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THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS The Cognitive Level of Analysis (CLOA) 1. Principles and research methods of the CLOA A. Principles of the CLOA B. Research Methods of the CLOA C. Ethics and Research Methods at the CLOA 2. Cognitive Processes A. Schema theory B. Models or theories of memory C. Biological factors and memory D. Social and cultural factors and memory E. The reliability of memory F. The use of technology to investigate memory 3. Cognition and Emotion A. Cognitive and biological factors and emotion B. Emotion and memory 1 © Pamoja Education 2013 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS 1. Principles and research methods of the CLOA A. Principles of the CLOA The historical background to cognitive psychology is twentieth century behaviourism, which argued that as we cannot directly observe the mind working, we cannot study it, and should instead focus our study on direct, observable human behaviour. However, there are many phenomena that we cannot directly observe, such as air, for example. But we infer its presence from the fact that we can breathe, and its movement from the waving of the trees. Similarly, cognitive psychologists cannot directly observe mental processes (even brain scans only show us brain structure and activity from which we infer mental activity), but they can infer mental processes from human behaviour. Researchers at the cognitive level of analysis (CLOA) study the mental structures and processes involved in such behaviours as attention, decision-making, memory, perception, problem-solving and language. Such processes are labelled ‘cognition’. While psychologists at the BLOA study the brain and nervous system in relation to human behaviour, psychologists at the CLOA examine the relationship between cognition (the ‘mind’) and human behaviour. As the use of computers grew, so the mind became seen as a kind of computer, with data input through the senses, mental processing within the brain and behaviour output. The main principles of the CLOA are: • • • Mental representations guide behaviour. Mental processes can be studied scientifically. Cognitive processes are influenced by social and cultural factors. These principles are slightly different from those listed in your textbook, but in essence they mean the same and are more specific. Please see your Psychology guide p 17-18 for further details of the CLOA. Learning outcome: • Outline principles that define the cognitive level of analysis Mental representations guide behaviour. We can never experience our world directly: all information is interpreted according to our senses, our experience, and our knowledge, and so none of us has exactly the same experience of a phenomenon, which explains why none of us has exactly the same response to it. In other words, our ‘world’ is processed mentally before we can make sense of it. W e have selective perception, distorted memories and different understandings and our behaviours differ accordingly. Cognitive psychologists do not argue that mental processes are all that affects our behaviour, but that they have a significant effect on it. Mental processes are the mechanisms by which our mental representations are formed, which guide our behaviour. An example of how mental representations guide behaviour is given by schema theory. Schemas (sometimes called schemata in the plural) are mental representations that form frameworks within which we organize and interpret our knowledge of the world. W e have a schema for what a 2 © Pamoja Education 2013 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS classroom would look like (identical desks and chairs, a whiteboard, displays on the wall, fluorescent lighting, for example) and another for what a bedroom would look like. We are not born with these, but they develop as we learn more about how the world works. Sir Frederick Bartlett (1932) conducted a series of studies that showed how unfamiliar material was organized through familiar schemas to produce a reconstructed memory of a culturally strange piece of writing. See here for a further discussion of schema theory. We will revisit this theory when we look at the reliability of memory. Study demonstrating the principle that mental representations guide behaviour Tuckey and Brewer (2003) examined how a ‘crime schema’ influenced the types of details witnesses recalled over multiple interviews. Some witnesses experienced delay before the initial interview and some between subsequent interviews. Data showed that, in general, schemairrelevant memories (memories that neither confirmed nor contradicted the crime schema) were more often forgotten than schema-consistent and schema-inconsistent traces after the initial interview. Delaying the initial interview negatively affected recall at the initial interview, but led to less decay over subsequent interviews. Witnesses used their schemas to interpret any unclear information and, as a result, made more schema-consistent mistakes and were more likely to report false memories concerning these ambiguous details. The mind can be studied scientifically. Cognitive psychologists construct theories concerning the mental processes of the mind, and then such theories are tested using modern scanning methods, controlled laboratory experiments and case studies. The internal working of the mind can be represented through theoretical models which can also then be tested, and used to make predictions about, and give explanations of, human behaviour. We may not be able to see the mind working, but we can infer that certain mental processes are taking place that correspond to a particular human behaviour. Cognitive psychologists conduct controlled laboratory experiments to test the mental models that have been developed to explain such behaviours as memory, language learning, perception and attention. 3 © Pamoja Education 2013 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS Study demonstrating the principle that mental processes can be studied scientifically Alloway and Alloway (2009) investigated the relationship between working memory and what they term crystallized intelligence. As opposed to fluid intelligence, which has long been known to be associated with working memory, crystallized intelligence is thought to be more fixed, relying as it does on acquired skills and knowledge. Crystallized intelligence is closely linked to brain regions that involve the storage and usage of long-term memories, such as the hippocampus (see Geary, 2005). Therefore one would not expect it to be altered to any great extent by the use of working memory, which is a shorter-term memory. This experiment sought to determine the effect of working memory on crystallized intelligence. The researchers used an independent measures design with a control group and an experimental group containing different participants. The participants were fifteen teenaged students with learning difficulties, eight in the training group and seven in the control group. The training group engaged in memory-training games in the laboratory three times a week over an eight-week period. The control group had targeted educational support at school for the same period. The results showed that participants in the training group made on average an increase of almost 10 standard points in the measure of crystallized intelligence. The control group, who did not participate in the training programme, showed no improvement in intelligence despite receiving targeted educational support that was tailored to improve their knowledge and skills. The conclusion is that working memory training can significantly improve crystallized intelligence and allow students with learning difficulties to catch up with their peers. Cognitive processes are influenced by social and cultural factors. Just as the scientific study of mental processes using brain-scanning technology demonstrates overlap between the CLOA and the BLOA, so the principle that social and cultural factors impact cognitive processes shows that there is some overlap between the CLOA and the sociocultural level of analysis (SCLOA). None of the levels of analysis operates alone; they interact to give the fullest explanation possible of human behaviour. The principle that cognitive processes are influenced by social and cultural factors refers to the effect that our education, ethnicity, upbringing, geographical location, gender and many other factors have on our memory, perceptions, attention, problem-solving and other behaviours. While few psychologists believe that genetic inheritance and biology play no part in human behaviour, most acknowledge the effect of our culture and social relationships on how we think and behave. 