibal of Hanno's vineas speeches moenia turresque admovet: Carthaginis see further Paratore 40-66 and Clauss relevant bibliography. 174-77, with 24 to this topic at 27.3.2, where he reports Flaccus that Fulvius removed Livy returns the Roman weaken that its great charms might his army, as army from the city fearing to a referee. For a similar I owe this last reference Cf. also 7.38.5-8; they had Hannibal's. see to its Plb. of attributes 7.1, who, however, Capua description Capua's luxury mainly a on the topos that connects wealth. More to environment generally, physically benign luxus and malum otium see Thomas 126. Andreola Rossi 370 lows iswell known. The Carthaginian army, seduced by the luxuria of Capua, a Once inside the city, the undefeated dangerous metamorphosis. undergoes are no longer what they were. The Carthaginian army, never falls victim to the excesses of comfort (23.18.11 conquered by hardships, ac vicerat nimia mali nulla bona vis, Ltaque, quos perdidere voluptates Carthaginians immodicae). Sleep, wine, rich dinners, prostitutes, bathing, and idleness so weaken the bodies and spirits of the Carthaginian soldiers that it is their past victories rather than their present strength that thereafter protects them (23.18.12); the Carthaginian army becomes a shadow of its former self.25 Livy his account of this sudden metamorphosis with a somber remark "and so, by Hercules, itwas as if he underscoring Hannibal's responsibility: (sc.Hannibal) was setting out from Capua with a different army, for he had concludes (23.18.14 Ltaque hercule, velut preserved nothing at all of the old discipline" cum a si alio exercitu Capua exiret, nihil usquampristinae disciplinae tenuit).26 be in terms of its evaluated the for may episode presenting Livy's strategy topos-like quality. Livy himself exploits the same theme in the opening chap cam ter of Book 39, creating a juxtaposition between the Roman military paigns against the Ligurians on the one hand and Vulso's campaign in Asia on the other.27 The former had the effect of making the troops keener to show their valor (39.1.2); the military campaign inAsia had the opposite effect: as a result of the attractive nature of its cities, the abundant provisions from land and sea, the effeminacy of its people, and its royal wealth, Asia was making richer rather than more courageous (39.1.3 ditiores quam Hence exercitus the introduction of the first seeds of luxuria fortiores faciebat). into the Urbs (39.6.7-9). But there is another important aspect to the story. Roman armies 25 For a similar solely of Hannibal's and see D.S. account behavior: 26.11 and App. Hann. 43. The latter, however, "This fierce warrior up to unaccustomed gave himself the delights of love." 26 see Weissenborn On this passage Hannibal and openly a different alium inde eduxisse). been Hannibal's and M?ller ad loc. Cf. also 23.45.6, the fact that he led one army into winter acknowledges se in hiberna one out of them alium profecto (militem The Cannae Hannibal's idea is reiterated (23.45.4). See further at Capua who by Marcellus, was 23.18.13, seen where as a more where Livy's at Capua Capuam duxisse, that Capua states serious luxury quarters declares Livy speaks that among mistake had the than not experts delay to the city of Rome at after the victory led the Carthaginian army immediately as this mistake That delay could be regarded the victory, delayed having merely as having to win. taken away from him the power 27 on the passage see Walsh For a discussion 1994 ad loc. For a full treatment of the military having Cannae. in Livy as a corrupting element of the introduction For Livy's predating see note below and later discussion. idea of 250-64. luxuria that contributed of luxuria to Rome's in Rome with decline see Luce respect to Sallust Parallel Lives 371 As he had done with Hannibal, Livy connects Vulso's inability to preserve the old discipline with his army's changed behavior. In fact this time he does so even more prominently. In 39.6.5 Livy reports that one of the reasons Vulso his triumph was that he was rumored to have undermined by all that his predecessor L. Scipio had of laxity the military discipline that Vulso's strictly preserved (cf. also 39.1.4). Livy further adds (39.6.6-7) was was not sullied unfavorable of what said to reports reputation only by delayed manner in the province but also from what could be seen every day have happened