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Environmental Refugees in Africa Written by: Devon Calhoun Bucknell University UNIV 200: Modern Africa Introduction Climate change is a topic that has been wildly debated for many decades, but today the claims made by scientists are rarely contested. It is clear today that our climate is changing in drastic ways, caused almost completely by human existence. As climate change is explored more and more, we understand the harmful effects that it has on the human population. Threats of increasing natural disasters, sea level rise, and increased drought are heard widely throughout literature. One place that these threats are likely to greatly impact is African Continent. Known already for its harsh and various climates, Africa is already in a fragile state. It has taken thousands of years for Africans to adapt to their climates and have developed ways of life that deal with these challenges. However, as climate change increases, these challenges become more difficult, sometime becoming impossible to overcome. So what happens if the challenges are impossible to overcome? The answer to that question is more often than not, migration. People are forced to leave their homes in search of more fertile land and prosperous opportunities. In 1997, these displaced peoples were given the term ‘environmental refugees’. As the issue has become more of a reality, the term has been increasingly debated. In some of the first definitions, ‘environmental refugees’ were seen as people who simply migrated because their environment seemed unfit. As more and more people analyzed these cases, the definition became extremely complex. In this paper, all definitions for ‘environmental refugees’ will be explored to gain a better understanding of why the definition has been so widely debated and how it will continue to become more complex as time goes on. Two different case studies, one in West Africa and one in East Africa, are explored to further argue the existence and dangers of possible ‘environmental refugees’. In these two cases, 2 the people analyzed are known for traditional ways of dealing with harsh climates and migration, which will lead to the point that those people are facing even larger difficulties as the environment become increasingly vulnerable. Famines are also an example of something Africans are struggling more and more to cope with. The climates that they are facing now and will be facing in the near future are seemingly impossible to overcome, so what then? The focus of this paper is see the difference between the resilience of these tribes in harsh climates in the past and how that resilience is being tested today and going into the near future. It is important to understand this difference in order to realize how these once resilient people could soon possibly be environmental refugees. Then, we can think carefully about how someone may continue to redefine the term ‘environmental refugee’ as the scale of the problem increases and these people become a reality. What is an Environmental Refugee? In 1997, Norman Myers of Oxford University presented an idea that shocked the world, claiming yet another disaster associated with global climate change. The concept he presented is the term ‘environmental refugee’. This term had been previously defined in 1985 by the United National Environmental Programme (UNEP) as “those people who have been forced to leave their traditional habitat, temporarily or permanently, because of marked environmental disruption (natural and/or triggered by people) that jeopardized their existence and/or seriously affected the quality of their life” (Bates 2002: 466). However, Myers explained this term as “fast-growing numbers of people who can no longer gain a secure livelihood in their homeland because of drought, soil erosion, desertification, deforestation, and other environmental problems. In their desperation, these “environmental refugees” feel they have no alternative but to seek sanctuary elsewhere” 3 (Myers 1997: 167). In this definition, Myers is connecting migration and displacement to the issue of climate change and proposed shocking numbers of environmental refugees for what he believed to come in the future. Myers predicted, “at least 50 million people could be at risk through increased droughts and other climate dislocations” (Myers 1997: 175). Since in 1997 the term ‘environmental refugees’ referred to a possible occurrence in the future, the term started to change, as it became a reality. In 2002, Diane Bates believed that these previous definitions didn't accurately define the complexities associated with environmental refugees. As she evaluates environmental refugees, she breaks it down into three categories: disasters, expropriations and deteriorations, as seen in Figure 1. Disaster An unintended, catastrophic event triggers human migration Sub-Category Expropriation The willful destruction of environment renders it unfit for human habitation Deterioration An incremental deterioration of the environment compels migration as constraints to human survival increase Pollution Depletion Natural Technological Development Ecocide Origin Intention of Migration Duration Natural Unintentional Acute Anthropogenic Unintentional Acute Anthropogenic Intentional Acute Anthropogenic Intentional Acute Anthropogenic Unintentional Gradual General Example Real-World Example Ext Number Displaced Volcano Montserrat 7,000 Meltdown US-TWI 144,000 Dam Building China- 3G 1.3 million Defoliation Vietnam 7 million Global Warming Bangladesh 15 million Anthropogenic Unintentional Gradual Deforestation Ecuador-Amazon 115,000 Figure 1- Bates 2001 Disaster refugees are people who endured an unintended, catastrophic event that triggered human migration, such as volcano eruptions and tsunamis. Expropriation refugees are involved in a willful destruction of an environment that renders it unfit for human habitation. An example of this is seen when Dams are built, forcing populations to leave their homes. Lastly, deterioration refugees are people impacted by things such as climate change and deforestation. They are people who experience an incremental deterioration of 4 their environment, which compels them to migrate as the constraints to their survival increase. After reviewing this figure, the different distinctions that Bates claims as crucial are seen. For example, how can victims of a volcano eruption and victims of deforestations be