4 © Pamoja Education 2013 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS Study demonstrating the principle that cognitive processes are influenced by social and cultural factors MacDonald et al. (2000) researched cross-cultural and gender differences in adults’ earliest memories. To do this, they asked male and female adults from three cultural backgrounds (New Zealand European, New Zealand Maori, and Asian) to describe and date their earliest personal memory. Consistent with past research, Asian adults reported significantly later memories than European adults. However this effect was due exclusively to the extremely late memories reported by Asian females. Maori adults, whose traditional culture includes a strong emphasis on the past, reported significantly earlier memories than adults from the other two cultural groups. Across all three cultures, the memories reported by women contained more information than the memories reported by men. These findings support the view that the age and content of our earliest memories are influenced by a wide range of factors including our culture and our gender. B. Research Methods of the CLOA Research methods at the cognitive level of analysis are based on the principles already described. They are: • Case studies • Laboratory experiments • Observations • Interviews Learning outcomes: • • Explain how principles that define the cognitive level of analysis may be demonstrated in research (through theories and/or studies) Discuss how and why particular research methods are used at the cognitive level of analysis Case studies In the CLOA, the case study method is often associated with examining correlations between mental processes and behaviour. Case studies sometimes focus on people with unusual mental abilities, or with mental processing problems that result in unusual human behaviour. They can be longitudinal, which means that they follow the person for a number of years, re-testing or re-interviewing them at regular intervals. Why are case studies used? Case studies are often used at the CLOA to find a relationship between the mind and a specific behaviour, through examining the mental processes of one person, or a small number of people. They are used to provide in-depth information about phenomena that cannot be studied experimentally. 5 © Pamoja Education 2013 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS How are case studies used? The relationship between mental processes and behaviour can be observed through observation of a person’s actions; through using brain-scanning techniques to identify mental processes and by interviewing the person being studied and his/her close friends or relatives. They are not usually used to try and generalize the findings to others, unless many case studies come up with the same or very similar results. Then they may be used to generate theories, to recommend action, or to support existing theories. Case study Baron-Cohen et al. (2007) researched the interesting case of Daniel Tammer, who has become somewhat of a celebrity in the UK. Tammer is a savant (meaning he has an amazing talent in one area), although he suffers from autism. He can memorise numbers and learn languages far more easily than can most humans. Tammer also has synaesthesia, which means that he experiences numbers as colours. Extreme conditions like savantism, autism or synaesthesia, which have a neurological basis, challenge the idea that other minds are similar to our own. Baron-Cohen et al. used this single case study to argue that when savantism and synaesthesia co-occur, it is worthwhile testing for an undiagnosed Autism Spectrum Condition (ASC). This is because savantism has an established association with ASC, and the combination of ASC with synaesthesia may increase the likelihood of savantism. So the researchers were using this case study to state that if two of these conditions are present, then we should expect the third. In an interview given to the New York Times in 2007, Tammer shows how for him numbers have unusual mental representations: “The number four, for instance is shy… nines are scary and imposing. Ones are shiny and bright, eights are blue, fives are loud, and 333 is beautiful.” Principle that this study could be used to demonstrate: • Mental representations guide behaviour. Laboratory experiments The controlled laboratory experiment is still a favoured method of cognitive psychologists, despite criticism from some that it lacks ecological validity. (The tasks that people perform, and the surroundings in which they do them are not a true replication of real life, and therefore the results are suspect). Brain-scanning technology is more and more often used by cognitive researchers (especially cognitive neuroscientists) to observe the link between brain activity, mental processes and behaviour. The mental processes still cannot be viewed directly, but they are inferred from both the brain activity and the behaviour. Some of these experiments would be quasi-experiments (not true 6 © Pamoja Education 2013 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS experiments) because the independent variable, which is manipulated in a true experiment, may well be something like age or gender, which is assigned by nature and not by the researcher. Why are laboratory experiments used? Laboratory experiments are used extensively by researchers at the CLOA, because they believe that mental processes can and should be studied scientifically. They can use this method to examine mental processes and behaviour, without interference from extraneous (uncontrolled) variables. This gives them the possibility of identifying cause-and-effect relationships between the two, though it must be noted that sometimes all that can be concluded is that there is a correlation between, a mental process and a particular behaviour. How are laboratory experiments used? They are used to test cognitive theories, especially those relating to behaviours such as perception or memory. Cognitive psychologists have developed models that are argued to demonstrate how the different types of memory function, for example. Such models, based on theories of memory, can be tested under controlled conditions in a laboratory, in order to be able to draw conclusions about their effectiveness in illustrating the process. Laboratory experiment Lustig and Hasher (2002) conducted an experiment to determine if interference from prior memory experiments had any effect on working memory span (WMS – as measured by the ability to remember words in a series and make a sentence with them). The 72 participants were randomly assigned to two groups. Group 1 performed the W MS task on Day 1. They were therefore the inexperienced group, who did no other task other than the WMS one. Group 2 participants performed other memory tasks on Day 1 and Day 2, and completed the W MS task on Day 3. The inexperienced group was able to recall more words and make more sentences. The groups did not differ in the quality of the sentences they produced but only in the number of words they were able to recall and use to generate sentences. The researchers concluded that their findings raise theoretical questions as to the nature of working memory capacity as measured by W MS and important practical concerns about the use of W MS as indicating capacity across groups and individuals who may differ in experimental experience. Principle that this study could be used to demonstrate: • Mental processes can be studied scientifically. Observations There are several different types of observation laid out in the table below. For more details, see the qualitative research methods section of the course. 7 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS Type overt Explanation The subject knows that s/he is being observed and has given permission. covert The subject does not know s/he is being observed and therefore has not given permission. Sometimes undercover filming is involved. participant The researcher participates in the group and the activity or behaviour being observed. This could be either overt (with the permission and knowledge of the subjects) or covert (secretly and without permission. non-participant The researcher does not participate in the activity or behaviour, but merely observes it. Again, this can be overt or covert. The observation takes place in the environment in which the behaviour normally occurs. The observation may take place in a natural environment, but often takes place in a laboratory. Extraneous variables are controlled and a situation is artificially constructed. naturalistic controlled Advantages Ethical, and the subject can usually be interviewed afterwards in order to examine the meaning of what was observed. Behaviour thus observed is much more likely to be natural, especially if the researcher has set up a secret camera and is not affecting the activity in any way. As a participant, the researcher is more likely to have close contact with the other members of the group or with the subject and a relaxed situation may ensue in which information if freely shared and behaviour is natural. The researcher does not disturb the balance of the group by joining it. Should give high validity in that the behaviour is natural. No uncontrolled variables to affect the behaviour. Disadvantages People do not act naturally when they are being observed. Unethical, and once the researcher approaches the unknowing subjects for permission to share the results, such permission is likely to be refused. The researcher’s mere presence in the group (even if covert) may affect the balance of the group and the subjects’ behaviour. Unless it is covert, nonparticipant observation is likely to result in unnatural behaviour by the subjects Uncontrolled variables may affect the behaviour. Unnatural situation can affect the subjects’ behaviour. Why is observation used? Observation enables cognitive psychologists to evaluate theories and inferences and test their predictions about behaviour. Observation of human behaviour can enable researchers to draw conclusions concerning the mental processes involved in such behaviour. Naturalistic observation especially can give a holistic view of behaviour in a natural environment. How is observation used? Observation is often used during the case study method or