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Author
Research Publications
ALI, Austin Amaechi
Title
Faculty
Arts
Linguistics And Nigerian Languages
Signature
Date
The Structure Of The Igbo Verb Phrase
Department
PG/M.Sc./93/14943
November, 1998
Omenuko
Sunday Ogbonna
Digitally signed by Omenuko Sunday
Ogbonna
DN: CN = Omenuko Sunday Ogbonna,
C = NG, O = University of Nigeria, OU
= Innovation Centre
Reason: I have reviewed this document
Date: 2008.11.05 09:14:19 -12'00'
.
:
SCHOOL OF POSTGRADUATE STUDIES
DEPARTMENT OF LlNGUlSTlCS A'tD NlGERIAN LANGUAGES
A PROJECT REPORT SURMTTTED IN PAR'T!AL
FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMFNTS mli ~ 1
AWARD OF THE DEGREE, MASTER 01; N C l'h
AUSTIN AMAECHI AL4
PGhMA/'93:14943
NOVEMBER, 1998
'
1
.
~
CERTIFICATION
Mr. Austin Amaechi Ali, a Postgraduate Student in the
Department of Linguistics and Nigerian Languages, University of
Nigeria, Nsukka, has satisfactorily completed the requirements for
courses and project work for the degree of Master of Arts (M.A.) in
Linguistics.
The work embodied in this Project Report is largely original.
.......................................
Dr. P.A. Nwachukwu
Sz~pervisor
.........................................
External Examiner
..................................
Mr. B.N. Anasiudu
Head of'llepur~m
en/
..................................
Dean of Faculty
DEDICATION
T o Onyebuchi and Chukwuebuka who by
my frequenr absence from home. were robbed
of rheir deserved adequate parenral care.
iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I owe an in~measurablethanks to my supervisor - Dr. P.A. Nwachukwu. He nor
only taught me Syntax and Semantics during my undergraduate days in the late 80s, bur
also inspired me to further pursue the course at the Postgraduate level. He willingly
accepted to supervise me and later made his books available to me. I wish him God's
blessings.
I owe a lor of thanks to Dr. B.M. Mbah who like P.A. Nwachukwu (Ph.D), gave
our Iiis time and books to see me tlirough this progran~nle.
I also wish to express my gratitude to all the lecturers in the Department of
Linguistics and Nigerian Languages, University of Nigeria, Nsukka especially to
Professor B.O. Oluikpe who taught me Research Methodology, Dr. (Mrs) C.I.
.
Ikekeonwu. who taueht me phonetics and phonology both at the undergraduate and the
. .
postgraduate levels, Dr. M.E. Iwundu, Dr. P.I. Ndykwe and Dr. O.S. Ogwueleka. I
also extend my gratitude to my lecturers in the literalure section who exposed me to a
thorough study of literature and Stylistia. They include: Dr. I.U. Nwadike, Dr. C.N.
.
Okebalaina and Dr. (Mrs) G.I. Nwozuzu. I owe a lot of thanks to Mr. B.N. Anasiud!
who taught me Applied Linguistics during my undergraduate days,
Outside the academic circles. I hereby appreciate the efforts of my wife Uche who
continually urged me on despite all odds, and indefatigably took care of most of our
family problems.
Last but not the least, I wish to appreciate the good work done by my Typist Miss
Chig?zie Onyeji.
A.A. Ali
Nsukka .
November. 1998.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Title Page ....................................................................................................................... .i. .
Certifica~ion
...................................................................................................................
11
...
.
. .....................................................................................................................
Dedication
111
Acknowledgement ...................................................................................................... .iv
Table of Contents ........................................................................................................ v.
Abstract ........................................................................................................................
vli
.
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.0.0 Background to the study .....................................................................................
1
1.1.0 Objective of the Study ...................................................................................... 1
1.2.0 S c o ~ of
e the studv..............................................................................................2
1A.2 Tone Marking Convention .................................................................................
3
CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF ]RELATED LITERATURE
2.0.0 Introduction ....................................... ....................................................... 5
*
...........................
.3
2.1.0 Theoretical Framework .....................................................
.. .- .
-.
2.2.0 Ernplrlcal Study...............................................................................................
11
2.3.0 Summary .........................................................................................................
20
.
.
.
~
-
WAPTER THREE: THE STRUCTURE OF THE IGBO VERB PHRASE
\ .1.0 Introduction .................................................................................................
2 3
;.2.0 Non-Inherent Complement Verbs .............................................................
28
3 1 T ~ VP~ r h
P h r ~ with
c ~ n n ~ l h l eOhiect~;
............... .
.
.
................................. 32
2.2 Increase in the Number of Internal Arguments.
2 . 3 Pseudo Double Object Verbs in Igbo................
1.2.3 Igbo Equivalent of English Spray. Load Verbs .....................
vi
...................44
.
.
TTHAPTER FOUR: INHERENT COMPLEMENT VERB PHRASE
1.0.0 Introduction ................................................................................................... 36
1.1.0 The Syntax and Semantics of Inherent Complement Predicates .....................39
1. 1.1 The Syntax of Inherent Complement Verbs ....................................................39
-1.1.3 The Semantics of Inherent Complement Verbs ...............................................3 3
CHAPTER FIVE: SUhlMARY AND CONCLUSION..........................................58
BIBLIOGRAPHY: ..................................................................................................... 62
vii
ABSTRACT
Though many scholars have written a lor about verbs and the verb phrase, none
to the best of our knowledge, has made any attempt to adequately describe the structure
of the Igbo Verb Phrase using X-bar framework. This study is intended to fill the gap.
X-bar syntax has been observed to be a formalization of the syntactic structures
of Universal Grammar
-
a Parameter from which every language, depending on its
predicate structure. chooses its syntactic framework.
This study describes the principles by which the Igbo verb is projected into higher
phrasal categories of the same type. using X-bar principles.
The major categories we focus on are the Verb Phrase (VP) constituents
comprising the:
Verb RootIVesb Stem (V-rootlstem), the Applicative - rv Suffix, the Inherent
Complement and the Bound Verb Complement.
The study indicates the syntactic
constituency of each lexical item which defines the bar levels between the syntactic
components.
The study makes specific starernenrs on the adequacy of the X-bar convention as
a system for analyzing the structure of the Igbo verb phrase.
It is hoped thar this srudy will stimulate further research about Igbo verbs and
verb phrases.
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.0.0 Background to the study
The relationship between inherent cornplemenr verbs (ICVs) and transitivity in
Igbo has generated an increasing debate among linguisrs since a decade or thereabout.
Nwachukwu (1976), (1983) and (1985) had the effect of complicating the debate. He
believes [hat ICVs always conrain their complentents in the lexica1 conceptual structure
(LCS), a fact which does not necessarily make inherent - complement verbs transitive.