placed in the same category? Even though they are both unintentional, the circumstances in which each of these victims was placed under were different in the origin and duration. Disaster refugees are created in a small period time by one event, where as victims of deforestation happen over a gradual period of time and may take a long time to truly understand their position. In this paper specifically, we will be exploring those victims who experience deterioration, defined as an incremental deteriorations of the environment compelling migration as constraints to human survival increase (Bates 2002: 470). Even more specifically, we will be studying those who are responding to issues of climate change. The case studies in both East and West Africa that are explored in this paper have been negatively impacted by climate change, gradually making their land unlivable, and forcing them to contemplate migration. However, as the term ‘environmental refugees’ is debated in Africa, a very valid point is made about the natural climate and cultural migration patterns already associated with the areas of concern. An author used in the following case study of Ghana, Kees Van Der Geest, claims that “for the ‘environmental refugees’ thesis to be plausible in the Sahel and other semi-arid regions, what is required is not simply evidence of migration from what have always been harsh, marginal environments; rather evidence is needed of an increase in migration at times, or in places, of more sever environmental degradation” (Van der Geest 2011: e71). What Van der Geest is arguing is that when evaluating the patterns of 5 drought and migration, the natural and cultural ways of the people in the area must be taken into account. The only way that the term ‘environmental refugees’ can be applied to these cases is if a significant change in already harsh climates can be argued, which will be taken into account when exploring the following case studies and the issue of famines. Case Study: Ghana Kees Van Der Geest, of the University of Amsterdam, wrote a paper evaluating the North-South migration in Ghana. This migration has been happening steadily for the past few decades as a result of the harsh and vulnerable farming climate. However, apart of this study was researching whether this migration has recently increased due to the impacts of climate change. In the end we discover that in fact, the migrations have increased, especially in the poorer areas. Van Der Geest acknowledges early in his paper, “rural people in developing countries, and particularly in Sub Saharan Africa, are among the most vulnerable to climate change. Most of them depend on rain-fed agriculture for their livelihood and their governments often lack the resources to protect citizens against the adverse effects of climate change and other environmental disruptions” (Van Der Geest 2011: e70). Clearly, with such vulnerable conditions, these people will be a great determinant of the effects of climate change. In this study, 203 migrants from the savannah in northwest Ghana were interviewed and the majority stated that they left their homes for environmental reasons. They also responded with answers referring to a scarcity of fertile land, low crop yields, and food security problems in the North. The minority in the study responded with nonenvironmental reasons, such as family conflicts, witchcraft, lack of non-farm income opportunities, and a desire to be free an independent (Van Der Geest 2011: e70). 6 The study concluded, “North-South migration propensities have steadily increased in the course of the twentieth century; that environmentally poor districts tend to have higher out-migration rates”. Also, Van der Geest claimed that migration was a way for people to deal with structural environmental scarcity and limited non-farming opportunities (Van Der Geest 2011: e89). It is clear through this data that even though Ghana has a normally harsh climate, over the past decade it has gotten worse, causing more and more people to migrate from their homes due to climate change. Van Der Geest acknowledged “human mobility has become an omnipresent characteristic of the livelihoods and culture of the northern Ghanaians” (Van Der Geest 2011: e89). Considering these people are now unintentionally forced to migrate and travel because of the increased droughts and infertility in their land, Bates would definitely classify them as ‘environmental refugees’. Even though the North-South migration has been happening for decades in Ghana, this data shows that the climate has worsened, making this less of a ritual and more of a forced outcome. Case Study: Pastoralists in East Africa Now we move across the continent to the Greater Horn of Africa where the climate is also becoming increasingly vulnerable to climate change. Pj Blackwell conducted a study in the Greater Horn Africa, analyzing the newly threatenedd livelihoods of Pastoralists. Pastoralism is defined as “a livestock-based economy supported by the seasonal migration of the herd and household” (Blackwell 2011: 1322). This area of the African Continent is home to one of the largest populations of Pastoralists in the world, whose livelihoods depend upon the environment for their survival, and whose adaptation capacity is weakened by the regions insecurity and lack of infrastructure (Blackwell 2011: 1321). Not 7 to mention, climate change is said to be influencing the intensity and frequency of drought in this area at an unprecedented rate” (Blackwell 2011: 1321). With all of this circumstances considered, these people seem to be in great danger. Specifically, Blackwell looks into the Turkana people in Kenya. The Turkana are traditional pastoralists who subsists on a mobile livestock economy in the volatile tribal epicenter of East Africa’s Karamojong Cluster, which straddles the borders of Uganda, Sudan, and Ethiopia (Blackwell 2011: 1322). Using these people as example, Blackwell examines how such traditional pastoralists are coping with the changes in their environment. Blackwell acknowledges many different coping mechanisms that the Turkana have practiced over the years when dealing with climate change, such as herd mobility, herd diversity, livestock exchange, raiding, and the creation of social networks. He also says “these coping mechanisms, or survival strategies, have shaped their civilization, allowing them to maintain their pastoral livelihood and cultural identity for centuries” (Blackwell 2011: 1323). In the past, these mechanisms were said to be relatively successful because they were adaptable and use to offset economic, social, and environmental stressors. However, the point is that these mechanisms are no longer working and that climate change has made nomadic pastoralism no longer sustainable (Blackwell 2011: 1322). This population of people is in danger of becoming ‘environmental refugees’, having been forced off their land due to inhabitable conditions caused by climate change. The pastoralist culture has always been a resilient one, but now their coping mechanisms are failing them. Their short-term solutions are not out living the long-term effects of climate change. 