experimental method, to supplement data obtained through other methods, such as scanning, cognitive testing or interviews. Observation can be quantitative and/or qualitative, depending on how the data is collected. If the researcher uses a list or grid that depends on checking whenever a particular behaviour is exhibited, then the data this results in is quantitative, as the number of incidences are recorded and often compared with the results from other subjects. If the researcher makes notes about the observed behaviour and also 8 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS their thoughts concerning what is observed, then this becomes more in-depth and qualitative, as it not only gives a more detailed picture of a single person or single group’s behaviour, but also takes into consideration the researcher’s own thoughts on the behaviour and his/her position as an observer. Observational study Miranda et al (2002) conducted a study to evaluate the effectiveness of a programme for treating attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) carried out by teachers in a classroom context. One of the methods used (alongside using teachers’ and parents’ behavioural ratings and school records) was direct observation of behaviour in the classroom, and academic records of children with ADHD. Fifty children with ADHD participated in the study. The teachers of 29 of the 50 students were trained in the use of behaviour modification techniques, cognitive behaviour strategies, and instructional management strategies. The other 21 students formed the control group. The results showed increased academic scores, better classroom behaviour was observed, and teachers exhibited improved knowledge about how to respond to the children's educational needs, in the experimental group. Principle that this study could be used to demonstrate: • Mental processes can be studied scientifically. (Though you would have to note that this was as part of a behaviour-modification experiment). Interviews Interviews may be structured, where the interviewer completes a checklist of questions with tick boxes or yes and no answers. They may also be unstructured and more like a conversation between two people, with a video or sound recorder used to capture the tone of the interviewee’s comments and replies. Or they may be something in between, where there are some closed questions that require factual answers and other more open-ended questions that allow the interviewee to expand and discuss. Focus group interviews involve the interviewer facilitating a discussion amongst a group of interviewees. You will learn more about different types of interviews in the qualitative research section of this course. Why are interviews used? Cognitive psychologists use interviews, as they do observations, to supplement other methods, to develop theories and to gain in-depth insight into behaviour. Cognitive testing can sometimes form part of an interview. The interview is used to gain access to the person’s mental processes through conversation about their behaviour and feelings. 9 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS How are interviews used? Interviews are often used at the end of a cognitive experiment to explore a person’s feelings about a phenomenon, or to ask them about the behaviour that has been observed and sometimes measured. They contribute to the triangulation of methods that results in a more holistic picture of human behaviour. Study using interviews In a New Zealand study, Wade et al. (2002) investigated the reconstructive nature of memory and false memories, using three separate interviews over a period of 7-16 days. In earlier research on how adults can be led to report false childhood memories, subjects had typically been exposed to personalized and detailed narratives describing false events. However, W ade et al. exposed 20 subjects to a false childhood event via a fake photograph and imagery instructions. This method was chosen, because image-enhancing technology is readily available and therefore people are frequently exposed to altered images. Over the interviews, subjects thought about a photograph showing them on a hot air balloon ride and tried to recall the event by using guided-imagery exercises. The researchers chose hot air balloon riding to be their target false event because it is an activity available to all New Zealanders (there are several hot air balloon festivals across the country each year, and dozens of hot air balloon operators), yet it is significant enough for family members to confirm that the subject never experienced it. Fifty per cent of the subjects in this study created complete or partial false memories. The results bear on ways in which false memories can be created and also have practical implications for those involved in clinical and legal settings. Principle that this study could be used to demonstrate: • Mental representations guide behaviour. C. Ethics and Research Methods at the CLOA Learning outcomes: • Discuss ethical considerations related to research studies at the cognitive level of analysis While there may not seem to be the same ethical problems as we saw with the BLOA, there is a set of ethical issues that apply to research at the CLOA. Cognitive psychology mainly uses the experimental method. Informed consent should always be sought from participants, and some studies, such as those into eyewitness testimony of crimes, can involve undue stress for participants. When conducting case studies and 10 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS interviews of people with severe brain damage and memory impairment, the question arises of how these participants can give informed consent. Often, as with young people, consent is then obtained from the nearest relative. Confidentiality and anonymity should be promised, though we notice with Clive W earing that his identity has not been protected, and HM’s identity was revealed after his death. Cognitive neuroscience uses technology to investigate mental processes. However, brain scans such as fMRIs are based on computer modelling, and can make disputed assumptions about the significance of brain activity for mental processes. Moreover, scanning procedures are timeconsuming and can be uncomfortable. (People with claustrophobia would find an MRI scan, which involves lying in an enclosed tube for a prolonged period, very stressful). Example of an unethical study at the CLOA Loftus and Pickrell (1995) investigated whether it was possible to implant a totally false childhood memory in an adult. Twenty-four participants (3 men and 21 women) ranging in age from 18 to 53 completed the study. Each participant was provided with a booklet containing brief accounts of three true childhood incidents which were provided by the relative. Relatives also provided "information about a plausible shopping trip to a mall or large department store" so that a fourth false incident that supposedly occurred when the participant and close family member were together could be included in the booklet in the third position. Participants were told that they were participating in a study on childhood memories, and that the researchers were interested in how and why people remembered some things and not others. They were asked to complete the booklets by reading what their relative had told the researchers about each event, and then writing what they remembered about each event. If they did not remember the event, they were told to write "I do not remember this." The results were that on completing the booklets, 7 of the 24 subjects ‘remembered’ the false event, either fully or partially. After the first interview, one subject changed her mind, and after the second interview, which revealed that one of the memories was false, another declared that the lost in a mall memory was false. This still left 5 subjects out of 24 who were convinced that they were lost in a shopping mall as a child. Ethical considerations The participants were deceived. Three of the participants in the prior pilot study were children and informed consent was not obtained from their parents or guardians. An experiment that involves manipulating a person’s memory by using a trusted family member to tell a false story may open the possibility for potential psychological harm. See Crook and Dean (1999) for further discussion of this study. Principle that this study could be used to demonstrate: • Mental representations guide behaviour. 