In other words, argues Nwachukwu, in spite of inherent complements, verbs can be
shown to be rransitiile or intransitive. Linguists such as Awobuluyi (1972), Emenanjg
(1984),(1986) see the issue of transitivity as irrelevant to lgbo and other related
languages. Their conflicting views have posed a challenge to scholars to study and
adequarely describe the structure of the Tebo verb phrase (VP). It is this challenge that
has inspired this study:- the structure of the Igbo Verb Phrase.
1 . 1 . 0 Objective of the study.
The main objecrive of [his srudy is to invesri_eate the structure of the Igbo
Phrase. This study is done with the hope of specifying the structure of Igbo VP within
Government Binding (GB) framework.
1.2.0 Scope of the study.
The study investigates the structure of rhe Igbo VP. The scope of the stud!
includes:
Verb root/Verb stem (V-root/stem), Applicative -rv Suffix, Inheren,
Complernenr (IC) and Bound Verb Complement (BVC).
It will relate the above
constituents of Igbo "VP" to the structure of the VP in general.
1 .3.0 Significance of the study.
The srudy when completed, will be significant in the following ways:It offers a berrer description of the Igbo language structure as well as relate the
structure of the Igbo VP to VPs in other languazes of the World. It will definitely tell
us ar w h a ~bar-level each of rhe complements of the Igbo VP is found. It will also
explain why sucll I-ules as Inherent complement movement and Bound Verb Complement
movement are necessary in Igbo syntax.
1.4.0 Conventions Used
1.4.1 X-Bar Convention
This srudy en~ploysthe X-bar convention. X-bar is the convention that describes
the Universal Properry of the lanyuage. It describes all the levels of phrase srmcrure.
Using the X-bar framework, VP will be represented as V" (rhe maximal Projection). V"
represents the head, the complemenrs and rhe specifiers. V' is employed to account for
3
the head and cvrnplemenrs while V O stands for the head only. However, XP is used to
indicate an unspecified bar level of rhe verb phrase.
There is no colnrnon number of bars to all languages yet studied. Jackendoff
(1977) proposes a maximu~nof rhree for Xu'. Chomsky (1970) proposes a n~aximumof
two for nouns and three for verbs. Siege1 (1974) maintains that nouns should have four
bars, while Chomsky (1992) proposes a uniform double bar convention for all syntactic
categories and for all languages of the world. As far as this study has revealed, a
uniform double-bar notation is adequate for Igbo.
1 .LC.?
Tone Plarking Convention
The tone marking convention is that found in Welrners (1973), Nwachukwu
(1983) and subsequent pubkations. Mbah (1986),(1989) and (1997). Here, only two
tone marks are ernployed to indicate all the ~I-rreepitch contrasts in the language. The
tone of the first syllable of every word/phrase is marked by this convention, leaving
subsequent syllables umnarked if rhep are on the same pitch level. and marked if they
contrast with it.
The feature is therefore exploited to indicate a higlvdownstep
relationship: any sequence of two acute accents inclicares a high tone followed by a step
tone.
I l l ~ s t r a r i \ ~exarnples
e
are:
Lexical Tone
inya #
-
/
anya
ukwu
H H#H H
H H
H H
eye
(Covetousness)
/
'
isi
&WLI
big
40'
.'
head
.\
H H
H S
(Capital)
1
LLL #LHH
ore'#
eqf
Money
'achicha # atoka
bread
IS I
-+
H H#H S
\
Grammatical Tone
'\
-. achicha
at<ka
LLLLHH
sneer very (bread is very sweet)
e&vu
LH # HH
-.
o' re'
LH
dancer dancer
gwu
S
-
Level
(dancer)
The symbol # indicates word boundary. Other terms/symbals that appear in the
context are explained at their first place of appearance.
constructions are adjudged anomalous.
Starred sentences or
CHAPTER T\VO: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
2 . 0 . 0 Introduction
In chapter one, we discussed the motivating factor for undertaking this study. It
includes the conflicring views of some linguists on the strucrure of rhe Igbo VP (cf 1 . 0
and 1 . 1 ) and the scope of rhe study ( 1.2).
In this chapter. we shall pursue the study further by discussing the different
definitions and analyses of different autliors as well as fosmulare rhe strucrure of rhe Igbo
VP.
This cliaprer- is divided into three main sections thus: rheoserical framework.
empirical srudy and summary.
2.1 0 Theoretical Framework
In our theoserical study. wc adopt the metliodological appsoaches of Jackendoff
(1977). to analyse the proposition of Fillmore (1968). We follow this methodologicai
approach because of its aptness. Jackendoff (1977) has been able to propose a formula
[hat accounrs for '111 c a t e g w i a l and non-catrgorial c u m p o ~ ~ eofn ~Phrase Structure
Grammar (PSC). 'The formula is the X-bar cunvenrion proposed by Harris (1951) and
formalised by Chomskj. (1970) as
IS
represented in Fig (1).
. ..
I
Spec1f ier Modifier
(Spec)
Maximal Projection
Jackendoff (1977) modifies the schema as in Fig (2).
7
In figures (1);ind 0 ) .X is the head of the syntactic category. XI is the ~nrern~ediate
category while XI1 is the maxin~aiprojeciion Anything dominated by X 1 excrpr X , is the
complen~enr(Comp) of X
X-bar convenrion claims that each lexical category defines
a set of synracric categories
XI.X".. .Xmaxiinu~n(Xu')which is related to the PS of [he
form is ( 2 ) .
(-
...
Jackendoff (1977) claims that (2) is a PS rule provided by Universal Gramniar (UG)and
results from the PS configurarion repsesenred in Fig (3)
,,n
8
Two ways of defining the head of a syntactic cate_gorg are represenred thus: X"-'
that dorn~nates X (head) or the lexical caregory X ar rhe borrom of the entire
conf~yirarioi~The Path frcrm
X through X '
,111cl
X" ro X"' is rile main projection line.
Tile a d v a n t a ~ e sof rhr X-bar cc~nventioni n c l ~ ~ dthe
e followins:
(a)
Ir I-weals inrernlediate cate_eories. These are categories that fall between the
minimal (lexical) categurles and rhe maximal (super) catezories.
(b)
It rakes care of adjuwrs. These are extra but subordinate word(s) or phrase
added to qualify nr define anorher word in a sentence. A phrase structure (PS)
grammar c a n n a offer the above insights.
As has been seen in [he discussion above. X is the obligatory element within the
c a t e p - y . Its presence is either physical or implied as in elliptical consrr-uctions. The
intermediate carepu-,l X'. reveals the node immediately doniit~aring X.
It normally
comprises the lesical head am! some complements. The complement is not regarded as
a consriruenr and x) does nor s t i w l for a node. The X" denores a node two bars above
a lexical categor!l node. While X'can be re-written as:
(3)
X1
+
X
-
COMP.
X" can be also be re-written as
4)
X"
-.
Spec, - XI.
9
Table ( 1 ) belo\\ rweals rhr srrengh of' S-bar convenrion as
against
the weakness of' [he
PS rule in describins the intermediate categories.
Table (1)
From [able ( 1 ) . one sees thar the PS configurarion distinpishes between the lexical
category and rhe phrasal category.