8 Famine Another climate issue that Africans have deemed a common part of their life is famine. In most parts of Africa, famine is seen as a common occurrence, being able to predict when it comes and having faith that it will eventually subside. Even when famines are long and harsh, Africans have developed strategies to cope with these issues. In Kenya, farmers in densely settled central highlands and comparably crowded parts of the western provinces kept their lands highly productive by symbiotic intercropping, and by careful from rotation and other means of conservation. Other African peoples have prospered over the past two centuries by long-distance travel and trade. (Messer and Shipton 2002: 230). However, with the changing climate, famine culture may be at risk. With the increase in drought across the African continent, famines have the possibility of never ending. Most of the coping strategies employed for famines are successful in the short term, but in the long run no one can successfully battle famine. This is seen recently in Somalia, where a twoyear famine from 2010-2012 killed nearly 260,000 people (BBC 2013). This is one of many examples of famines that just unfortunately can’t be survived. These famines have a possibility of become increasingly common with the changing climate, and then, what will African do? Will they just stay and die, or will they migrate to areas with opportunity? I argue that they will move. Even with AID coming to help these struggling African peoples, the death tolls continue to increase. Messer and Shipton argue that in most cases, AID agencies have made things worse and that the current ways they have gone about helping these people is in turn hurting them. Also, even if these agencies adopt the strategies proposed by Messer and Shipton and find a way to really help these areas, it is still a short- 9 term solution. In the end, if the famines increase, people will be forced to become ‘environmental refugees’, leaving their land and home behind in search of life elsewhere. Conclusion Seen clearly in in the following case studies, ‘environmental refugees’ are no longer a possibility, they are becoming a reality. Africans have always been resilient, situating themselves in some of the most vulnerable climates on the earth and prospering. However, their traditional coping strategies are no longer doing the trick. As climate change increases, these Africans ability to cope is decreasing. Soon, ‘environmental refugees’ will dominate Africa, constantly searching for places to live. However, a large amount of refugees could spark some of the most heated political debates our world has ever seen. Even today, ‘environmental refugees’ that would be categorized by Bates in the disaster category, ones affected by a tsunami or some other natural disaster, have nowhere to go. When natural disasters hit certain areas, creating massive amounts of refugees, no one knows where to put these people. Even when these people are placed in government sponsored disaster camps, they are often forgot after a few years and are left to fend for themselves. No political conversation has been successful in this area because no one wants to take responsibility for thousands, even millions of people. Another thing to note is that these disasters are happening at a relatively small scale. What would we do if the entire Horn of Africa were displaced- a thought that may very well happen in the future? When will deterioration refugees become a hot political debate? Since climate change is such a gradual process, there will be no catastrophic event that sparks government into action. Are we going to wait for hundreds of thousands of people to die due to famine and drought? Or are we going to think early and try to plan 10 relocation strategies for these struggling people? Not always will these people make a conscious decision to pick up and move; it is hard to leave your home in search of something unknown. This is what is causing so many people to die from these causes. It is our responsibility as humans to take this issue seriously and make a plan. When this issue becomes a real problem, there will be changes to our world on a large scale. The cultures of many African peoples that are kept so sacred may be deeply threatened by these conditions. With no home and nowhere to keep their cultures and traditions alive, there is a possibility for these cultures to be changed or destroyed. Not to mention the havoc that will occur as a result of this migrants. Violence is already a main result of famines and other migratory patterns, so the threat of migrations of this scale is truly frightening. Overall, this paper was not written to scare people with the threats of climate change, rather to raise awareness of an increasingly real issue. It also raised important questions of how we may go about dealing with these threats and issues and how ‘environmental refugees’ may shape our world going into the future. 11 References Cited Class Materials: Messler, Ellen and Shipton, Parker. 2002. “Hunger in Africa: Untangling Its Human Roots”. Exotic No more: Anthropology on the Front Lines . University of Chicago Press. 13: 227-250. Outside Sources: Bates, Diane C. 2002. "Environmental Refugees? Classifying Human Migrations Caused by Environmental Change." Population and Environment23.5: 465-77. BBC. 2013. “Somalia famine ‘killed 260,000 people’. BBC News Africa. Blackwell, Pj. 2010."East Africa's Pastoralist Emergency: Is Climate Change the Straw That Breaks the Camel's Back?" Third World Quarterly 31.8: 1321-338 Myers, Norman. 1997. "Environmental Refugees." Population and Environment19.2: 16782. Van der Geest, Kees. 2011. "North-South Migration” In Ghana: What Role For The Environment? International Migration 49: e69-e94. 12