his soldiers (in militibus eius), for foreign luxury had been brought amongst to the city by the army that had been inAsia. Livy's predecessor Sallust uses a similar topos to explain Roman decadence.28 For Sallust, however, the army is that of Sulla, and the year is 83 b.c.e. For him, too, the fierce army of men is seduced by the amenities of the land (Asia home an army of women (Cat. 11.5 Loca amoena, in otio ?nimos And in his ac militum molliverant)P voluptaria facile ferocis to Roman victim the the luxuria of the East is ex count, too, army's falling plicitly connected with failed leadership: to secure the loyalty of the army he again) and returns leads into Asia, Sulla allows it a luxurious style of living and an excessive li cense foreign to the manners of the Roman forefathers (Cat. 11.5 exercitum ... contra morem maiorum luxuri?se nimisque that transforms Hannibal's morphosis their stay at Capua foreshadows during a Roman liber aliter habuerat). The meta into an army of effeminates the destiny endured at a later time by itself. Iwill return to this aspect later, soldiers army and eventually by Rome now it suffices to say that the topos that presents the sturdy victor as but for seduced by the amoenitas of a foreign country is also constructed as a power ful exemplum of unsuccessful leadership, as is shown by the episodes so far analyzed. As the accounts of Livy and Sallust suggest, the army's falling vic tim to the allurements of luxuria is also closely connected with the general's failure to enforce and preserve the former discipline. But in Livy's narrative of the Second Punic War Hannibal's is not the only one put to generalship the test. After having completed a successful campaign in Spain, Scipio returns to New Carthage, fulfills his vows to the gods, celebrates gladiatorial games in 28 On and Livy's see Earl 45-46. the Earl notices in their descriptions of the lax discipline of the armies and in listing articles of luxury. He then explains Sallust's postdating of the as an effort on Sallust's part to be consistent, various decline since his over stages of moral the relation similarities concentration between on between Sallust's the two accounts concordia has the earlier second See century. 29 See also Ramsey ad loc. led him further account both to reject below. the tradition of the growth of luxuria in Andreola Rossi 372 of his father and uncle, and, after quelling amutiny, returns to Rome in 206 where he easily wins the consulship (28.21-38). The following year he moves into his province, Sicily, to prepare his next move in the war against honor the crossing to Africa.30 While in Sicily, Scipio and his army meet a similar to the one Hannibal and his army faced during their winter Hannibal: challenge in Capua, at least according of the Senate. Once members to the charges in Syracuse?the leveled against Scipio by some largest of Greek cities and the seems to allow his troops to fall loveliest of all cities (Cic. Ver. 4.117)?Scipio to to the charms of the city and victim forget the war against Carthage and indeed his entire army is corrupted by licentia (29.19.12-13 mol Hannibal, totam Syracusarum amoenitate atque frui; Carthaginem excidisse de memoria; exercitum omnem licentia corruptum). His is even worse than Hannibal's, for Scipio himself seems to have been liter cohortem Hannibalem situation seduced by the charms of Syracuse and to have lost his Roman identity. His denounce his un-Roman and un-military style of living (29.19.11 non ne Romanus modo sed militaris quidem cultus ipsius etiam imperatoris enemies iactabatur). They describe him strolling about in the gymnasium dressed in aGreek mantle and sandals and giving his attention to Greek books and physi in the first Pentad of the cal exercise (29.19.12). Like Capua for Hannibal Syracuse is an important testing ground for Scipio's leadership in the second; the amoenitas of Syracuse exercises its seductive power and threatens to transform Scipio's army (and Scipio himself) and to alter itsmilitary and Roman identity.31 Decade, Once again, however, Scipio shows the distance that separates him from the Carthaginian general. In proper Roman fashion, Livy's Scipio does not a verbal prepare reply in his own defense but, instead, tangible evidence (29.22.1 Scipio res, non verba adpurgandum seseparavit),32 The legati sent from to assess the truthfulness of the charges of indolence in