11 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS 2. Cognitive Processes This section looks at CLOA research into mental processes and how they function in relation to human behaviour. A. Schema theory Learning outcome: • Evaluate schema theory with reference to research studies. As mentioned earlier, in the section on the principles of the CLOA, schema theory is related directly to the principle that mental representations guide behaviour. It was the philosopher Immanuel Kant who first developed the idea and introduced the word schema. For example, he describes a ‘dog’ schema as a mental pattern which "can delineate the figure of a four-footed animal in a general manner, without limitation to any single determinate figure as experience, or any possible image that I can represent in concreto." (Kant 1781). His book starts with the words “There can be no doubt that all our knowledge begins with experience”. Experience of a ‘school’ allows us to develop a schema that shapes our knowledge of what it is to be in a classroom, for example. Schema theory was introduced into psychology by Sir Frederick Bartlett (1932). While conducting a series of studies with British students on the recall of Native American folktales, he noticed that many of the recalls were inaccurate, and involved the replacement of unfamiliar information with something more familiar, as people tried to make sense of what they had heard. In order to account for these findings, Bartlett proposed that people have schemas, or schemata. These are unconscious mental structures that represent an individual's experience and knowledge about the world. A fundamental aspect of schemas in Bartlett's theory is that they are composed of old knowledge. He stated that they are "masses of organized past experiences" (1932:197-198). These experiences affect a person’s current understanding and memory. Loftus and Palmer (1974) reinforced the idea of schemas and introduced the notion that they are susceptible to manipulation by information introduced after an event. By manipulating the verb used when questioning eyewitnesses about a video of a car crash, the researchers were able to establish the reconstructive nature of memory. The different verbs used activated slightly different schemas which then influenced the estimates of speed. Typical schemas of cars smashing into one another contain an assumption of speed that is higher than a schema of cars hitting one another. In 1983 Rumelhart and Norman described how schemas could link together, could have both fixed and flexible components and could try to understand new information through a process of ‘best fit’. However, in the 1980s and 1990s, schema theory was also frequently used to explain cross-cultural differences and lack of adaptation to another’s views. In 1995, D’Andrade pointed out that although the English verb to write and the Japanese word kaku are direct translations of each other, to write in English does not mean the same as it does in Japanese. To the Japanese, this writing can be an image, a sketch or a word or a character. The writing schema in English, as well as a pen or pencil, a paper or board and a hand that guides the implement to make marks, also includes language. The act of writing cannot be a picture; it has to be something in some language (1995: 123). The writing schemas are different in each culture. This has been used in cultural anthropology and psychology to 12 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS explain how interactions between people of different cultures can be affected by the lack of understanding of the other’s schemas. More recently schema theory has been applied in the field of abnormal psychology. Based on the work of Aaron Beck with cognitive representations such as the ‘cognitive triad’ (1979), the idea of ‘schema therapy’ developed in the past ten years out of the theory that much mental distress, and especially depression, could be traced to faulty cognitive structures in the mind of the sufferer. Changing these structures through schema therapy could help lift the depression. Critiques of schema theory have mainly focused on the vagueness of schemas, arguing that as they are so flexible and can conform and change with any number of situations, they cannot be verified to exist. Others say that schemas are too rigid and simplistic. For example, from the area of learning theory, Susan Clark (1990) writes that “Schema theory has its limitations--for example, it makes too much of an attempt to fit something as evidently complex as knowledge acquisition, storage, and retrieval into a simple, familiar framework-prototype”. The agreement seems to be that some of the studies exploring schema theory lack ecological validity (see Bartlett and Loftus and Palmer), and the term schema theory should be ‘schema theories’. Study demonstrating schema theory Wang and Ross (2007) examined the impact of culture on schemas, and how prior information in the form of shared knowledge shaped the constructive process of memory. They focused on autobiographical memory, which is memory for personal experiences The researchers defined culture as the rituals, daily routines, and practices of a person’s life. They included social institutions (such as the family) as well as the actions, thoughts, emotions, and moral values of individuals, arguing that culture regulates psychological functions both within the person and in his/her interactions with others. Through socialization, individuals acquire knowledge and skills that serve cultural goals. Autobiographical memories often include details of what happened, who was involved, and where and when the episodes occurred. Wang and Ross assessed whether culture affects why people remember, how people remember, when people remember, what people remember, and whether they judge remembering to be necessary at all. They found that there were cultural differences concerning the goals and functions of autobiographical remembering. These differences had important consequences for the content, style, emergence, and general accessibility of autobiographical memories Principle that this study could be used to demonstrate: • Mental representations guide behaviour. • Cognitive processes are influenced by social and cultural factors. 13 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS B. Models or theories of memory Learning outcome: • Evaluate two models or theories of one cognitive process with reference to research studies. William James (1890) was the first psychologist to put forward the idea that there were two separate types of memory – primary memory, which was, according to James, the initial place in which information is stored, and secondary memory, which is where the memory stays when it is not being retrieved. Information in primary memory is always accessible, whereas it takes an active cognitive process to retrieve information in secondary memory. It was 1956 before this idea of separate memory storage areas was reinforced by the cognitive psychologist George Miller, who provided detailed evidence that the capacity for short-term information storage is limited. He conducted tests of memory such as repeating a series of digits, which showed that regardless of how long the series was, correct recall of digits appeared to plateau at about seven items in most people. Some people could remember nine and some five, but very few varied from this capacity. However, the definition of an item is flexible, and if information was ‘chunked’ into seven items, each containing several pieces of information, then the capacity for remembering was extended (Miller, 1956). Much more recently, Cowan (2001) has suggested that the capacity of what has by now become known as short-term memory might not actually be 7 plus or minus 2, as Miller suggested, but instead may be much less—3 plus or minus 1. This revised estimate comes from a review of studies suggesting that storage capacity is much lower than seven when participants are prevented from using strategies such as chunking or rehearsal. There are several models of memory, arising from theories of storage and processing. As computer functions became more complex, so theories of memory as operating like a computer also began to look at processing rather than just at capacity and storage. Your text goes into some details regarding memory models. The purpose of learning this material is to apply it to meeting the requirements of the command term and the learning outcome, so we are going to focus here on an evaluation of two models of memory: the multi-store model of Atkinson and Shiffrin (1968) and Baddeley and Hitch’s (1974) working memory model. 14 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS Multi-store model, Atkinson and Shiffrin (1968) The multi-store model (MSM) suggests that information flows through three stores which each have different capacities and durations. Information is first stored in sensory memory for a fraction of a second. If we attend to this information (i.e. if we ‘notice’ it) then it is transferred to short-term memory. Short-term memory has a limited capacity (remember Millers 7 plus/minus 2?) and also limited duration of about 30 seconds. W hile in the short term memory, information is encoded phonetically (by its sound). Information that is rehearsed in short term memory is then transferred to long term memory. If material is not rehearsed it is lost when new information comes into the short term memory store and displaces it. The information in long-term memory is processed semantically (by meaning) and the capacity is not known; it is thought by many psychologists to be unlimited 15 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS Strengths of the multi-store model The multi-store model of memory is an influential model that has led to the development of other less storage-based and more process-driven theories such as the working memory model. Research by Miller (1956) already mentioned, showed that short term memory operates as a limited capacity store by demonstrating that it can only hold between 5 and 9 bits of information before becoming overloaded, resulting in information being displaced. Peterson and Peterson (1959) demonstrated that short term memory has a limited time span of around 20 seconds and without rehearsal the information soon fades. Glanzer and Cunitz (1966) conducted research into the serial position effect. They found that participants recalled more words from the beginning (the primacy effect) and the end of a list of words (the recency effect). This suggests that the earlier words in the list had