Jackendoff (1977) proposes the above-clescribetl VP structure. We therefore. wish
to formulare the rule of the Igbo VP structure and ro idenrifjl to what extent the Igbo VP
firs inro or. varies with the structure prr~posedby Jackenduff (1977), taking cognizance
of the bar levels from V O . . V 1 . . V i l .
Fillmore (1968) views the verb as an elemenr consisting of the obligarnry
association of the verb complement (V-cornp) wirh the verb-rootlverb stem (V-1-oot/stem).
He proposes that "the verb with its basic srructure. consists of a verb and one or more
noun phrases and each of the noun phrases (NPs) is associared with the verb in a
pal-r~cularcase reTationship"
analysd as follows:
The proposition. according
to
Fillmore 11968). can be
(5)
[ +V ]
-
[V
+ ( X + Y ) NP]
where X and Y are variables. Though Fillmore contends that the verb with its basic
structure I-equires snniethin~ro complement ir. he limits the complement to NPs only.
I n his o w n malysis. Lyons (1968) rmkes an imempr to distinguish between
complements and adjuncts. He defines an adjunct as "a 'modifier' attached to a 'head'.
upon which i r is dcpendenr and from which i t can be -detached' withour any consequent
syrlractic change in the sentence". He iurrher ckiims that the term complen~entbas so
far been employed only in relation to nvminal o r adjectival expressions which combine
with the 'copula' in such sentences as:
6(a)
"Mary is a beautiful gil-I".
and
(b)
"Mary is beautiful".
Accol-dins to him. the term is employed in tradirional grammar ro refer ro any
word or- phsase (orher than rhe verb irselt) which is an uhligarory constiruent of the
predicate; for insrance. rhe object of a transitive verb such as
(7)
"
the ball" in
"John caughr the ball. "
He states that the predicative con~plen~enr
is syntactically required. in order to
'complete' rile srsucrure of the predicate (hence rhe term 'cornplenlenr'). is used
of such 'advesbiaI' expsessions as "in centl-a1 park" or "On sundap" in sentences
like
8ta)
"The parade was in cenrral park"
or
(b)
"The demonsrsatjon w a s o n sunday". Lyons claims rhar [he differrnce between a n
ad.junct nnd a complemenr is. in principle. quire clear: [he fonner is an oprional
(ctsrrnnucleai.) constituent of rhe senrence. Adjuncts and Predicarive compleinenrs
resemble. b ~ l tas has been seen. rhe same class of words o y p h m s e s thar occur as
a Iorarivcr or rernporal adjuncr in one set of sentences may occur as a cornplemenr
(of the copula) rn [he orhers.
2.2.0
Empirical Study
In Cl~aprer( 1 ). we discussed the morivaring factor tllar led us inro rhis study. In
2 1.0. we hi~hlighredthe views of rheorisrs we have adopted and why. This section
rherethre is de\orzd ro rhe drscussion of the lirerarure on Isbo VP.
Time
IS however.
no comprehensive srudy thar describes Igbo VP. Some studies
made on the Igbo verb and Igbo VP include [hat of:
Green and I g w ( 1963). E~nenanjq( 1975).( 1978).(1984). 1)bahakwe (1976). Nwachukwu
(1976).(1933). (1985).(1987). Oluikpe (1979). Uwalaka (1983). Williamson (1986),
Ogwueleka
.
(1987). (1989).
Ubahakwe (1976) claims char the rransirive and inrransitive dichorom) exists both
kt[
the surl'aw and deep strucrure levels in Igbo. He exemplifies with [he l'ollowing
senrences:
9(nl k
. "Okeke is human",
' 1
//.,
(b)
bkeke hu
10(a)
bk ehe
MI^&.$.
"Okckr carried a human being".
.XA.
.#.- :,"
*,
,,
busu
.\
ibh.
.
( b ) 0keke b h u rbu
"Okeke is far.
"Okeke carried a load".
The vesbs thar occur- in esamplesq (b) and Lob) accordiny to Uhahakwe (1976).
are rsansirive vesbs while those in (a) and lo(a) in his analysis are intransitive verbs.
From [lie claim made by Ubaliakwe (1976). when a verb is used inrransitively. ir has no
direcr objecr (DO) but has a comple~nenr (wlnicli is always conrrollecl by rhe verb
complex node) and may of course have indirecr objects ( 1 . 0 , s ) . On [he other hand. a
m~nsi[i\~e
vrsb :~l\vayshas a dirtxi ol?jtc[ (which is
1101
controlled by [he verb comljles
node).a compleinent and an optional indirecr object. Continuing. {Jhahakwe ( 1976) srares
of verbs as transirivct or inn-ansitive depends at times on usage.
[liar "[he classit'icatio~~
The reason is because a ver-b may be rransirive in one conrexr and intransirive in annthel-"
Green and I g w srare rhar "a verb form is somerimes followed hy an objecr of
which [he consrituznrs are rhe radical of [he \'-srenn \virln a derivarionnl vcnvzl psefix aor- e-. hai-monizing \\gitln [he \:o\vt.I of rhe radical. which is I-egarded as (noun base' " .
Nwachuknw t 1983) srsongly mainrains rhar "rhestr is enough linguisric evidence
in supporr of the view rhar Igbo vei-bs can be analysed into rransirives and inrransirives.
He furrher stares rhar '[hers are patently rransirive and inrsansitive verbs in Igbo, and
13
[here are rho% that can he rransitive in one conrext bur intransirive in another'". He goes
on ro propose thar the distincrion is shown to be valid even for rliose verbs which always
occur with inherent co~nplements(ICs) - the sub-group of verbs very easil y cited as
objects because En~enanjgr q a r d s ever!' noun [liar cotiiss after the verb as [lie direct
object of thar tnsrk. N\vachuk\vu (1985).(1987) propose the formula for identifying
inherent complsmenrs (ICs) from other cornple~iienrsas well as distinguishing between
direcl ohjscts (DOs) from complements. He notes that the root verb of the IC and its
complement form a semantic unit because the exclusinn of the complemenr. makes the
V-roor/srern "so ~nulriplyambigunus as to be nieanin~less". He recognizes the followir,~
categories in addirion TO the verb root plus affixes:
direct o h e c t (DO) cornpltrmenr.
a i'P co~isriruttntassociated only with transirivt: verbs.
~ndirectobject ( I .0 ) complemznt.
a VP consriruenr associated with ditransicivr verbs and secondarily, with any other
verb which rakes an applicat~veip~~epusitionaI
- rv suffix (cf Nwachukwu 1976).
inherenr complement (IC). a meaning - specifier. associated with borli rransitivs
and intransitive verbs.
bound verb comple~nenr(BVC), a constituent of the category verb an emphasizer,
neutral to rr-ansitiviry and
14
( e ) prepositional phrase ( P " )complenlent. a VP constituent subcategoriserl by motion
and location verbs.
