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Transcript
Unity of Muslim Ummah
A contemporary
interpretation of an old
dream
By Abdullah M. Adnan
Content
• Unity in diversity
• Religion and ideology
•
•
•
•
Religion and adherence
Ideology and deliberation
Religion-based ideology
Success: here and hereafter
Religiosity
Some ‘religious’ issues awaiting ‘political’ solutions
Shia-Sunni divide
Palestine and Kashmir
Arab-Turk/Iran/Ajam rift
Tawhid
• Clash or co-existence: exclusivist vs. inclusivist view
Jihad
• Conclusion
2
Unity of Muslim Ummah
By Abdullah M. Adnan
The Unity of Muslim Ummah
The dream of Muslim unity has both enamored and disturbed all the great Muslim thinkers and leaders.1
But what does Muslim unity really mean? Is it something of a utopian notion only to whip up the
imagination of Muslims and galvanize them to action? Or is it an ideal to be pursued for the strength of
Muslim community and restoration of its past dignity, to enable it to discharge the duty of ‘witness to
mankind’?
In our study we will attempt to define the concept of unity – from different perspectives and at different
levels. In a sense, the whole of humanity is a single set of creation – one species among the many.2 From
the religious perspective, humanity is divided into peoples professing different religions. From the
Islamic religious view, the world is divided into two camps: one of adherents of Islam, i.e. Muslims, and
the other of the rest, i.e. non-Muslims.3 It implies that ‘Muslims are one’ in relation to others, while
themselves they are not a monolithic entity.
Unity in Diversity
This brings us to the concept of ‘unity in diversity’. If Muslims are able to live up to this concept, they
will neither fall prey to sectarianism or other parochial notions to indulge in bloodshed of fellow
Muslims, nor will they subscribe to militancy that believes in non-Islamic notion of ‘clash of civilizations’.
Thus, our study will show how Muslims can live in peace with themselves and with others – as they did
during their glorious past.
1
Iqbal sang the songs of unity:
ِ ‫! ﮯ ﮯ ﮯ‬
‫ا ﮨں م ﮯ ﮯ‬
‫را‬#‫ﮩں ﮨ‬. ‫ ﮨﮯ را‬+/‫ ﮨ!ﮟ ﮨ و‬
‫را‬#‫ن ﮨ‬%
‫را ﮨ('و‬#‫ و *ب ﮨ‬+!,
‫ ا‬1 ‫ن‬#‫ ا‬، 1 +‫ د‬، :
‫ا ﮨ‬
‫ ا‬1 ‫ن‬23 ، ‫م‬5 ‫ ا ﮨﮯ اس‬789(
‫ ا‬1 ‫ن‬# . ‫ ﮨﮯ‬1 ‫ ﮍ? ت‬AB
‫ ا‬1 ‫آن‬5 ،1 =‫ ا‬،1 ‫م‬
Before him, Syed Jamal-ud-Din Afghani strived for pan-Islamic vision.
2
al-Qur’an 2:213 ‫ وا'ة‬D‫آن ا(س أ‬
al-Qur’an 21:92 and 23:52 ‫ن‬3K / ‫*'ون‬K L‫ وا'ة وأ ر‬D‫ أ‬L%‫ أ‬GH‫إن ه‬
al-Hadith: ‫ وا'ة‬D 9L‫ا‬
3
3
•
•
•
Unity of Muslim Ummah
By Abdullah M. Adnan
There is no doubt, however, that the Muslim community is deeply fractured. Diversity is one thing, but
being a fractured body is totally different. The present condition of Muslims reminds one of Khalil Jibran
who said: Pity the nation that is split into sub-nations with each of them considering itself the nation.
The fractures in the body of the Muslim community have appeared for a number of reasons – historical
and geographic, internal and external. While a study on the fractures and divisive factors may be
educative and insightful, the main question will be: why did Muslims fall prey to divisions soon after the
demise of the Prophet (
‫ و‬A!* =‫ ا‬OP ) and the brief period of the righteous Caliphate (‫ را'ﮦ‬7
ِ KRS), and
is there something in Islam that holds the promise of forging greater unity in the Muslim ranks? If there
is, what is it?
‘Religion’ and ‘ideology’
To me, it is the ‘ideology’ component of Islam that holds the key to attain the twin goal of ‘past glory’
and ‘bright future’. For too long, and in disservice to Islam, Muslims have only been bogged down with,
and dogged by, the ‘religious’ component of this great divine scheme of life. This, on the one hand, has
dried up the supply for ‘ijtihad,’ and, on the other, made the Muslims recede to the private domain and
be content with notions of individual uplift and piety.4
While ‘struggle against the self’ (T9( ‫د‬1.) is an important ingredient of Islamic way of life, it is also a
means for what may be called a ‘struggle for prevalence of virtue in the society at large’. Reining in the
self – against self-seeking urges – is piety (‫ف‬2) in the private sphere. Releasing this pious self for the
good of society is piety in public sphere. Over-emphasis on the ‘religious’ component hinders this
release of the self.