been transferred to long term memory and that words later in the list were still in short term memory. More recently, Terry (2005) tested the serial position effect in the recall of television adverts and these results supported earlier laboratory experiments. Case studies such as the case of Clive W earing have also been used to support the existence of different memory stores. His anterograde amnesia supports the multi-store model as his short-term memory had been left largely intact but he could not transfer new memories from his short term memory to his long term memory. Weaknesses of the multi-store model Experiments testing the multi-store model lack ecological validity in the way they often use word lists which are not a valid indication of how we actually learn and recall things in everyday life. The model has been criticised for being simplistic and not accounting for the complexity of short-term and longterm memory. For example, the case study of Clive Wearing can also be used to challenge the multi-store model as Clive was able to continue his professional-level piano playing. This type of memory is known as procedural memory. Many psychologists now argue that there is more than one type of long term memory store including an episodic memory (e.g. autobiographical), semantic memory (facts) and procedural. The multi-store model does not take this into account. Warrington and Shallice’s (1970) case study of K.F. found that despite a damaged short-term memory K.F. was still able to form new long term memories. Following a motorcycle accident his short-term memory capacity was nearly zero. Short-term memory is, according to the multi-store model of memory, the gateway to long-term memory, so his long term memory should also have been somewhat damaged, at least for events that happened after the accident (anterograde amnesia). However it was found that K.F. was still able to form new long term memories, suggesting that there is another way to access long term memory other than the model suggests. 16 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS Working memory model, Baddeley and Hitch (1974) Building on Atkinson and Shiffrin’s research, Baddeley and Hitch (1974) developed an alternative model of short-term memory which they called the working memory model. They argued that shortterm memory is not a static store, but is a complex information processor. The central executive is the most important component of the model, although little is known about how it functions. It is a frontal-lobe process and is responsible for monitoring and coordinating the operation of the visuo-spatial sketch pad and phonological loop and relays their information to long-term memory. The central executive decides which information is attended to and which parts of the working memory to send that information to be dealt with. Baddeley suggests that the central executive acts more like a system which controls attention processes rather than as a memory store. This is unlike the phonological loop and the visuo-spatial sketchpad, which are specialized storage systems. The central executive enables the working memory system to selectively attend to some stimuli and ignore others. See this interview with Alan Baddeley on the functions of the central executive. The phonological loop is the part of working memory that deals with spoken and written material. It consists of two parts. One is the phonological store, which acts as an inner ear and holds information in speech-based form (i.e. spoken words) for 1-2 seconds. Spoken words enter the store directly. The other is the articulatory control process. It converts written words into an articulatory (spoken) code so they can enter the phonological store and it acts like an inner voice rehearsing information from the phonological store. It circulates information round and round like a tape loop. This is how we remember a telephone number we have just heard. We say it aloud or in our minds over and over again and so keep it in our working memory. The visuo-spatial sketchpad deals with what things look like and how we are in relation to other objects as we move around. If we are asked what our friend looks like, we see a picture of him or her in our minds. This is our visual-spatial sketchpad drawing from our long-term memory (literally). Baddeley (2000) updated the working memory model after it failed to explain the results of various experiments, adding the episodic buffer. The episodic buffer acts as a 'backup' store which communicates with both long term memory and the components of working memory. 17 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS Strengths of the working memory model Most psychologists are agreed that short-term memory is a ‘working memory’ with processing and filtering powers. The model is based on two premises: if two tasks make use of the same component (of working memory), they cannot be performed successfully together, but if two tasks make use of different components, it should be possible to perform them as well together as separately. Baddeley and Hitch conducted a dual-task study in which participants were asked to perform two tasks at the same time - a task which required them to repeat a list of numbers, and a verbal reasoning task which required them to answer true or false to various questions. The participants were able to perform both tasks satisfactorily, and the researchers suggest that this is because each task used a different component of the working memory (Hitch and Baddeley,1976). This was supported by Robbins et al (1996) who found that chess used the visuo-spatial sketchpad and this suffered no interference from rapid repetition of the word see-saw (using the phonological loop) , but random number generation or tapping numbers on a keypad reduced the ability to make chess moves. Weaknesses of the working memory model Andrés and van der Linden (2002) looked at patients with frontal lobe damage and concluded that not all central executive processes are exclusively sustained by the frontal cortex. Evidence suggests that there are some common brain areas but there are also differences from task to task. There is little direct evidence for how the central executive works and what it does. The capacity of the central executive has never been measured. Moreover, the working memory model only involves short-term memory, so it is not a comprehensive model. Finally, the model does not explain changes in processing ability that occur as the result of practice or time. Principle that this study could be used to demonstrate: • Mental processes can be studied scientifically. C. Biological factors and memory Learning outcome: • Explain how biological factors may affect one cognitive process Changes in brain structure and brain function due to ageing, accident or disease can all affect memory. The case studies of Clive W earing (Sacks, 2007) and HM (Milner et al. 1968) are evidence of how damage to the hippocampus results in anterograde, and in W earing’s case, retrograde amnesia. Schizophrenia has also been argued, though not conclusively, to be related to an excess of dopamine in the brain. This dopamine hypothesis comes from three main sources: post-mortem studies on the brains of people who had been diagnosed with schizophrenia while alive (Iversen, 1979); anti-schizophrenic drugs 18 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS are thought to bind to dopamine receptors to prevent uptake, and therefore reduce symptoms; high doses of L-Dopa (which is converted to dopamine in the brain) given to people suffering from Parkinson’s disease can sometimes produce schizophrenic-like symptoms, or confused thinking, hallucinations and paranoia. One of the clearest examples of biological factors affecting memory is that of Alzheimer’s disease. Alzheimer’s disease, so named because it was identified as a separate disease by the German psychiatrist and neuropathologist Alois Alzheimer in 1906, is the main identified cause of dementia. It is more likely to affect us as we age: Brown (2007) gives the prevalence in the USA as approximately 46% of people over 85 years old, yet only 10% of those between 65 and 85 years old. There is an early-onset version of Alzheimer’s disease, which shows the same biological damage, and is thought to have a strong genetic component. It is a serious degenerative brain disease comprising confusion, delusions and sleeplessness that severely affects the episodic and semantic memory. This is the autobiographical memory for personal experiences, people and events and the memory for the meaning of words, naming and general knowledge about the world. Procedural memory, of how to do things like ride a bicycle, play an instrument or have a conversation, remains intact for most of the course of the disease, which can take between two to fifteen years to run its course, resulting eventually in the person’s death. There is no cure at present. With the use of fMRI scans, and post-mortem brain studies, cognitive neuroscientists have begun to identify the particular biological factors underpinning Alzheimer’s disease. The first area of the brain to show damage is the medial temporal lobe in each brain hemisphere. This is where the hippocampus is located, which, as we saw with HM and Clive W earing, is vital for episodic memory. The damage shows up as a loss of brain cells and damage to neurons responsible for the production of acetylcholine, a neurotransmitter that is vital for memory. Acetylcholine is contained in high concentrations in the