Of the above-listed complements. the last two can be
described as oprional - with other semantic classes of verbs (see Nwachukwu
(1983). (1985) and (1987).
In his own conrribution. Emenanjq ( 1975). ( 1978) agrees witll Fillmore (1968)
that the ~.el-bconsists of not only its buic s ~ ~ . ~ ~ chut
t u rsllould
e
include one
phrases. Emena~!jo
( 1978)
01-more
noun
hr-lwever adds that "the Igbo verb is oblisatorily associated
with a nominal complement in the deep structure and that without exceprions. every Igbo
verb is alwqJs used and should be cited in the dictionary with the noun complement'".
-.
Emenanjo ( 1975). ( 1978) makes mention of the use of complementation to the I$o
verb
for i t to exist as a lexical cate9ol.y wirh semantic idenrification. Like Fillmore (1968),
Ernenmjo (1975). (1978) limits the cornplernents to nominal complements. He further
4
contends thar the obliptoriness of the complement is in the deep strucrure (DS). He
restricts the complex nature of the verb to only its deep strucrure form and so. analyses
e\]el-yorher item crlrning after the verb stem (V-Stern) as nominal or noun. The above
definition can be represented as follows:
(13)
[+V]
i
~
b3
[ V + N P ] verb.
.4ccording to Emenanjo (1978). rhr variables
I ~ L I be
S ~
related objects hence he uses the
term 'cognate ob-jects'. This analysis indicates rhat one cannot just match any objecr with
any verb to form an ICV. The complernenr must have direct relationship with the verb.
15
The schema rhe~eti)r-e~ m p l ~ e~har
s the verb c o y a t e object collocrzr~onsIn
rt~l;il>
(
Isba can be
wtl 11s
Verb
13 )
Noun c o n l p l e x ~ [. ~V +hq verb.
-.
I he term hound c o y a t e noun (BCN) adopted b> Ernennn.j(~. was first observecl by h h r d
(
1936) ;tbout drsyllabrc verbs made up o t
(14) V
+ V and V
iMeaning
suff~v
Concerning [he term. Emenanjq writcs: "the presence of a BCN in a sentence adds
something extra to the meanins uf the verb. where this somethin_g extra may take the
form of all e n ~ p h ~ _ \ i z e ~Me
- " .means rhar thougli the bound verb complement (B8V,G )
functions as a n empliasizer in some constructions. ihis situation is nor so in all cases.
While E~nenanjo(1975) proposes that "Igbo verb obligatorily co-esisrs with a
noun
-
the complement". also that "in the unclerlyin~structure. the verb and its noun
~
and insep;\r;tblt: thal they always fi~nctionas one
c o ~ i i p l e ~ n care
t t ~ $0 I I I C I ~ L I ~ I I Iddi2aru1.y
semanric unit - the verbal cornples". Il;\valalia (1983) d i s a p x s with him and claims that
[he propusition is "a11 over simplificarion of a rat1ic.r cumplrs quest ion" . She rather
f
s[arins that "wliile i c is possihle ro pronominalizt: 'ji' in
illusrrares wirh sentences such as:
/.
18 ( a ) h 1 d l h 1. -.o ahla.
,
"Adha returned from the marker. "
( h j \Adha/hra ~
b ~ '
"Adha left fos Aba."
She maintains rhat since the noun phrases ( N P s ) that follo\v such "Predic:tres" as those
in rhe rwo sentences above are neirher cognate objects nor direct objects. they can be
analysed as adverbials.
It therefore explains why such a noun phrase can be left
With special reference rn N g v a dialect of Igbo. Oluikpe (1979) uses [he following
rule schemara to di.scribe the VP and the V
10
(a)
VP
+
1
V ((NP) ( N P ) (Manner) (Reason)
17
(b)
From 19(b).
V+
11 can
(aux V ) h' (Prefix) verb stem # (intensifier).
be ~dentrtterlrliar die only obligarory colistituerit of the verb t m n (V-
t o r ~ n )is the 'V' or V-Stem. Every oher item Is an oprionat element. The optional
elemenrs rnclude the: ausil~aryverb (Aux V ) . Prefix (pret) and the intensit'ie~~.Oluikpe
does nor makc use ol' the word 'co~~ipleriient'
to the verb but according to his analysis.
one type of "coniple~nc~it"
is tound to
and he terms
I[
co-occur with the I ~ h overb
'~~itensit'ter'.He further exemplifies his
(on onrinnal hasis)
i
[able ( 2 ) .
Table (2)
-
'(11
is
'Iia
'to
'to learn tor the benetlt ot
wit^ go. '
'will do.'
'will be sacrificing.
'I~lrensifierin Olu~kpe'srerminology. corresponds to Emerlat~j?'~
Bound Cognate Noun
( B C N ) or to Nwachukw's Bourid Verb Completnenr (BVC). (see Emenanjo (1975),
(
1978). ( 1981). N~vacl~ukivu
( 1976). { T 983). ( 1985) and ( 1987).
for ctsamplr:
\bas
thtt old verb. thar the i w b
>. . (cooked) is a copy of
the main verb.
h/loseo\~er.thar after the copying process. the main verb becomes nominalized by the
prefixiition of the morpheme fe!.
She rather maintains that the BVC can be "re-
inrel-prered as an emphasizer or focus marker of the verb". She however, does nor srate
rile psecise morivarion for the copyins process nor for the nomirlalization uf the old verb.
Ogwuelctka (19893 substitutes the term "stator" for the BVC. He claims that
a L
I
while the RVC emphasizes in the following examples:
21 ( a )
'bbi ,?-,S I I I nn
/.
/ .
.
"Obi acrually cooked. "
[lie BVC ptt~formsa stative ti~nction- that is functioning as a stator in:
'
\
1
( b ) Efer-e a \wr-a m.
BVClsraror
"This plare is broken."
He furrher a s p z s rhar rhtt absence of the BVC in 21 (a) above. does not render it
unacceptable since irs funcrion is mesely to emphasize. According to him.
.-'
\
( c ) "Etere a wara" is unacceptable because i t does nor denote the present state of the
plate
19
Nwachukwu ( 1985) . ( I 987) describe inherent
-
c o ~ n p l e ~ n e nverbs
t
(ICVs) as
a lexical subset of Izbo vesbs rhar has clual unit 1norphemes.1rs citation
form consists of a CV-roor followed by a free noun or a prepositional
p1i1-ase and rhe root and its complemenr. form a semantic unit because
the cornple~nentis rhe meaning - specifying consrituent of its verb
The tendency for some
.
Isba analysts to ascribe objecthood to any noun coming after the
'verb' In a phrase srructure IPS)
-
inherent complements (ICs) and bound verb
irs
to be located at rhe
ccmplen~enrs(BVCs) inclusive. is because the c o ~ n p l e n ~ e ~happen
direcr objscr's posirlon. cunsequenrl).
