Download Environmental Refugees in Africa - Devon Calhoun

Environmental Refugees in Africa
Written by: Devon Calhoun
Bucknell University
UNIV 200: Modern Africa
Introduction
Climate change is a topic that has been wildly debated for many decades, but today
the claims made by scientists are rarely contested. It is clear today that our climate is
changing in drastic ways, caused almost completely by human existence. As climate change
is explored more and more, we understand the harmful effects that it has on the human
population. Threats of increasing natural disasters, sea level rise, and increased drought
are heard widely throughout literature. One place that these threats are likely to greatly
impact is African Continent. Known already for its harsh and various climates, Africa is
already in a fragile state. It has taken thousands of years for Africans to adapt to their
climates and have developed ways of life that deal with these challenges. However, as
climate change increases, these challenges become more difficult, sometime becoming
impossible to overcome. So what happens if the challenges are impossible to overcome?
The answer to that question is more often than not, migration. People are forced to leave
their homes in search of more fertile land and prosperous opportunities.
In 1997, these displaced peoples were given the term ‘environmental refugees’. As
the issue has become more of a reality, the term has been increasingly debated. In some of
the first definitions, ‘environmental refugees’ were seen as people who simply migrated
because their environment seemed unfit. As more and more people analyzed these cases,
the definition became extremely complex. In this paper, all definitions for ‘environmental
refugees’ will be explored to gain a better understanding of why the definition has been so
widely debated and how it will continue to become more complex as time goes on. Two
different case studies, one in West Africa and one in East Africa, are explored to further
argue the existence and dangers of possible ‘environmental refugees’. In these two cases,
2
the people analyzed are known for traditional ways of dealing with harsh climates and
migration, which will lead to the point that those people are facing even larger difficulties
as the environment become increasingly vulnerable. Famines are also an example of
something Africans are struggling more and more to cope with. The climates that they are
facing now and will be facing in the near future are seemingly impossible to overcome, so
what then? The focus of this paper is see the difference between the resilience of these
tribes in harsh climates in the past and how that resilience is being tested today and going
into the near future. It is important to understand this difference in order to realize how
these once resilient people could soon possibly be environmental refugees. Then, we can
think carefully about how someone may continue to redefine the term ‘environmental
refugee’ as the scale of the problem increases and these people become a reality.
What is an Environmental Refugee?
In 1997, Norman Myers of Oxford University presented an idea that shocked the
world, claiming yet another disaster associated with global climate change. The concept he
presented is the term ‘environmental refugee’. This term had been previously defined in
1985 by the United National Environmental Programme (UNEP) as “those people who have
been forced to leave their traditional habitat, temporarily or permanently, because of
marked environmental disruption (natural and/or triggered by people) that jeopardized
their existence and/or seriously affected the quality of their life” (Bates 2002: 466).
However, Myers explained this term as “fast-growing numbers of people who can no longer
gain a secure livelihood in their homeland because of drought, soil erosion, desertification,
deforestation,
and other environmental problems.
In
their desperation, these
“environmental refugees” feel they have no alternative but to seek sanctuary elsewhere”
3
(Myers 1997: 167). In this definition, Myers is connecting migration and displacement to
the issue of climate change and proposed shocking numbers of environmental refugees for
what he believed to come in the future. Myers predicted, “at least 50 million people could
be at risk through increased droughts and other climate dislocations” (Myers 1997: 175).
Since in 1997 the term ‘environmental refugees’ referred to a possible occurrence in
the future, the term started to change, as it became a reality. In 2002, Diane Bates believed
that these previous definitions didn't accurately define the complexities associated with
environmental refugees. As she evaluates environmental refugees, she breaks it down into
three categories: disasters, expropriations and deteriorations, as seen in Figure 1.