hippocampus in people without Alzheimer’s disease, but in very low concentrations in people with the disease, due to the loss of brain cells in the forebrain, which are responsible for producing this neurotransmitter. Post-mortem studies have shown that the amount of brain substance in the folds of the brain is decreased and the spaces in the folds of the brain are grossly enlarged. The best analogy is that of the cauliflower: the healthy brain is like a fresh cauliflower, with the florets tightly compacted; the brain of someone who dies of Alzheimer’s disease more closely resembles an old cauliflower, where the shrunken florets hang limply on the withered stem, with large spaces between them. The brain shrinks. On a more microscopic level, the acetylcholine-producing neurons have two characteristic forms of damage: the deposit of amyloid plaques, and neurofibrillary tangles. They act together in the destruction of brain cells. Amyloid plaques are mostly made up of a protein called B-amyloid protein which is itself part of a much larger protein called APP (amyloid precursor protein). These are amino acids. We do not know what APP does, but it is made in the cell, transported to the cell membrane and later broken down. Two major pathways are involved in breakdown of APP (amyloid precursor protein). One pathway is normal and causes no problem. The second results in the changes seen in Alzheimer's and in some of the other dementias. (Selco, 1990, in Law et al, 2010:86). Neurofibrillary tangles are composed of a protein called tau protein. Tau proteins play a crucial role in the structure of the neuron. In people with Alzheimer's tau proteins cause abnormality through overactive enzymes resulting in the formation of neurofibrillary tangles. Neurofibrillary tangles result in the death of the cells (Kensinger and Corkin, 2003, in Law et al, 2010:86). 19 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS For a fictionalised, medically-accurate account of early-onset Alzheimer’s disease, see Still Alice, by the Harvard neuroscientist Lisa Genova. Study demonstrating how biological factors affect memory The very first PET scan in the world of amyloid plaque in a living patient was performed in 2002 by Professor Agneta Nordberg at Karolinska Institutet on a 56-year old Alzheimer's patient. The researchers then monitored the patient as the disease progressed with regular PET scans and memory tests. After the patient died, the team carried out pathological and neurochemical analyses of the brain tissue. (See Kadir et al. 2010) The results showed that high concentrations of amyloid plaques were discovered at an early stage of the disease when the patient suffered only slight memory loss. The levels remained unchanged during the course of the disease, in contrast to the increasingly declining energy metabolism in the brain, which was also measured using PET as the patient's memory gradually deteriorated. One formerly unknown connection that was discovered in the study is that the greater accumulation of plaque is accompanied by a reduction in the number of neuronal nicotinic receptors in the brain. These receptors are central to memory function, and this new finding demonstrates that the receptors are affected early on in the disease development. Further, inflammatory changes were measured in brain regions with low levels of plaques which suggest that the brain inflammation related to Alzheimer's disease might have a different cause and evolve at different stage of the disease compared to that of amyloid accumulation. Studies on this are currently being carried out on living patients using PET technology. Principle that this study could be used to demonstrate: • Mental processes can be studied scientifically. D. Social and cultural factors and memory Learning outcome: Discuss how social or cultural factors affect one cognitive process As Bartlett’s theory of schemas would suggest, our culture, language, upbringing, education and many other social and cultural factors have an effect on how we remember and what we remember. Cole and Scribner (1974) argue that cognitive abilities are universal but not cognitive skills. Cognitive skills are dependent on the environment: education, social interaction, culture and technologies make up the environment. They studied memory skills in both American and Liberian Kpelle children, and found that schooled Kpelle children performed better in the recall of word than non-schooled Kpelle children They also found that overall American children performed better than Kpelle children. They explained this by W estern education emphasizing certain cognitive strategies such as clustering / categorising which aid memory. However, the cultural contaxt of the memory task was just as relevant: when the task was changed from a word list to a culturally relevant story, the Kpelle 20 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS children had no trouble remembering. Such studies can be supported by other cross-cultural studies such as Rogoff & Waldell (1982) with Mayan Children in Guatemala. W hen Mayan children were presented with a culturally inappropriate free-recall task, their performance was poorer than their American counterparts. However, when Rogoff and Waddell gave them a memory task that was meaningful in local terms performance on a memory task increased dramatically. More recently, researchers have looked at the role of culture in autobiographical memory, with Qi Wang comparing how Chinese- American children and American children recounted a story about their early childhood. Study demonstrating how cultural and social factors affect memory Imbo and LeFevre (2009) tested the effects of working-memory load on solving maths problems in 3 different cultures living in Canada: Flemish-speaking Belgians, English-speaking Canadians, and Chinese-speaking Chinese. Participants solved complex addition problems (e.g., 58 + 76) in noload and working-memory load conditions, in which either the central executive or the phonological loop was loaded. The Chinese participants were faster than the Belgians, who were faster and more accurate than the Canadians. The Chinese also required fewer working-memory resources than did the Belgians and Canadians. However, the Chinese chose less adaptively from the available strategies than did the Belgians and Canadians. They concluded that these cultural differences in maths problem-solving are probably the result of different instructional approaches during elementary school (practice and training in Asian countries vs. exploration and flexibility in non-Asian countries), differences in the number language, and informal cultural norms and standards. Principle that this study could be used to demonstrate: • Cognitive processes are influenced by social and cultural factors. E. The reliability of memory Learning outcome: • With reference to relevant research studies, to what extent is one cognitive process reliable? As we have already seen, cultural, social and biological factors all affect memory. Later in another section, we will look at how emotion also affects how and what we remember. Here, we pull together theories on the reliability of memory. According to Freud's psychoanalytic theory, people force themselves to forget painful memories by repressing them into the unconscious. He thought that these memories continue to exist, however, and can be recovered by a psychologist or 21 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS psychotherapist, especially through hypnosis, or dream analysis. Many researchers disagree and believe that these supposed ‘recovered memories’ are actually created memories that never happened. Just as the reconstructive nature of memory has been pointed out by Bartlett (1932) and applied by Loftus and Palmer (1974) to eye-witness testimony, so has the controversy of the extent to which we can trust memory extended to a debate over ‘false memory’. In the early 1990s there were many court cases in the USA and the UK, where parents were sued for damages by their children, who accused them of child sexual abuse, which they had remembered during psychotherapy. It was assumed that the abuse happened and was repressed, and only remembered – often years later- in the safety of the client-therapist relationship. However, accused parents and children who ‘remembered’ and then later withdrew their accusations, have sued hospitals and therapists for implanting false memories. The False Memory Syndrome Foundation was set up in the USA in 1992, and the British False Memory Society was founded in 1993. Elizabeth Loftus is a leading researcher in the field of recovered and false memories. W e have already considered her studies into implanting false memories of being lost in a shopping mall. Later she found that highly suggestive therapy procedures (e.g. guided imagery, dream interpretation, hypnosis and exposure to false information) could lead to even richer false memories. In one study, about one-third of participants were persuaded that as children they had nearly drowned and had to be rescued by a lifeguard (Loftus, 2005). She concludes that memory is fragile and at the moment it is impossible to distinguish between false memories and true ones. However, there is also evidence that accurate memories can be recovered, and evidence of the accuracy of testimonies from witnesses to real-life crimes, rather than those set up on the laboratory. (See Yuille and Cutshall, 1986). McCloskey and Zaragoza (1985) also argued that post-event information does not completely replace the original information in eye-witness testimony, and if subjects are given misleading information and are later offered a choice of the original or a neutral alternative, they will choose the original. Memories are also more easily retrieved when we are placed again in the same context where we created the first memory. This is why the police sometimes take victims back to the scene of the crime. 