the general and lack of discipline in the army are met with an extraordinary spectacle of effi so are see As what that they leave ciency. Livy reports, they impressed by they can be defeated by that people Syracuse fully believing that the Carthaginian Rome 30 On the debate between Fabius Maximus as one Cunctator and Scipio Africanus over see 28.40.1-45.9 for the year Africa should be allotted of the provinces return from Spain see further 108-15. Scullard and my discussion below. On Scipio's 31 a commission On the episode sent to Scipio to cf. D.S. 27.4.1-7, which mentions at whether Pleminius had the of Locri with the Persephone investigate temple pillaged of Scipio, but is silent on the charges of luxuria against Scipio. The story is nar approval Ann. Ma. Tac. rated only by later authors Plut. Cat. 3.5-8; (Cf. 2.59.1). 32 see Sal. Cat. For the association the Romans the Greeks of res with and verba with whether 8.4-5. Parallel Lives 373 general and that army and by no other (29.22A); thus they bid him to cross to Africa (29.22.6): "Such was their joy when they left, that itwas as if they were the news of a victory, not of amagnificent to carry to Rome preparation for war." At Capua, the victorious march of the Carthaginian army changes course under Hannibal's failed leadership and turns into a process of self-alienation and of estrangement from its former self. By contrast, at Syracuse Scipio shows his ability to preserve disciplina; as a result, his army emerges unscathed from de-Romanized. And Scipio not only protects the the danger of becoming "Roman" identity of his army but also shows awillingness and ability to "make is foreign. His victorious march from Italy to Africa turns into a process of Romanization to which he subjects his Roman allies. Roman" what shows Scipio's strategy in action. Loyal friend of the re Romans and Scipio's faithful ally, Masinissa's wedding with Sophonisba veals aweakness typical of a race inclined to succumb to seduction (30.12.18 ut est genus Numidarum in venerem praeceps). When Masinissa finally re The tale of Masinissa of his own race (he to kill herself), Scipio (and later the Senate) showers him allows Sophonisba with important gifts that mark Masinissa's into a Roman: transformation nounces his passion and thus overcomes the weakness is given a golden wreath, a golden bowl, a curule chair, the ivory attire with staff, the embroidered toga, and the tunic adorned with palms?the which the Roman generals celebrate their triumph, the highest distinction Masinissa (30.15.11-12).33 By his ac granted to a Roman, as Scipio reminds Masinissa tion, Scipio successfully transforms Masinissa's loyalty to himself into an af filiation to Rome. Scipio symbolically admits Masinissa into the Roman State to acknowledge his new and, by the same token, implicitly compels Masinissa as amember ofthat State. Thus, Scipio success position (and responsibility) a pro converts into an active process of Romanization, alliance military fully cess that increases the strength of the State he represents. Let us briefly return to Zama. Significantly placed at the end of the De and Romans closes Livy's analy cade, the final battle between Carthaginians sis of the parallel lives of Scipio and Hannibal and powerfully reflects the by the two generals. Roman of the army at Zama illustrates Scipio's abil Livy's representation to Roman of the his army. After an initial skirmish in preserve ity identity itinera undertaken antithetical 33 See Butler us, were customarily consuli mos esset). On and Appian as Livy reminds ad loc. Cf. also the gifts sent by the Senate, which, to a consul (30.17.13 militaremque supellectilem qualem praeberi see further Scullard 133-34. Diodorus the story of Sophonisba (27.7-8) and Scullard furnished (Pun. 28) report the story but remain silent about the gifts awarded toMasinissa. Andreola Rossi 374 the Carthaginian put to flight by the conjoined cavalry ismomentarily efforts of the Italian and Numidian the cavalry, pitched battle begins. Scipio's one voice, louder and more terrifying army charges against the enemy with which for its unanimous sound (30.34.1 congruens clamor ab Romanis eoque maior et terribilior); the Roman army is compact and presses against the enemy with its own weight and that of its arms (30.34.2 pugna Romana stabilis et suo et armorum pondere incumbentium in hostem); it is a virtually indivisible body