I[
is rantamouni ro seeins every
Isba verb as
rransltlve (cf Emenali.ic;, (1975).( 1978) and (1984)).
l-'ollo\vtn~N w a c h u k w ~(1985), the functloni~lesplanatian for ICVs liec in the
mreracrlon of rwo lexrcal consrrainrs: (C) (Y)V ( N ) syllabic srructure (where V includes
syllabic nasals which however. are barred fro111 rour positions) and the preponderance of
monosyllabic verb clrawiny un berwsen eight and ten phonetic vowels and two underlying
another Ubahakwe (19763 illusrrares with [he followin9 senrences.
.-
fl
/.I
31 (ill Okctke jerc
.f\
I J ~ (transitive).
,
"Okeke wenr a walk".
Ih) b k < k e $ ~ ~ k G h ( i n ~ r ; i ~ i s i t i v ~ ~
"Okektt wrnr
rt)
knno " .
/
Nwachukzw (19831 conrends rhat rhe verb
'ijg .to go' is nor one
o f those v e r b
rhar tsansto~-mfrom rransirivity in one conrext to inrsansitiviry in another. He furrher
stares thal 'the t'aisljl detailed study of ICVs has shown that ICs are not as,=
wments.
alrhough for a small ~iumherof ICV, rhe IC combines rhe two functions of being a
meaning -specifier and art a r g u t m n ~ "Cominui~lg. he maintains that rnove - IC is
obligaror!, for' all transitive ICVs cscepr in those cases where the IC forms a normal
penirival or associati!-e NP wirh he verb's d i w r a r g m e n t . a siruation which he
describes as N P - Resrrucruring (see N\wchukuw 1987).
2.3.0 Sulnma~-\~
Verbs and VIJs have bee11 vasiously analysed by different linguists wirhour a
derailed examinarion of [heir structure. (cf Ernenanjo ( 1975). (1978).( 1984). Nwachukwu
(1983). (1985). (1987). Oluikpe (1979)).
Tradirional granlmasians define rhe verb ;is "a word which indicates an action o r a stare
and [ell us whar a noun or pronoun does. We hereby wish ro propose rhe following
21
definition of rhe VP.
The VP is that part of
adjuncrs. if any. It
1s
,I
sentence \vhicli exclude5 the s u b j e ~ rof the benrence as well as
headed by the \ w b . The verb is the head of the V P because i t is
sense rhnr borh escludc [he subject of the senrence. bur are differenr because while the
PREDP includes adjuncrs. the VP excludes them. VP is part of the PREDP but the
PREDP (with ndjuncr) cannor be called rhe VP.
The verb. beins rht. head of' both the VP and PREDP. divide into three syntactic
subgsoup~viz: [ransi[ives. intransitives and ergatives.
Consequently. the sentences
containing those verhs. copy from the fomi of rheir verbs. Transirivt: verbs rake direct
objects and theis presence in constructions is [lie acid-rest for disiinyishing a
comple~nentfrom a direct object. All objecrs are compleliie~~rs
hut nor all complrmenrs
are ob-iecrs. An object can be taken to be the obligatory coniplenient of a [I-alisitive verb
and verbs of acrivity. except verbs of anovenlent and verbs of location. are rransitive
verbs. An nbjecr should be an entity or a I~umannoun (see Nwacliukwu (1985).(1987) .
Ergative verbs are those verbs which participate
below:
23 ( a ) One can slice [his bread easily.
( b ) This bread can slice easily.
111 a
transitivity alternat~onas shown
21 ( a )
6:Luwiira $err
ahb
Odo broke Plart: rhar
/
( b ) Efere ah\ I;uwasa.
Plate rhnr broke.
Both the E n ~ l i s h 'Slice' a
examples slio\v rheil unacci
study. we shall nor analyse
Given the synractic f
whar bar levels each cornpl
mnslmum of tu o bass for rl
know whl-11 complements ro
I
\vorcls. we hope to sho\v the
23
CHAPTER THREE: THE STRUCTURE 01.THE
' IGBO VERB PHRASE
3.1.0 Introduction
'The verb phrasc ( V P ) is at rhc psrdicalc posirion of rhr scnrcncc. It musr be
headed by rhe verb and maj
01-may
not be followed by
:i
direct object.
Using X-Bar framework. VP rnaxi~numprojection will be represented as V".
Here. we follow Ogbuloso (1994). Mbah (1977) and Mmadike (1997) in adopting a
uniform double bar system for all the phrasal categories in Igbo and hence V P ~naxirnum
The advantages of X-bas syntax
it5
have beell presented by Lasnik and Uriagereka
(1988) are: Phrase stsucrure Grammars (YSGs) provide only two prammatical caregories lexical categoq such as N.V.P.A and a phrasal caregory sucli as NP. VP. P P and AP.
It does not provide for intermediate phrases I a r ~ e rthnn rlre word but smaller tlian the
maximal caregosy. By moving s t r a i ~ h tfrom NP to N or VP to V.PSGs isnore the
NP and N. V P 2nd
inrci-~nediates ~ r u c t u r eberween
~
\I.
Secondly. phrase structure
Grammars (PSGs) do nor l-etlect cross-linguistic generalities. For example. rhe route
(25)
VP+ V
NP
implies rhar all direct objecrs (DOsi follow the verb. hur this is nor true. There are
I ~irrelewnl. But
languages wirh SOY order or O\JS order for which the above P S - I - L I is
given the X-bar syntax equivalent.
inrmduction of specifier and comp1c.inenr sIio\\,s that no I-igid stand is taken a priori
follows:
A look a1 tile above rule.\ ~wctalssome ctwnri;~ictisriticrions: the completiienr ot' V' is [he
subcaregot-rsed arguments ot verhs - direct oh.iects for transitive verbs, prepositional
phrases for loc:trive verbs and verbs of niovemenr cr setera. By conrrast, the complement
of \I0
is inherent complernen~s(ICs) and bound verb complemenrs (BVCs) or what
Emenanj? (1978) refers to as Bound Cognate Nouns (BCNs).
In other words. a
distinction is being made here between verbs that require meaning specifying nouns to
render their meanings as verbs. and those that d o not require any such meaning
specif! ins coniplernt.nts. We shall cointt back ro [his distinction in chapter I.
A few
25
-\
28 ( a ) Eze riri ji'/
/
\
/
/
( c ) Ihe n bv okwu ziri ezi.
This( thing) is a straighr-forward ralk(rrutl1).
Basket this is basketl\vliich(that)sl~oottwice
=>
These are tlicsse shot preserve food --)
These are those people who selfishly and secretly eat again after eating with
Mother is in ( r l ~ e kitchen.
)
Man
that empty-tiand c l ~ ~ s e / p u r s uwoman,
e
Uclic? lied (so as) to be free.
The examples in 31(a) to (e) cotirai~iirillere~itcomplemeur verbs (ICVs). rhar is
verbs cons~sri~ig
o t [he ruot-verb plus a meaning -specifying iiou~i. Witliour the ~lieatiing
tlierelbre borli niorpl~eniesrogtrtlwr torm one lexical entry
ill
any Igbo tlictio~iary(see
N\fxliuknw ( 1985).( 1987)). The presence of this subclass of lgbo verbs complicates rile
argulnenr structure of Igbo verbs. They will be exami~iedin detail
ill
chapter 4.