22 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS Study demonstrating to what extent memory is reliable Researchers at North Carolina State University (2003) conducted a meta-analysis of studies into the memories of older people and concluded that age-related declines in memory and cognitive functioning may not be as pronounced as once believed. They argue that notions of changes in mental abilities associated with growing older may in part be attributed to how early studies into cognition and ageing were conducted. Researcher Thomas Hess and his colleagues have argued that some of the age differences that have been found in standard laboratory studies may be due to ‘stereotype threat’ – a fear that one’s behaviour will reinforce a negative stereotype that exists about a group to which one belongs. In their study, which grew out of the meta-analysis, the researchers had older adults read mock newspaper articles on recent findings related to ageing and memory. Half of the articles presented actual negative findings that suggested that mental decline was inevitable. The other half outlined more positive findings that implied that some memory skills were preserved with age and that mental decline could be slowed. After reading the articles, the subjects were given a basic memory test in which they had to recall a list of words. Individuals who read the positive article performed about 30% better on the memory test than those who read the negative article. Moreover, in memory tasks that were relevant to their everyday living, rather than abstract tests, the older people performed as well as younger ones. The conclusion is that a poor memory can be the result of a self-fulfilling prophecy. If older people succumb to the stereotypes and expect to forget, then they will. Principle that this study could be used to demonstrate: • Cognitive processes are influenced by social and cultural factors. F. The use of technology to investigate memory Learning outcome: • Discuss the use of technology in investigating cognitive processes. We have already seen in the BLOA section how technology is used to investigate brain structures and processes. It is much the same for the CLOA, only this time greater inferences are made: from the brain activity and the subject’s self-reporting, psychologists infer mental processes such as memory. Because the learning outcome mentions ‘cognitive processes’, in the plural, we are going to look at the use of technology to investigate both memory and decisionmaking. 23 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS The use of technology to investigate memory When discussing how biological factors affect memory, we looked at PET scans and fMRI scans to investigate the presence and progress of Alzheimer’s disease. These are used as part of a triangulation of methods that involve interviews with the patient’s relatives and the patient themselves, and cognitive testing of the patient. W hile MRI and CT scans look at the brain’s structure, functional imaging with PET or fMRI scans reveals how well cells in various brain regions are working by showing how actively the cells use sugar or oxygen. Functional imaging research suggests that those with Alzheimer's typically have reduced brain cell activity in certain regions. For example, studies with fluorodeoxyglucose (FDG)-PET indicate that Alzheimer's disease is often associated with reduced use of glucose (sugar) in brain areas important in memory, learning and problem solving. The advantage of these types of scans is that they can detect possible Alzheimer’s disease before the damage to the brain’s structure is visible. Although there is no cure, early treatment of the symptoms can help delay the onset of the later stages of the disease. However, there is not yet enough information to translate these general patterns of reduced activity into diagnostic information about individuals, and this raises an ethical issue: if a PET scan shows reduced use of glucose in a person’s hippocampus or medial temporal lobe, should the clinician then mention the possibility of Alzheimer’s to the patient, or is that information that should not be shared until there is more certainty? In 2006, the Alzheimer's Association awarded a $2.1-million grant to the Alzheimer's Disease Neuroimaging Initiative (ADNI) to expand the study to include PET imaging with a new radioactive substance, called Pittsburgh compound B (PIB). This is capable of tracing amyloid plaques in the brain. The ultimate goal is to determine whether standardized imaging combined with laboratory and psychological tests, may offer a better way to identify high-risk individuals, provide earlier diagnosis, track disease progression and monitor treatment effects, especially in clinical trials of diseasemodifying drugs (Alzheimer’s Association, 2013). Another ethical consideration with the use of technology to investigate Alzheimer’s disease, is that, towards the end of the disease, scanning the patient’s brain activity is more to satisfy the research goals of the psychologist than to effect any alleviation of symptoms for the patient. Informed consent can only be given by relatives, as the patient by then is past understanding. Is this ethical? Students at Massachusetts Institute of Technology use technology to investigate episodic versus semantic memory (memory for events as distinct from memory of general knowledge). The researchers begin by using the participants’ journals and diaries to create stimuli that will elicit memory of specific events when they see them inside the fMRI scanner. The participants’ friends or family members are interviewed to ask them about events that they experienced. In this way, a collection of events is amassed. The participants take part in an fMRI scan while looking at slides or pictures of specific personal events, and this is followed by tests to the participants that assess attention, mental imagination, and vocabulary (MIT, 2003). Maguire et al used MRI scans to compare the brains of licensed London taxi drivers, who have to remember a map of the streets of London in order to gain their licence, to a control group who did not drive taxis. The results showed that there was a significant difference in the size of various parts of the hippocampus of taxi drivers: the posterior hippocampus was larger in taxi drivers, whereas the anterior hippocampus was larger in control subjects. The volume of the hippocampus also correlated with how long the subject had been a taxi driver. This evidence supports the theory that the posterior hippocampus in each side of the brain stores a spatial representation of the environment and is ‘plastic’, responding to the individual’s needs in response to their environment. This study is not only an example of how technology is use in memory research, but also an example of brain plasticity. 24 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS Study demonstrating the use of technology to investigate memory Grön et al. (2003) investigated episodic memory performance in healthy older people (n=24; mean age: 64.4±6.7 years). Episodic memory was assessed with repetitive learning and recall of abstract geometric patterns during an fMRI scan. Analysis of brain activity during initial learning and maximum recall revealed hippocampal activation. Correlation analysis of brain activation and task performance demonstrated significant hippocampal activity during initial learning and maximum recall. There was a correlation between the activity in the hippocampus and the successful recall of the geometric patterns. However, there was no correlation between the effectiveness of the memory and either age or grey matter density. The researchers concluded that using the amount of activity in the hippocampus was a good measure of the efficacy of the episodic memory. Principle that this study could be used to demonstrate: • Mental processes can be studied scientifically. P The use of technology to investigate decision-making Decision-making is the selection of one out of several potential behavioural responses, in a given situation. Bechara and Damasio et al. (1998) identified the pre-frontal cortex as involved in decisionmaking, and the studies looked at below, build on this earlier work. Neuroscientists have discovered that decision-making can be identified by activity of single neurons in a variety of sensory and motor areas. Platt (2002) reviewed studies of decision-making in primates (monkeys) and concluded that the activation of areas in the pre-frontal and parietal cortex increases during decision-making. While the monkey studies provided very detailed insights into the behaviour of single neurons during such tasks, only a small part of the brain can be looked at with single scanning techniques. Therefore Heekeren et al. (2004) used simultaneous EEG and fMRI scans to investigate decision-making in humans and gain a more general insight into the brain processes involved. The researchers concluded that the decision-making process requires interaction of a multitude of different areas such as motor-planning regions, the reward system, and brain regions involved in affective processing. A more comprehensive understanding of how we make decisions will contribute to a better understanding of disorders of this function in patients with brain lesions, drug and alcohol addiction, pathological gambling, schizophrenia and impulsive-aggressive behaviour. Also, brain-computer interfaces for people with physical disabilities, such as paraplegia and multiple amputations will be able to use the process of brain decision-making to use artificial limbs or electronic assistance mechanisms. 