its specific Roman identity. The spectacle offered by the Carthaginian army is strikingly different and of Hannibal's failure to establish a reciproc clearly reveals the consequences that has retained hierarchical vision of power, ity between himself and Carthage. Hannibal's which prioritizes the individual over the State, prevents him from acknowl edging the intrinsic weakness of an army lacking unity of interest and pur in his role as general, oper pose. We saw earlier that, unlike Scipio, Hannibal, ates primarily as scion of his familia rather than as amember of his patria. he fails to organize the heterogeneous members of his army Consequently, into a unified whole that identifies itself with the State and is therefore loyal to it, as Livy's description of his army at Zama underscores. Unlike Polybius, Livy describes Hannibal's army as having no language, no no custom, law, no arms, no and clothing, no general appearance in common, nor the same reason for serving (30.33.8). As the two infantries meet, the first line of Hannibal's army charges with discordant voices, coming as they do from amixed assortment of peoples with a variety of mother-tongues (30.34.1 dissonae Ulis, ut gentium multarum discrepantibus linguis, voces); they are eas ily dislodged by the first attack of the Romans (30.34.3).34 At the battle of the Ticinus, the first serious battle against the Romans, the victorious Carthaginian army demanded to fight with one accord and one voice (21.45.9 proelium uno animo et voce una poscunt). Afterwards, however, Hannibal's army begins a failure to preserve disciplina and process of decline at Capua with Hannibal's 34 Cf. Plb. 15.11.1-2, of shouts confusion variety (15.12.9). who simply mentions who sand mercenaries the first composed raised by the mercenaries But he adds (15.13.1) of the twelve thou the different origins he too reports the strange line. Admittedly, on their and quotes II. 4.437 as a comment that the mercenaries were successful and at first of the Romans; itwas only of their daring and skill and wounded many prevailed to retreat because of the superiority later that they were forced of Roman weapons third line that Plb. 15.11.2-12 ).We may further notice (15.13.2-3 reports that Hannibal's over from was formed veterans the he had and that Hannibal could brought Italy fully by as suits his presentation on their of Hannibal's army as hetero rely loyalty. Livy, however, because geneous and of doubtful by Italians, because itwas the third line, formed had separated loyalty, states that Hannibal were allies or enemies uncertain whether (30.35.9). they Parallel Lives his men to protect Hannibal's 375 at Zama with luxuria; the process culminates into cultural and po inability to transform military partnership litical affiliation either to Carthage or to himself, as representative of the State. His army at Zama, like the Oriental armies of Xerxes and Darius, is charac from terized by polyglottia and lack of cohesive national These are the flaws that in Livy's narrative eventually harmony and identity. account for its ultimate defeat.35 HANNIBALS 3. ROMAN Thus ends the story of the Second Punic War. In an editorial comment after the battle of Cannae, Polybius explicitly connects Rome's ability to turn the tide of war to its constitutional system (3.118.8-9): the Romans were now unquestionably Although was tation to the peculiar thanks shattered, beaten and theirmilitary virtues of their repu constitution and wise counsel they not only recovered their supremacy in Italy and afterwards defeated the Carthaginians but in a few years became masters of the entire world."36 excursus To support this claim, later in his work, he embarks on a book-length to that of other famous in comparison analyzing the Roman constitution nations, Carthage included (Book 6). Livy follows a different path. He never defeat and Roman victory? openly discusses the reasons for Carthaginian hence the charges of political shortsightedness leveled against him.37 And yet the reasons are there for the reader to see. By creating a network of correspon 35 For a similar on their of Xerxes' and Darius' army with an emphasis representation see and heterogeneity Hdt. 7.61-100 and Arr. An. 2.8.5 majestic proportions respectively see //. 4.433-38. 8. For Homer's of Trojan polyglottia Note that the armies of description are also described Xerxes as prone to luxuria. and Darius in the historiographical tradition For luxuria 3.11.20, and Xerxes' Plut. Alex. army 20.6-8. Mader218. 