28
3.1.0 Son-Inhcrent Complement Verbs.
The head ot' the verb phrase ( V P is known to be rhe verb. which consequently
g i \ t s [he construction irs name. In this section. we shall describe [he structure of [he VP
in\~olvingordinar! w r b s that do not ~txluirean!, form of help ro bring out rheir- individual
Such verbs include:
be srraigh[. right
be lost. missing
be dry
he deep. rngswous
ro die
to m e r
\
chi
.' ?
(ich~)
to laush
to
fiillfall
EO be
done(food).
to finishiend
to be full
to remain
10
go
ro retuw
to be in/prcsc.nt
ro be quenchldefecare
ro shoot o u r / g ~ - o \ \ ~
to 20 our
to reach
ro dry up'evaporare
to become sour
to grow
ro absent oneself(A~nokwed ,
Let us illusrrarcs with examples 32 (a) ro (e).
/
Ikpr ah) iiri ezi%ru
(i)
/
m i h i kpee y 8 .
Catit: dial be sti-aighr BVC how you decided it.
-
- - - > The way you decidedthar case is just/ri,oht.
- - A -
(i)
'.~nye%z$kwala obi'
Who pref. Steal nor stealing. = = = = >
Fig 4(a)
V"
Fig 4(b)
VO
BVC
He are food r h a ~BVC = = = = >
The abo\.e e w i i p l e ;tiid o t h t : ~ .lihe
~ i t II;I\Y
the t'ollo\vi~ig S[I-UC[LITZ
Fig 5 ( a )
N
nri
eri
riri
Fig 5 ( b )
nri ahu
riri
eri
Obviously, there is a structural change which we cannot explain in our present
state of knowledge of lgbo syntax; but Nwachukwu (1987) assumes that BVC
movement, similar to particle movement in English, must have taken place.
rearranging the direct object (DO) and the BVC in such a way that the direct
object is immea~atelyadjacent to its case and
$
.role assigner, the verb.
We should recall that structural case a~sigr~ment
requires that the case - assigner
and the case
-
assignee be adjacent to each other.
33
What we ha\.? presented here ntirh y a r d
[(I
the RVC in relation to an internal
argulnenr applies in all cases Ivliert. a rransitive verb is involved: a rransirive \lerb
requires irs direel objecr ro he adjacent ro i t in surt';~cesrructure where
case-assi~~irnenr
rakes place.
l ' l ~ e ~ t i b r ea. BVC \\~liichis nor a n ol?jecr,has ro be
displaced ro clears adj;tce~ic!~.
3.2. 1
T i e \IP
\\.it11
Doitble nbjecrs.
Unlike in En~liish. Igbo contains a certain subcaregory of verbs- change of
possession verbs which have [lie capacity to assign two thematic (0-) roles to rheir rwo
internal a r p m e n r s . the following are illustl-ative examples:
Dike gave Ogu(sonie) money
/,\
'
Dike hiri Ogh
&d
They are people law. = = = = >
Thev irnnoszd a fine on neonlc.
Ayu itrrackrd LJche.
,, .'
Dike born EZ? ite.
,
,
'
Dike heIpcrd Eze to carry upla) pot.
'\
t
. ~ c l a ' k i e2d
Eze hor-u
.
Eztt fined Ibs.
Nweeke pressed (some) clothes.
The priest \\lorshipped God
Ike p v e lii~n/Iiera name.
The structure of the sentences above is as shown in fig ( 6 ) .
\
( a ) nyere
gave ( t o )
( 1.0.)
( D.O.)
69:
pi
OW
\
( b ) &ra
took (from)
Eze
Eze
money.
e/gd.
money.
- -.
If we admit a BVC into the structure as provided for in the tree diagram,
the same rule of BVC movement will apply for the same reason already
stated. (refer to 3.2.0 and 3.2.1),
nameIy
b e t w e n a case - assigner and a case
-
that nothing must
intervene
receiver. The szructure of [his type
of V P is verb followed by the indirect object, followed by the direct object.
This structure is basic and admits of no variation. One can contrast this
with what happens in English, as the following exampIes show:
verb
-
give but the preposition (F
I-equirernenr in Enzlish: a direct o
assigns to it a thematic - role sir
preposition. However. from 37(a).
37 ( b ) Give John the book.
We d o this by mo~.in_rJohn to a PI
delere the now strancIc.d preposirion.
theta function of J o h n as the in(
structures but not the~naricfunction
3 . 2 . 3 Increase in the Number of Ir
By the
LIW tlf
prepositional
nu~nberof internal arguments of a v
38 ( a ) ~ k r d a5yi
e
Ngqzi akwk
Buytcut for. us Nsqzi cloth
=
Buy clotla for Ngozi on our h
Touch Osu for rhem.
Find money fur Ibe on our behalf.
\ I
1 .
/
(j) Chururu.. any[ Nne
(.
-\..
I ~ I I I I1.I
de&e
d 162 ikwukwo
. . ozii
Write a letter to Ibe on my behalf.
\
/
Duoro
.., h d ~ c h bLkw'a.
'
Sew clothes for Uche on their behalf.
~ \ e & e a/nyl mmiri'n'
..
ulb.
Sprinkle water on the floor (house) for us.
&dra
rX I ~ B~
b
d
Go to Aba for Ibe on my behalf.
.. .
.
~ b d r oh d b m k ardsi..
Worship idols for Ume on their behalf.
As we can see, the introduction of the - r V prepositional suffix means that one
more noun phrase (NP) argument is required; in all, there are three internal
arguments: the first NP is governed by the bound - r V and so has to follow it
immediately; the second NP is the recipient or goal while the third and last is
the theme or direct object ( D . 0 ) . On a tree diagram, the structure is as shown
in fig ( 7 ) .
Fig. ( 7 )
B\ete'
Cut / BUY
/ .
\
- re
any1
Ngozi
akwa
for us
( for)
Ngozi
cloth. ====>
Buy cloth for Ngozi on our behalf.
Deliver f for) Uka (to) [it: message that.
6
---- > Deliver to Ije that message for l l k a (on Uka's behalf').
Because the applicative NP derives its thematic function from the applicarive -rV and
not from the verb. ir follows that we should expect the same phenomenon with
intransitive vzrbs. thar is really the case as example (30) below shows:
10 ( a ) ~e/sbnwul-u
" .11-6be<
Jesus died c m the cross.
Palm fruits gor ripe on (the) p;dm frond.
( h ) k k w u ch&-ra
iiiiyih'igb.
Palm fruits sot ripe for us un the palm I'rond.
1 2 ( a ) b b i 3 h . a n5:iIa.
Food remained i n (the) por
Eze left the chair for them.