Disaster
An unintended, catastrophic event
triggers human migration
Sub-Category
Expropriation
The willful destruction of
environment renders it unfit for
human habitation
Deterioration
An incremental deterioration of the
environment compels migration as
constraints to human survival
increase
Pollution
Depletion
Natural
Technological
Development
Ecocide
Origin
Intention of Migration
Duration
Natural
Unintentional
Acute
Anthropogenic
Unintentional
Acute
Anthropogenic
Intentional
Acute
Anthropogenic
Intentional
Acute
Anthropogenic
Unintentional
Gradual
General Example
Real-World Example
Ext Number Displaced
Volcano
Montserrat
7,000
Meltdown
US-TWI
144,000
Dam Building
China- 3G
1.3 million
Defoliation
Vietnam
7 million
Global Warming
Bangladesh
15 million
Anthropogenic
Unintentional
Gradual
Deforestation
Ecuador-Amazon
115,000
Figure 1- Bates 2001
Disaster refugees are people who endured an unintended, catastrophic event that triggered
human migration, such as volcano eruptions and tsunamis. Expropriation refugees are
involved in a willful destruction of an environment that renders it unfit for human
habitation. An example of this is seen when Dams are built, forcing populations to leave
their homes. Lastly, deterioration refugees are people impacted by things such as climate
change and deforestation. They are people who experience an incremental deterioration of
4
their environment, which compels them to migrate as the constraints to their survival
increase.
After reviewing this figure, the different distinctions that Bates claims as crucial are
seen. For example, how can victims of a volcano eruption and victims of deforestations be
placed in the same category? Even though they are both unintentional, the circumstances in
which each of these victims was placed under were different in the origin and duration.
Disaster refugees are created in a small period time by one event, where as victims of
deforestation happen over a gradual period of time and may take a long time to truly
understand their position. In this paper specifically, we will be exploring those victims who
experience deterioration, defined as an incremental deteriorations of the environment
compelling migration as constraints to human survival increase (Bates 2002: 470). Even
more specifically, we will be studying those who are responding to issues of climate
change. The case studies in both East and West Africa that are explored in this paper have
been negatively impacted by climate change, gradually making their land unlivable, and
forcing them to contemplate migration.
However, as the term ‘environmental refugees’ is debated in Africa, a very valid
point is made about the natural climate and cultural migration patterns already associated
with the areas of concern. An author used in the following case study of Ghana, Kees Van
Der Geest, claims that “for the ‘environmental refugees’ thesis to be plausible in the Sahel
and other semi-arid regions, what is required is not simply evidence of migration from
what have always been harsh, marginal environments; rather evidence is needed of an
increase in migration at times, or in places, of more sever environmental degradation” (Van
der Geest 2011: e71). What Van der Geest is arguing is that when evaluating the patterns of
5
drought and migration, the natural and cultural ways of the people in the area must be
taken into account. The only way that the term ‘environmental refugees’ can be applied to
these cases is if a significant change in already harsh climates can be argued, which will be
taken into account when exploring the following case studies and the issue of famines.
Case Study: Ghana
Kees Van Der Geest, of the University of Amsterdam, wrote a paper evaluating the
North-South migration in Ghana. This migration has been happening steadily for the past
few decades as a result of the harsh and vulnerable farming climate. However, apart of this
study was researching whether this migration has recently increased due to the impacts of
climate change. In the end we discover that in fact, the migrations have increased,
especially in the poorer areas.
Van Der Geest acknowledges early in his paper,
“rural people in developing
countries, and particularly in Sub Saharan Africa, are among the most vulnerable to climate
change. Most of them depend on rain-fed agriculture for their livelihood and their
governments often lack the resources to protect citizens against the adverse effects of
climate change and other environmental disruptions” (Van Der Geest 2011: e70). Clearly,
with such vulnerable conditions, these people will be a great determinant of the effects of
climate change. In this study, 203 migrants from the savannah in northwest Ghana were
interviewed and the majority stated that they left their homes for environmental reasons.
They also responded with answers referring to a scarcity of fertile land, low crop yields,
and food security problems in the North. The minority in the study responded with nonenvironmental reasons, such as family conflicts, witchcraft, lack of non-farm income
opportunities, and a desire to be free an independent (Van Der Geest 2011: e70).