36 On this passage 37 See, for example, accounts of the main cf. Hdt. For other see Walbank Walsh theatres for Darius' 9.80-82; points of contact see D.S. army between Hannibal 17.35.1-4, and Xerxes Curt. see ad loc. 1982: 1060, of "As the modern in Italy, Spain, critic reviews his (i.e., Livy's) the fighting Sicily and mostly The strategy of commanders, the troop justified. the battle-tactics, the topographical the numbers of soldiers movements, indications, or fallen are all too or and the engaged frequently inaccurately presented, misleadingly of the version for much of Polybius of the war underlines availability Livy's weaknesses. It is true that our historian not re additional information provides precious frequently corded by Polybius; but a steady comparison of the two histories in any extended section complaints Greece, are continual leaves no doubt where the greater accuracy and intelligibility lies." and Africa, Andreola Rossi 376 and Scipio (and therefore between the to two Pentads), Livy allows the reader find the reasons by following the nar rative thread of the generals'"parallel lives." Events that Livy's critics have all dences between too often the lives of Hannibal labeled as inaccurate, in the ail-too-efficient to one another, and not loosely connected and scientific model of "cause and effect," organized are instead coherent architectural design whose ef pieces of a sophisticated fect depends on the reader's ability to join them together in ameaningful way.38 Confronted with similar challenges, Hannibal fails where Scipio does not; this eventually leads to defeat and victory respectively. However, Livy's repre sentation of Hannibal does more than provide the causes of the Carthaginian in the Second Punic War; it also works as an important for exemplum Livy's contemporary Roman audience. at the that Livy's portrait of Hannibal Scholars have long acknowledged on is modeled Sallust's of the Decade of (21.4.2-9) description opening general's defeat (Cat. 5.3-5).39 More recently, Clauss (169-82) has shown that the parallels between Sallust's Bellum Catilinae and the opening of Livy's Book 21 extend beyond this portrayal.40 In particular, Hanno's of representation Catiline and the accusation he levels against him mirror closely the charge of cupido regni leveled against Catiline by Sallust. For Clauss the assimilation to Catiline has an important narrative function, of Hannibal inviting the and Catiline/ reader to establish a connection between Hannibal/Carthage Rome.41 We may carry Clauss' conclusions a bit further. The Sallustean subtext, so manifestly displayed at the beginning of the Decade, invites the reader to Hannibal the Decade within a specific throughout initial ambitio (and imperi cupido) com Sallustean framework. Hannibal's norms to of the him subvert the complex relationship between public pels read the tale of Hannibal's deeds 38 and on the of Livy's first Decade work has been done on the structure Significant structure. recurrent themes and topoi that shape its narrative See, for example, Kraus, Miles, has long been neglected however, by Livy Livy's third Decade, Jaeger, and Feldherr. as amediocre account of the Second ars and of viewed adaptation Polybius' generally see now Jaeger and Chaplin. War. For new and different critical assessments 39 1985 ad loc. and 1982: 1067. Cf. also Ramsey ad 5.3-5. Cf. Walsh 40 42-62. See also Paratore 41 him 180: "Moreover, well have motivated Clauss Livy's moral agenda might war of the Catilinarian in terms reminiscent of the Hannibalic scribe the opening spiracy. By internecine in his presentation evoking infighting between comparison led to the destruction similar path. Such of Carthaginian politics failed coup d'etat, Catiline's that prompted the two city-states, one which and of Carthage?odium is surely an example behavior suggests that cupido regni?could to avoid." the bitter Livy Punic to de con hatred facilitates the very schol a elements lead Rome and telling that along a Parallel Lives 377 and private; this and his subsequent Sulla-like laxity at Capua retrace impor tant moments of Rome's decline as outlined by Sallust (Cat. 10-11).42 The of the tales of Hannibal and Scipio, therefore, does synkritic representation not simply fashion an exemplary antithesis between a foreign