W h a ~i > clt';~.1'1.0111 the C . X ~ I I ~ ~ P I C S is [he f'ixd r)~.cIero f [hr i n t m ~ a la r ~ ~ ~ ~ -i i e ~ ~ t s
Applicarive NP. Indirect Ohjecr rhen the Direct Ohject. Unlike \\?hat obtains in
English. die direct ohjttcr in Ighn is not always adjacttnr to rhs verb: \vhen double
object
-
vet-bs are irvulwcl. the direct oh-jecr alivays conies second ro the indirect
object which is always the tirst when an applicative (prepositional) NP is also
in\~ol\~ed.
Tl~ttscrdouble - nl+xr twlx I i a \ ~tiit capacity to itssiy two ttlrniatic roles
to their rtw iurern;t l
;)I-,
~LJIII~~I~~S.
3 . 2 . Pseudo Double Object Verbs in Igbo - D.O.
+ Instrumental Nouns.
Our definirion of Double abjecr i w b s appears to be ;r narrow one: we
assumed. perhaps \virhour much investigation. that the semantic class known as
consider the following examples in (45)
(on) Obi.
The argumeiit structure 01' Ihulde Ohjscr V c h s in Igho is consistent: i t is Goal
followecl hy Tlleme (indi1-ec.r object. followed by direct object). The argument
structure of all the verbs in 3 . 2 . 3 1.u11scounter to the above structure because the
patient (direct objecl) is immediately after the verb followed by nouns which appear
ro he the rl~tlme.These are 11ot theme. ~'atlierthey are instruniental nouns. Turning the
whole sentence into a serial verb construction, brings this out clearly.
) \
(b) Nneeka jirl
/
\
.
1.1.
ukwul(lkpa gbda nwaanyi dl imeln'afo
/ \
====> Nneeka gbara
nw&nyi # dlJ ime' ukwul
. . okpa
,
nsd!fo.
It is clear from these examples that we are not dealing with Double object
Verbs here but with instrumental nouns. Because lgbo is a verb - centred
language, prepositional meanings are expressed in the language using real
verbs - the verb B/wk.
In the deep structure, we need to specify the role of instrument even
though that instrument is not introduced by a preposiiion in surface structure.
Figures ( 8 ) and ( 9 ) illustrate the difference between the deep and surface
structures.
jiri
2eere
The surface suucture here is
V
DO
This is contrast
V
1nst.N.
with
Ind-Obj. DO
(Goal) (Theme)
which we associate with Double Object Verbs.
3.3.4 Igbo Equivalents of English Spray, Load Verbs.
We can also extend the same analysis to lgbo verbs corresponding to the English Spray,
Load Verbs as in the following exanlples:
47(a)Okujuru ite (na), nlmiri.
Theme
Instr-NP
(b) 0 kujuru nlrniri n'ite.
Theme Goal
(c) 0 kujuru ite
mrniri.
Theme Lnsu.NP.
48 (a) Chidi kwajuru abo na ngwaahia.
~ h e n k Lnstr. NP.
(b) Chidi kwajuru ngwaahia (n') abo.
Theme
(GO&
49 (a) 0 tere 1
penti.
Theme Instr.NP
(b) 0 tere penti n'ulo.
Theme ~ d a i
What is interesting in these examples is that the two internal arguments can switch
he ma tic ro1es:in 47(a):&
preposition
is theme or direct object while r;n/n~iri%instrumental because of the
'&', the same is true of 48(a) even without the preposition&3-,.
But in 47(b), f&nirl/is
*\
now the theme while n ' a is goal. The same analysis is applicable to (48) and (49). The
possibility of this switch of role is due to the semantics of the verbs involved,and their internal
argument possibilities. Typical verbs of change-of- possession do not permit this type of thematic
role variation.
36
CHAPTER FOUR: INHERENT COMPLEMENT VERB PHRASE.
111 this chapter. our focus is on the otlier subser of Igbo verbs which
Nwachukwu (1985) describes as inherent coniplement verbs (ICVS): [hey differ from
other verbs in the sense that they always occur as rwo unir morphemes
stc;.m/~~oc~t
followed imlnediatelj~by a nieaninz
and irs
-
rhe vesb -
specifying noun. Withour this noun.
inlierent ccmplenlelit therefore constitutt. one senialirio unit. and in m y
50 (a) gbk/. aka (be wirh norhinz. empry-handed)
( a ) g b d h ~ n a(berray. inform)
'
/
( e ) bu onu
. . (fast. st;~rvei.
(f)
-
b 6 uzh (be I'irst to d o something).
i
\
.
/ \
(2) bu abu, [sins).
/
/
( h ) bu akwa (hatch eggs).
(m)ru/ n p ( ~ m p r i s o n ) .
/
/ /
( n ) ru* uru
(pay a levy)
.
?
They are used in rhe senrences rhar follow:
ibe came empry-handedly ro his mnrernal uncle's home.
Mgbeeke is mourning her liusba~id
Nneeka c a m fissr.
~ ( i )
\
/ .
Nebehl~sana- abu a h .
Nebeolisa is singing.
My fowl/l~enhatched (borne eggs).
/
\
/.
/
/
\
Ngozi ruru anya nne'y h g b e n d ~ahya lorauala.
"
6
Ngozi expected (to see) he1 molher when people were returnin,u 1'1-om the
inasker.
Wliar happened yesterday surprised everybody
IJchenwa got pre_cnant while unmarried.
E ~ n e k aimprisoned his brother/siste~..
/
/ . ./
.'/\
/
Nwoke hbula
kwesiri itu utu.
* .
.
i
.
IS!
pa.
.
Every male/man should pay his [ a s .
There 1s iio doubt that rhe presence of these ~nherentconiplemenrs will afl'ect [lie
wucrure of the verb phrase in w h ~ c heach of them occurs. F I (9)
~ belouv repi-esents
the c o ~ i t ' i ~ u ~ - a rill~ cu) lni ~ c heach of theiii can occur
4 . 1 . 0 : The Syntax and Semantics of Inherent Complement Predicates.
The t~xlitionalissues that arist: with rlsis subgroup of verbs are as follows:
5 l(i)
Art. inhel-en[ co~nplen~ents.
nbjcurs o r simply meaning- specifiers '?
(ii)
Where in the deep s [ ~ u c t u are
~ t rheg specil'ietl
(iii)
Do [he!, y e [ ~iioved;way fl-am their i1ncle1-lying positions '? If so. w h y and
'.
~Vllell'!
(i1.1
It' ICs 81-e meaning- specifier.^.
JK
[he meanings of' ICVs composition:~I and
tlier-efor~'t~.illl~l~;i~.e~lt',
01-1io11-~ ~ u i ~ p o s i t i o ~ii~ld
i i l luonsequenrly opaque
'.)
He cerr;~i~il!.!C1;11-ed.
'
\.
. .-'
/
( d ) 0 s m ~ k eC S I .
S h e cttrtainl!, is stran?.