4
‫م ﮨﮯ آزاد‬R
‫ ﮨﮯ ہ ا‬%1X#
‫داں ہ‬
‫زت‬.‫'ے ا‬X
‫ ﮨﮯ ﮨ(' !ﮟ‬. R
4
Unity of Muslim Ummah
By Abdullah M. Adnan
‘Religion’ and adherence: The ‘religious’ component consists of creed ( ‫!'ة‬3* ), acts of worship ( ‫) *دة‬,
and religious rites and rituals ( ‫) ر
ت‬. These are ‘immutables’ in essence, and basically belong to the
‘personal’ or ‘private’ sphere of life. Though one can, and should, ponder the meanings of his creed, see
how best he can observe the acts of worship, in normal and particular situations, what do they mean
and symbolize, and how Islamic rites and rituals unite the diverse groups of Muslims; no one can change
the creed, modify the acts of worship, or add to the rites and rituals (nor can deny any of them, as some
try to lessen the importance to Eid-ul-Azha, for instance). These are ‘fixed’ matters, which need devotion
for realization of their purpose.
‘Ideology’ and deliberation: The ‘ideology’ component of Islam consists of social, economic and political
realms. These are ‘open to change,’ and belong to the public sphere of life. Islamic teachings, as
contained in the Qur’an and Hadith, set the goals and objectives, tone and tenor, color and hue of
Islamic society, Islamic economy, and Islamic state, but do not lay out the plan to achieve them. They
provide the guidelines, but do not give out the details. This provides the room for continuous fresh
thinking (ijtihad) to meet the demands of changing times. Further, in the task of modeling an Islamic
society, economy and state, Muslims have the role model of the Prophet as a political leader and ruler.
As opposed to ‘devotion,’ matters of ideology call for ‘deliberation.’
Religion-based ideology: Taking ‘religious’ and ‘ideology’ components together, it can
be said that the challenge before the Muslims is the conception and development of ‘religion-based
ideology’. Whenever Muslims have been on the ascendant (culturally, politically, militarily), they were
espousing this ‘ideology’; whenever they forsook it, and receded to the private ‘religious’ sphere to the
neglect of the public ‘ideology’ sphere, they nose-dived – just as they find themselves now – though
many among them may be pious Muslims in their own right!
5
Unity of Muslim Ummah
By Abdullah M. Adnan
Success – Here and Hereafter: It is interesting to note that success in the Hereafter,
where “everyone of them will come to Him alone on the Day of Resurrection,”5 depends on individual’s
performance in both
private and public spheres, i.e. one’s religious observance as well as contribution to the general good.6
But success of a group, party, nation and community here in this world of cause and effect essentially
relies on its members’ sense of responsibility toward collective well-being and their collective exertion.
Personal piety spurs them to act for collective interests. Thus, ‘religion’ appears to be preparing the
ground for ‘ideology’ to unleash for the good of humanity.
Religiosity
Confining to the ‘religious’ component degenerates into many forms of delusion about attaining high
moral pedestal. Excessive personal piety7 that strangely does not feel disturbed with the moral decline
of the collectivity is one such notion.8 ‘Religious’ indulgence results in self-righteousness and arrogance.
Sectarian rifts within Muslims and clash with other civilizations are the two potential dangers of
‘religiosity’. Religiosity calls for adherence; it does not allow for accommodation. Hence ‘religious
extremism’ – though, admittedly, religious extremism is but one of the many manifestations of
extremism.
Moreover, many of the problems, both historical and contemporary, of Muslims are political in nature.
Therefore, a political strategy (that may change with time and place), rather than a religious stance (that
tends to be rigid, inflexible and un-accommodative), is required for their solution.
5
al-Qur’an 19: 95 ‫دا‬K D!3‫ م ا‬A!Z 1‫وآ‬
Syed Mawdudi offered prayers in the Haram and rushed back to his work (Prof. Khurshid Ahmad, Tarjuman-ulQuran, Special Issue on Syed Mawdudi, 2003-4)
7
‘‫?ٰ ﮨ![ہ‬3’ in Syed Mawdudi’s words
8
al-Hadith: A%!*‫ ر‬+* ‫ ل‬L‫ راع وآ‬L‫آ‬
6
6
Unity of Muslim Ummah
By Abdullah M. Adnan
Some ‘religious’ issues awaiting ‘political’ solutions
Now, we take a look at some of the Muslim issues whose solution has been elusive for their assuming
the ‘religious’ cover, though new opportunities can be opened up by approaching them as essentially
the ‘political’ problems.