enemy of Rome, the bearer of foreign vices, and his Roman opponent. More exactly, the par allel lives of Scipio and Hannibal of Roman juxtapose two distinct moments contrasts of and The tale deeds Hannibal's Scipio's history. starkly the story past virtus with the history in Sallust's Bellum Catilinae.43 of Rome's decline of Rome's present as outlined Sallust dated the beginning of did this decline begin? Notoriously to the destruction of Carthage in 146.With no enemies left to its authority, Rome began to show signs of moral failure and to turn When Roman decline oppose its own strength against itself (Cat. 10.1-3).44 Livy is not so explicit, but a passage in the third Decade suggests that he, too, might have viewed the as an with important climax of Roman history. At the end struggle Carthage of the Decade, Hannibal addresses his own citizens in a provocative speech the causes of the Carthaginian analyzing 42 defeat (30.44.7-8): to Sallust, con vice that, according important as praeceps see Liv. where Hannibal is described 26.38.3, decline, see Earl 14-15: "After the For Sallust's view of the course of Roman in avaritiam. history a diverse and wandering into a civitasby foundation of the city, in which mob was made even the action of concordia, Rome first enjoyed the government of kings, who, however, were to The fell then and the prey expelled Republic, superbia dominatioque. kings tually For Hannibal its system with mores and avaritia, to Rome's tributes and of annual concordia magistracies, maxuma when aemula Carthage, the domination until, with social Earl 112-14. nent gloria Then established. virtus and political." Earl rightly in the service argues a of boni long period was ended and which only arose ambitio and avaritia followed supreme reigned was imperi Romani, destroyed. of Sulla, luxuria gave a final when ruin, moral, the other moral Then career to utter to Rome's impetus to virtus see of ambitio the meaning and its relation as the pursuit that virtus is to be understood of preemi On is the pursuit of gloria at ambitio, by contrast, the expense of the res publica. 43 in Polybius, of decline foreshadows process Notably, Carthage's already implicitly the process to me of decline that the that one day will affect Rome "It seems (6.51.1): constitution There in matters the house kings, to them, proper that of Rome and Sparta. constitution Carthaginian 44 For a similar theory appears was of Carthage were of metus of the respublica; originally well of Elders was and But contrived the entire organization at the time when they had as an aristocratic and itsmost distinctive points. the people were supreme of the state resembled very much regards force, entered that of Rome on the Hannibalic was degenerated, a Poseidonian idea cf. Jug. 41.2-5. Earl 47 suggests in ancient hostilis. However, the idea was common in Xenophon, Plato, Aristotle, and Polybius. War, the superior." source for Sallust's political thought; it Andreola Rossi 378 The time to weep was when our arms were us, our taken from ships were burned, and foreign wars forbidden; that wound was deadly for us. And you have no reason to believe that the Romans had any regard for your domestic peace; no great country can live in peace for long. If it lacks an enemy abroad it finds one at home, just as powerful bodies appear protected against external infection but are weighed down by their very strength. By openly echoing Sallust's views on the reasons for Rome's moral and po on is not only a somber reflection litical decline, Hannibal's speech now cast who has been in The of defeat. the Hannibal, speech Carthaginian role of the wise adviser, may also suggest the destiny that awaits Rome once its last enemy and the last serious threat to the city has defeated Hannibal, Rome's world supremacy.45 For Livy, however, the decline did not begin in the year 146. The overt allusion to Sallust inHannibal's speech suggests that, for Livy, this process of decline began at an earlier stage of Roman history, at the end of the Second Punic War. As namely with the defeat of Hannibal we noted earlier, Livy also predates the introduction of luxuria in Rome, to a change and, Rome undergoes 187 B.c.E.46 After the defeat of Hannibal, tellingly, Scipio himself, the glorious winner of the battle of Zama, is the first in Livy's narrative. of this dangerous process of metamorphosis The first signs of such a change are