6
The study concluded, “North-South migration propensities have steadily increased
in the course of the twentieth century; that environmentally poor districts tend to have
higher out-migration rates”. Also, Van der Geest claimed that migration was a way for
people to deal with structural environmental scarcity and limited non-farming
opportunities (Van Der Geest 2011: e89). It is clear through this data that even though
Ghana has a normally harsh climate, over the past decade it has gotten worse, causing more
and more people to migrate from their homes due to climate change. Van Der Geest
acknowledged “human mobility has become an omnipresent characteristic of the
livelihoods and culture of the northern Ghanaians” (Van Der Geest 2011: e89). Considering
these people are now unintentionally forced to migrate and travel because of the increased
droughts and infertility in their land, Bates would definitely classify them as
‘environmental refugees’. Even though the North-South migration has been happening for
decades in Ghana, this data shows that the climate has worsened, making this less of a
ritual and more of a forced outcome.
Case Study: Pastoralists in East Africa
Now we move across the continent to the Greater Horn of Africa where the climate
is also becoming increasingly vulnerable to climate change. Pj Blackwell conducted a study
in the Greater Horn Africa, analyzing the newly threatenedd livelihoods of Pastoralists.
Pastoralism is defined as “a livestock-based economy supported by the seasonal migration
of the herd and household” (Blackwell 2011: 1322). This area of the African Continent is
home to one of the largest populations of Pastoralists in the world, whose livelihoods
depend upon the environment for their survival, and whose adaptation capacity is
weakened by the regions insecurity and lack of infrastructure (Blackwell 2011: 1321). Not
7
to mention, climate change is said to be influencing the intensity and frequency of drought
in this area at an unprecedented rate” (Blackwell 2011: 1321). With all of this
circumstances considered, these people seem to be in great danger.
Specifically, Blackwell looks into the Turkana people in Kenya. The Turkana are
traditional pastoralists who subsists on a mobile livestock economy in the volatile tribal
epicenter of East Africa’s Karamojong Cluster, which straddles the borders of Uganda,
Sudan, and Ethiopia (Blackwell 2011: 1322). Using these people as example, Blackwell
examines how such traditional pastoralists are coping with the changes in their
environment. Blackwell acknowledges many different coping mechanisms that the Turkana
have practiced over the years when dealing with climate change, such as herd mobility,
herd diversity, livestock exchange, raiding, and the creation of social networks. He also says
“these coping mechanisms, or survival strategies, have shaped their civilization, allowing
them to maintain their pastoral livelihood and cultural identity for centuries” (Blackwell
2011: 1323). In the past, these mechanisms were said to be relatively successful because
they were adaptable and use to offset economic, social, and environmental stressors.
However, the point is that these mechanisms are no longer working and that climate
change has made nomadic pastoralism no longer sustainable (Blackwell 2011: 1322). This
population of people is in danger of becoming ‘environmental refugees’, having been forced
off their land due to inhabitable conditions caused by climate change. The pastoralist
culture has always been a resilient one, but now their coping mechanisms are failing them.
Their short-term solutions are not out living the long-term effects of climate change.
8
Famine
Another climate issue that Africans have deemed a common part of their life is
famine. In most parts of Africa, famine is seen as a common occurrence, being able to
predict when it comes and having faith that it will eventually subside. Even when famines
are long and harsh, Africans have developed strategies to cope with these issues. In Kenya,
farmers in densely settled central highlands and comparably crowded parts of the western
provinces kept their lands highly productive by symbiotic intercropping, and by careful
from rotation and other means of conservation. Other African peoples have prospered over
the past two centuries by long-distance travel and trade. (Messer and Shipton 2002: 230).