Shia-Sunni divide: Shia-Sunni rift started over the ‘political’ issue of succeeding the Holy
Prophet’s seat to rule.9 The path to mutual accommodation of Shia and Sunni point of view can be
paved by approaching their conflict as essentially a political one. However tough a political line one may
take against his opponent, he will be less prone to eliminate him and more inclined to co-exist with him.
Or, Sunni will insist on declaring Shia as kafir (a religious term), and Shia will hold Sunni for contempt of
Imam (a religious office) though Sunni may believe in his righteous Caliphate (a political office) rather
than Imamat.
Palestine and Kashmir: Similarly, conflicts in Palestine, Kashmir, Afghanistan, etc, may be
helped if looked as ‘political’ problems. Yes, they are Muslims’ issues, created and augmented by nonMuslims. But rather than ‘religious’, it is the ‘political’ dimension of Islam that promises to foil Zionists’
or Hindus’ conspiracies.10
9
Though Khalifa did lead prayers, enforce Zakah and organize Hajj, this all he was doing as ‘the executive’ and on
religious matters he looked up to Ulema for Fiqhi advice. That this dependence on Ulema for the reason of the
ruler’s little or no knowledge, increased with the passage of time, and eventually appeared to be giving way to
dichotomy between ‘religious’ and ‘mundane’ affairs, is a different and unfortunate story of the declining standards
of the decaying Muslim society. As each of the earliest four Caliphs, and many after them, including Umar ibn
Abdul Aziz, was a learned person, he did ijtihad on matters of ideology. They gave an idea of Islamic governance
and practiced it, they set up various government institutions, etc. It is helpful to say that (traditional) Ulema dwelt on
Fiqhi issues while (political) thinkers and leaders deliberated on Fikri issues (i.e. matters pertaining to ideology).
10
Further, we have nothing against Jews, Christians or Hindus. Rather, we want Jews to be better Jews, Christians to
be better Christians and Hindus to be better Hindus. We are, however, opposed to Zionists and Hindutvas. It is their
‘political’ ambitions that threaten us, which we should counter ‘politically’. If they invoke their religious sentiment,
we should expose it; but we should not invoke our religious sentiment in a tit-for-tat manner. This only complicates
7
Unity of Muslim Ummah
By Abdullah M. Adnan
Arab-Turk/Iran/Ajam rift: The Arab-Turk or Arab-Ajam divisions, similarly, need to be appreciated to be
addressed, rather than wished away or ‘blurred’ with the sweeping sentiments of religiosity.
Tawhid: The ‘revolutionary’ Islamic concept of Tawhid (oneness of God and unity of mankind)
becomes a subject of polemics when visited as a ‘religious’ topic; it attains an all-new, refreshing and
dynamic character when revisited as an ideology-bearing concept.11 In fact, Tawhid is the backbone in
the body of Islam. As the backbone is situated in the upper half of the body but is also vital for the lower
half, Tawhid appears at the ‘religious’ component as the basic creed but it is vital for the ‘ideology’
component too. In other words, Islamic ideology is anchored in Tawhid.
So, doing away with the prevailing obsession with ‘religiosity’ has to be part of the scheme to restore to
Muslims the holistic vision of life that is Islam’s characteristic.
Clash or Co-existence: Exclusivist vs. Inclusivist view
The contemporary challenge of forging greater unity and foiling foreign conspiracies can be met through
an inclusive approach: considering all Muslims a single fraternity in which ‘religious’ groups are there to
‘compete’ rather than ‘rival’ each other; considering the whole of humanity as “Allah’s family” some
members of which do not heed to His Advice – they may be persuaded to heed to, or at least lie low, or,
only as a last resort be prepared to face the sword for the sake of peace of society, just as the cancerous
sore is removed from the ailing body to restore health to it.
The First Caliph Abu Bakr (A(* =‫ ) ر`_ ا‬rose in arms against those ‘professed-Muslims’ who had refused
to pay Zakah, because he wanted to stem the tide of mischief and ‘nip the evil in the bud’. The same
Caliph was anxious about the outcome of the Rome-Persia war and the fate of the Romans. His, just as
other Muslims’, heart was throbbing and wishing a victory for the ‘Christian’ Rome. He even made a
a conflict, and deprives us of our leadership role and position. By steeping low to our enemy’s level, we do no
service to Islam.