already visible in the last phases of the Second Punic War, during the famous debate between Scipio, who urges the Senate to allot him Africa as a province, and Fabius Cunctator, who fiercely victim confrontation between Scipio and of change in Roman policy from defen sive to offensive war, the former aptly advocated by the old Fabius, the latter of Scipio's career in by the young Scipio.48 The debate is a defining moment opposes the request (28.40-44).47 Fabius best dramatizes the moment The still another respect. Scipio's initial determination Senate does not accede to his wishes underscores verting the state the norms to go to the people if the Scipio's potential for sub that regulate the correct relationship (28.40.1-2, esp. acturum se id per populum between aperte the unus and ... si senatus adversaretur, cf. also 28.45.1). On this occasion Scipio eventually yields to the laws of the State. He permits the Senate to allot the provinces; in so doing, he 45 169. On this topic see further Will 46 See 39.6 and my discussion above. 47 see Chaplin On Livy's relevant On this episode with 93-97, bibliography. a historical see events see Scullard 168 of For the model analysis Rodgers. Thucydidean 69. 48 For the significance 359-61. of the difference in age between Fabius and Scipio see Neraudau Parallel Lives reasserts the code of behavior his career (28.45.8). ordination becomes that marked From this moment 379 in the early stages of a Hannibal-like insub his actions on, however, trait of Scipio's character. The two versions of Scipio's trial that mark the exit of Africanus from Livy's history underscore his newly ambivalent relationship to the Roman State. The first version of the trial ends with Scipio's initiating a triumphal procession a defining through the entire city (per totam urbem) followed by the entire assembly (universa contio) on the anniversary of the battle of Zama (38.51.12-13).49 As is noted by Jaeger ( 150-51 ), the procession unites the general to his fellow citizens and establishes an impression of a state of equilibrium and reciproc ity between Scipio and his fellow citizens. After the procession, as he realizes that his career is over, Scipio departs from Rome, retires to Liternum and never returns to the city. The second version is farmore dramatic. It shows Africanus valuing family connections over the rules of civic life and highlights the dis Scipio's former relation to the state and his present one. As Livy reports (38.56.9), Scipio abandons his post as legate in Etruria (relicta the Roman Forum, pushes the bailiff from his brother rushes into legatione), tance between and, when the tribunes try to hold him back, assaults them, with more thought for family loyalty than his role as citizen (magispie quam civiliter). In the words with this defiant action, Scipio has fallen of Livy's Gracchus (38.56.11-13), short of his own standards of civil behavior, which included reprimanding the people for wishing to appoint him perpetual consul and dictator and re fusing to allow statues of himself to be erected in public places. The two versions of the trial, therefore, underscore the ambivalent legacy of Scipio Africanus.50 Livy's narrative of Scipio's career does not end with a straightforward eulogy of his res gestae. Livy takes leave from the great hero on amore ambiguous note. Celebration of Scipio's resgestae comes with a forewarning of the challenges that Rome will face. Livy's final farewell to Scipio?so that the puzzlingly ambivalent?acknowledges victory over Hannibal has come with a price for Scipio and for Rome itself.51 of the Second Punic War At the end of his life, Scipio, 49 Cf. 50 On also the man who defeated Hannibal the procession (38.51.7-11). speech preceding of Scipio's and for a recent treatment trial see Jaeger thanks to his Scipio's this topic 132-37 with bib liography. 51 As is noted between of (97 n. 56), the similarities by Chaplin Scipio and the dynasts man one 1 is include the of if the libertas above the ) century following: danger as if he were a dictator; that Scipio behaved law; 2) the allegation 3) his greater aptitude the first for war than for peace; 4) tearing up the account and requesting the keys to the books to override On the constitutional 5) the use of tribunician power treasury; procedure. see further Earl 114 and Scullard trial of Scipio 216-24. 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