However, with the changing climate, famine culture may be at risk. With the increase in
drought across the African continent, famines have the possibility of never ending. Most of
the coping strategies employed for famines are successful in the short term, but in the long
run no one can successfully battle famine. This is seen recently in Somalia, where a twoyear famine from 2010-2012 killed nearly 260,000 people (BBC 2013). This is one of many
examples of famines that just unfortunately can’t be survived. These famines have a
possibility of become increasingly common with the changing climate, and then, what will
African do? Will they just stay and die, or will they migrate to areas with opportunity? I
argue that they will move. Even with AID coming to help these struggling African peoples,
the death tolls continue to increase. Messer and Shipton argue that in most cases, AID
agencies have made things worse and that the current ways they have gone about helping
these people is in turn hurting them. Also, even if these agencies adopt the strategies
proposed by Messer and Shipton and find a way to really help these areas, it is still a short-
9
term solution. In the end, if the famines increase, people will be forced to become
‘environmental refugees’, leaving their land and home behind in search of life elsewhere.
Conclusion
Seen clearly in in the following case studies, ‘environmental refugees’ are no longer
a possibility, they are becoming a reality. Africans have always been resilient, situating
themselves in some of the most vulnerable climates on the earth and prospering. However,
their traditional coping strategies are no longer doing the trick. As climate change
increases, these Africans ability to cope is decreasing. Soon, ‘environmental refugees’ will
dominate Africa, constantly searching for places to live. However, a large amount of
refugees could spark some of the most heated political debates our world has ever seen.
Even today, ‘environmental refugees’ that would be categorized by Bates in the disaster
category, ones affected by a tsunami or some other natural disaster, have nowhere to go.
When natural disasters hit certain areas, creating massive amounts of refugees, no one
knows where to put these people. Even when these people are placed in government
sponsored disaster camps, they are often forgot after a few years and are left to fend for
themselves. No political conversation has been successful in this area because no one wants
to take responsibility for thousands, even millions of people.
Another thing to note is that these disasters are happening at a relatively small
scale. What would we do if the entire Horn of Africa were displaced- a thought that may
very well happen in the future? When will deterioration refugees become a hot political
debate? Since climate change is such a gradual process, there will be no catastrophic event
that sparks government into action. Are we going to wait for hundreds of thousands of
people to die due to famine and drought? Or are we going to think early and try to plan
10
relocation strategies for these struggling people? Not always will these people make a
conscious decision to pick up and move; it is hard to leave your home in search of
something unknown. This is what is causing so many people to die from these causes. It is
our responsibility as humans to take this issue seriously and make a plan. When this issue
becomes a real problem, there will be changes to our world on a large scale. The cultures of
many African peoples that are kept so sacred may be deeply threatened by these
conditions. With no home and nowhere to keep their cultures and traditions alive, there is a
possibility for these cultures to be changed or destroyed. Not to mention the havoc that will
occur as a result of this migrants. Violence is already a main result of famines and other
migratory patterns, so the threat of migrations of this scale is truly frightening.
Overall, this paper was not written to scare people with the threats of climate
change, rather to raise awareness of an increasingly real issue. It also raised important
questions of how we may go about dealing with these threats and issues and how
‘environmental refugees’ may shape our world going into the future.
11
References Cited
Class Materials:
Messler, Ellen and Shipton, Parker. 2002. “Hunger in Africa: Untangling Its Human Roots”.
Exotic No more: Anthropology on the Front Lines . University of Chicago Press. 13:
227-250.
Outside Sources:
Bates, Diane C. 2002. "Environmental Refugees? Classifying Human Migrations Caused by
Environmental Change." Population and Environment23.5: 465-77.
BBC. 2013. “Somalia famine ‘killed 260,000 people’. BBC News Africa.
Blackwell, Pj. 2010."East Africa's Pastoralist Emergency: Is Climate Change the Straw That
Breaks the Camel's Back?" Third World Quarterly 31.8: 1321-338
Myers, Norman. 1997. "Environmental Refugees." Population and Environment19.2: 16782.
Van der Geest, Kees. 2011. "North-South Migration” In Ghana: What Role For The
Environment? International Migration 49: e69-e94.
12