11
‫م‬R ِ * ‫ ا ہ‬b3K
8
Unity of Muslim Ummah
By Abdullah M. Adnan
sort of bet that Rome would emerge victorious over the polytheistic Persia within a couple of years. It
was Qur’anic assurance and glad tidings to Muslims that his bet was based on.12 What was there for
Muslims in a fight between two non-Muslims? This underscores the importance of inclusivist Islamic
approach. In fact, the bond of humanity asserts itself variously at different levels.
In blood-relations, one has the strongest bond with his/her parents and siblings, with his/her spouse and
children; a strong bond with cousins, a respectful bond with parents’ siblings, a can-be-felt bond with
parents’ cousins, a special bond characterized by both respect and frankness with grandparents, and so
on. In religious-relations, the strongest bond is with co-religionists, then with those who though belong
to ‘different religions, yet the same tradition of religions’ (the place of the People of Book, for instance),
and, then, with the rest, so to say! The same can be said about professional bond, etc.
While a Muslim may be a follower of a particular sect, he is its follower because he thinks it correct, not
because he thinks others wrong. Then, he might find the views of someone from another sect as
heretical, but he is not allowed to declare him kafir. With non-Muslims, he gives special place to the
People of the Book, he might even strike agreements with them. For the rest, he wishes them well.
Knowing well that Islam addresses the whole humanity, he considers all as his potential audience. He
strives to convey to them the message of Islam.
But such an approach has been bedeviled for long, to the detriment of Muslims and in disservice to
Islam.
The exclusivist approach breeds self-righteousness, sees the world with a jaundiced eye, calls to arms
and gun-toting. This in fact is the approach of the weak and the scared, who scares the rest too about
‘hidden’ conspiracy or ‘imminent’ danger. A recipe for chaos and disaster, it is a direct opposite and antithesis of the Islamic worldview.
12
Al-Qur’an 30:2-4
9
Unity of Muslim Ummah
By Abdullah M. Adnan
Jihad: Here, a mention of Jihad (struggle in the way of Allah) and of the wrong of mistaking Jihad
with Qitaal (armed struggle) is useful. While Qitaal may be regarded as Islamic call to arms, it is not the
only part, or just another name, of Jihad. It is important to note that Qitaal is not enjoined on all for all
times – the call for Qitaal is made with discretion and utmost care by a legitimate authority (an Islamic
state, or, in its absence, a consensual decree of Ulema).
Qitaal is but a part of Jihad. Struggle against the self (piety), struggle for justice and peace (i.e. a political
struggle), struggle for removing social ills and economic exploitation, then, are all part of Jihad.
Jihad is also carried out by conveying the message of Islam through written as well as spoken words.
Many great Islamic thinkers and leaders faced prosecution and execution because they spoke or wrote
against tyranny and its various ugly manifestations.
It is Jihad, not Qitaal, that goes on continuously and is binding on all – men and women, young and old.
If one’s mother is sick, he may not be sent to the battleground (for Qitaal), but would be allowed to stay
at home to look after her. That would be his Jihad. Women are not asked to take part in Qitaal; their
Jihad is to imbue their children with Islamic teachings – religious and mundane.
So, Jihad is not all about Qitaal. Using the two terms interchangeably does not help one understand the
Islamic concept of struggle for the good and against the evil. Islam’s is a struggle for reform (maintaining
the good and removing the bad or evil). It is for values and against base ambitions. It is not against a
person or a people or some peoples. Islam sees no one as evil-incarnate – neither a person nor a nation.
10
Unity of Muslim Ummah
By Abdullah M. Adnan
Conclusion
The cause of uniting the Ummah can be served only by adopting the Islamic inclusive approach, which
can be inculcated by ijtihad on ideological matters, and abandoning the religiosity-driven exclusivist
approach, which feeds on conspiracy theories and notions of clash.
There is enough of ‘unity’ in the ranks of Muslims. They are as united and as mutually bickering as
brothers are in a family. It is just the rise on the horizon of the right type of political leadership that is
awaited. That leadership will harness the potential of the Muslim peoples, galvanize them, protect and
strengthen them – for the cause of Islam of being ‘witness to mankind’ by practicing Islam, conveying its
message to others, and living, side by side, even with those who choose not to embrace Islam.
That kind of leadership would emerge by ‘politically’ tackling the obtaining situation. Or, religiosity will
hold sway giving rise to religious fanatics – who will hold the world at gunpoint, tarnishing the image of
Islam, and wither away as do the extremist groups everywhere in the world.
Abdullah M. Adnan is Associate Director, International Institute of Strategic Studies and Research,
Islamabad.
11