I~samplr.5( 5 2 ) and ( 5 3 ) clearly
I.&
she\\,
[hat n o r h i q has in1c.r-vend between thc root
(I!") :+jld irs inherent wnlplenlerlr: [he inrrnclucrion ot' [he
110~11lilw r h
51
c o n ~ p l m e n t( B V C I does nu1 aher [his siruarion. As a n empharic element among other
functions. [he RVC modifies the verbs: in this case the verbs are:
4 a
-
ro t'nsr.'srarvs.
itkit
-
[(I
tu egwb
-
to he
b
,
/
c tJ)
,c i
.'
1
/
id) si'ike'
-
iv
r'
to be
On [he basis of
complement \ d . ) s is
iiS
sl
Fig (10)
Observe that rhe str-ucrure
complemenrs of V" bar. tl
Let us contrast the e f f m
/.
55 ( a ) I I J ~riri
(
hi.
Ibe ate (some) iiwc
'
\
(b) Ibe riri
6-i&i.
Ibe actuallylreally
;
53
Similarly. 56(a) bcco~iies56(b) by [lie same BVC movemenr. I n other \vords.
the BVC. a V " comple~iientis al\\lays displaced by [he inrernal argunienr of [he verb
r l ~ tis b!
[he direct object of [he verb
Note [hat the preposition
suffix *r&'
is rliere
-
wlierher such a serb is an inherent
is opri011;11in 57(a) and (1)) because the esrensiorial
'\
10
-
a s s l y [lie locarive role ro the noun ~ b a /As expected. [he
or Io2ical posirion. the preposirion is oblii~ator!.: It is needed to assiyn [hat locative.
4.1. 3 : The Semantics of Inherent Complement Verbs.
Alrhou2h E n ~ l i s h glosses sugsesr rhe cnnrrary. rhe essential fi~nction of
inherent cnn~ple~i~enrs
i s ro specify verb nwtniny lhr ttxmplz:
/
(63)
,
0 gh-a~hf
(without a ~ i i a ) .can suzgesr ro an Isho na[i\,e speaker so many pla~rsible
nleanin~ssuch as: S!he/ir
~~u~i/spIirlbursrlsringlkick!shooret cerel-a.
T l ~ c~neaning01 bcrr;lyI o r informing ahourton comes our only when ama is supplied.
The same approach of analysis can apply to every inhcren~conlplement verb. But
civen our knvwledp of English. we tend to find appropriare English verbs with their
L
example:
64
./
, : , <
a ( i ) 11dujn'- lo express fear.
iii)
,i'ianu
'/
5
oh!;~yid to express fear of wild :~nimals.
.
/ /
( b ) iluiiku inu .
L
-
i j d i l u -ro emir birret-ness.
/
(c)
ibo'egdto give money to somebody(an acror/actress).
. ..
/ /
/
( e ) ibu
. . onu- . rrr
CUI'SC
(t') ~,f c h/ aoclia
ro become whitened
-
c,
./.
/ ,
(p) ija 6ze !'1n11- ro scorn at (with the teeth /nose).
'/
( z ) iki. hkpr:'
.
rn give (sonlebocly) a knock.
',
But all rhestt represent our attmprs to find Enylish equivalents for a syntactic
phenomenon \vhicli is ilriiquz to Izbo. If one were to follow rhis style of analysis. one
nlo~lld declare all ICVY in Igbo double object verbs.
The weakness of such an
approach lies in rhr t'acr that it rul-ts counter to all known Ilearures of category
\/i&
s~~bcaregorisation.Double object In Igbo as in many other languages of the world.
A
(English. H a u ~ a ~ Y w u here)
a belong roclsemantic subclass - change of possession verbs
,\
By conrsast. Igbo 1CVs du not form any semantic subgroup at all. They belnns to so
many different semantic subgroups. It has been suggested (cf Nwachukwu 1985) that
some of them behave like idioms in being non- compositional in meanins. Plausible
as
rhis susgcstiun
IS. n*tt d o
not intend to pursue i t any l'urther here because i t is
outside [he scope of our pro-ject.
From rhr :tbow fisurtt. i t is clear thar:
h e c o ~ n p l e n l r ~01.
r~ V 1
C U I I S ~ S ~oS f
i t l h ~ i ~ l ~ ~ ( ,alr.gi ~~md e n t s srlecrrd by
specific verbs in accc~tdantxwith their individual syntactic I'earures and coc>ccur~-enceres~ricrions;
rhe complement of V O consisrs uf the inherenr cornplernents for that
subcaregory of Igbo verbs. the Bound Vcrb Complement - a stator and an
m p h a s i z e r . and rhe applicative suftlx (c~therwiseknown as the cornplemenc of'
V 1 is in a n a r y m e n t in ( A - 1 position. those of V 0 are in a non- a r g m e n t
in
- A-bar) position.
59
I
Because of the abin,e facts. all the c o m p l e m e n ~ o fVO. except the applicative
Wffk
iiIl~i1)'
~ I ~ ~ J U I I I C I111.
I ~ S1 1 1 ~
syntax of r\w
~ules.
They are illustrated in fig
from the verb so as to cre..., ..,.,.,;
..-...,-.. .. =, . -...-. ....- --.---.--..,-..-. -...- ..--
argumenl which rtxeivts thernatic role and case from the verb.
'The applicative sut'fis blocks this n ~ ~ v e r n e nrule
t because i t is itself a governor and
case assigner to he first argument of the \w.h phrase( V 1 1.
(\I)
Some I$x) scliolars arsue that all Igbo verbs arc: transitive (cf Emenanjr) ( 1975).
(1978) bur [he B\'C ~ i i o ~ ~ e r nrule
e n t provicles the acid - test for transitivity in Igbo: all
intransitive verbs. includin? inherent complement verbs. block the ru1tt.wherea.s all
rransitive verbs in rht. language including ICVs undergo ir oblig&rily. even the
presence of tlw applicative suffix which introduces an extra argurnenr wirhin the VP.
causes rhe BVC to I n o w our of its logical position so as restore adjacency between the
verb and its interm! arg
whereas inherent compll
inherent coinplemenrs a
63 (a) 0&\\u'~na-ak;
ilu' akv (h-elu' ild elu).
IC BVC
IC BVC
Drug this is bitter = = =>
This drug is bitter.
a
4
d, g ,d
\a
.. .
/,
/.
11u k u .
IC sv'c
Drufledicine this is bitter (to) children = = =>
This medicine is really bitter to children.
~bj
na- akti'&Ua
66 (a) H/ 2 - a g b & n a &ba.
They will betray BVC.= = =>
They will cerrainly betray.
(b) HL &t-agbdunb arna kgbe
They will certainly betray you people.
Examples 65 (b) and 66(b) prove conclusively that inherent complement verbs can also be
tr&itive;
,\
when this is the case, both the inherent complcmen~and the bound verb complemcnr arc
forced to move to a non-argument position .
Thus the investigation of the S~ructureof lgbo Verb Phrase has enabled us to achieve
two goals :
(i) to determine the nature, type and underlying positions of the different cornplemsnrs associated
icith Igbo verbs.
--
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