25 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS Study demonstrating the use of technology to investigate decision-making Tanabe et al. (2007) used PET scans to investigate decision-making in gamblers and substance addicts. Performance on a widely used test of decision-making, the Iowa Gambling Task (IGT), can distinguish healthy participants from people with substancedependence, and pathological gambling behaviours. The scans showed that substancedependent individuals experienced altered prefrontal activity on the task. Then the researchers used fMRI scanning to investigate the processes further. They used 18 controls, 14 substance-dependent individuals (SD), and 16 SD with gambling problems (SDPG). All participants underwent an fMRI scan while performing a modified version of the IGT. The result was that group differences were observed in pre-frontal cortex areas during decision-making. Controls showed the greatest activity, followed by SDPG, followed by SD. The results support a hypothesis that defects in pre-frontal processing lead to impaired decisions that involve risk. Principle that this study could be used to demonstrate: • Mental processes can be studied scientifically. 3. Cognition and Emotion This section looks at the role of emotion in cognitive processes, considering how biological factors may interact with cognition in emotion, and the effect emotion may have on the cognitive process of memory. A. Cognitive and biological factors and emotion Learning outcome: • To what extent do cognitive and biological factors interact in emotion? Different emotions are experienced differently by us: we know whether we are happy or angry, for example. However, researchers have found it difficult to identify clear physiological differences between them. Very different emotions seem to have the same patterns of physical arousal. This has led to two related, but slightly different theories of the interaction of biological and cognitive factors in emotion. Two-factor theory of emotion As we saw in Schachter and Singer’s (1962) experiment, participants injected with adrenaline that heightened their physiological responses, interpreted these responses as different emotions, depending on their environment. Schachter and Singer argue that 26 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS their findings support their two-factor theory of emotion, which states that the physiological arousal in different emotions is entirely the same and we label our arousal according to the cognitions we have available. The strength of the physiological arousal determines the intensity of the emotion, but the interpretation determines which particular emotion is experienced. There have been criticisms of Schachter and Singer’s study on ethical grounds; on the fact that the arousal produced by adrenaline injections is unpleasant rather than neutral (Marshall and Zimbardo, 1979, cited in Law et al., 2010); for having a lack of ecological validity (Fiske et al., 2004); and there have been failed attempts to replicate the experiment (Mezzacappa et al., 1999, cited in Law et al, 2010). The main criticism has been that this study did not link any specific kinds of cognitions to specific emotional states. Appraisal theory of emotion Lazarus (1982, 1991) put forward a theory of emotion based on the idea of appraisal: we evaluate a situation according to the significance it has for us. Initially Lazarus distinguished between primary appraisal and secondary appraisal. In primary appraisal: an environmental situation is regarded as being positive, stressful, or irrelevant to well-being. In secondary appraisal: account is taken of the resources that the individual has available to cope with the situation. In re-appraisal, the stimulus situation and the coping strategies are monitored, with the primary and secondary appraisals being modified if necessary. There have been two major developments in appraisal theory since the theoretical formulation of Lazarus (1982). First, it is increasingly claimed that each distinct emotion is elicited by a specific and distinctive pattern of appraisal. For example, Smith and Lazarus (1993) argued that there are six appraisal components, two involving primary appraisal and four involving secondary appraisal: Primary: • • motivational relevance (related to personal commitments?). motivational congruence (consistent with the individual’s goals?). Secondary: • • • • accountability (who deserves the credit or blame?). problem-focused coping potential (can the situation be resolved?) emotion-focused coping potential (can the situation be handled psychologically?) future expectancy (how likely is it that the situation will change?) According to Smith and Lazarus (1993), different emotional states can be distinguished on the basis of which appraisal components are involved and how they are involved. For example, anger, guilt, anxiety, and sadness all possess the primary appraisal components of motivational relevance and motivational incongruence (these emotions only occur when goals are blocked). This is more a theory of cognition and emotion than of an interaction between biological and cognitive factors and emotion, but Herald and Tomaka (2002) took it one step further. They investigated the relationships between different emotions, patterns of cognitive appraisal and cardiovascular reactivity during real emotional episodes. Participants were asked to express their opinion on a variety of college-related topics in the presence of a confederate behaving in a way to make them feel anger, shame, or pride by using behaviour based on the appraisal components outlined by Lazarus. Physiological arousal was measured by monitoring participant’s cardiac activity and blood pressure. 27 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS The results were largely consistent with Lazarus’ theory in that different emotions were closely associated with specific appraisal patterns. Study demonstrating the interaction of cognitive and biological factors in emotion Öhman (2000) presented pictures of spiders or snakes to participants who feared spiders, feared snakes, and to those who had no fears of either. There were two experimental conditions: 1. Stimuli were presented at durations that enabled the participants to consciously recognize them 2. Pictures were shown for 30 milliseconds and followed by a neutral stimulus, so that the participants would not be aware of the context of stimuli presented. The results were that phobic participants showed nearly identical physiological responses to a picture of their phobic animals, regardless of whether or not they had consciously seen the spiders or snakes presented. These results indicate that appraisal can occur on an unconscious level. Whalen et al. (1998) used the same technique to show participants photos of faces with fearful expression for about 30 milliseconds and participants reported no conscious awareness of the fearful faces. However, imaging data showed activation within the amygdala, which plays a critical role in linking external stimuli to defence responses. Principle that this study could be used to demonstrate: • Mental processes can be studied scientifically. • Mental representations guide behaviour. Prin ciple s that ed to demonstrate: B. Emotion and memory Learning outcome: • Evaluate one theory of how emotion may affect one cognitive process. Just as biological and cognitive factors interact in emotion, so emotion itself affects memory. W e discussed earlier (in the section on the reliability of memory) Freud’s theory that disturbing memories which generate painful emotions are repressed and may only be recovered through therapy. Levinger and Clark (1961) set out to test this theory by looking at the retention of associations to emotionally-charged words, such as ‘quarrel’, ‘angry’, ‘fear’) compared with the retention of associations to neutral words like ‘cow’, ‘tree’, ‘window’. W hen participants were asked to give immediate free associations with the 28 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS words, it took them longer to respond to the emotionally-charged words, and their galvanic skin responses were higher. (Galvanic skin response is a method of measuring how the skin conducts electricity, which varies with its moisture level. This is a way of measuring psychological stress or arousal). Immediately after the word association tests, participants were given the words again and asked to remember the associations. They still had difficulty remembering the associations to the emotionally-charged words. This study supports Freud’s repression hypothesis. However, Parkin et al (1982) replicated Levinger and Clark’s study, but this time they added a delay: participants were asked to recall their associations seven days after the original test. They found that higher emotions reduced immediate recall, but one week later the associations to the emotionallycharged words were remembered better than those relating to the neutral words. As well as repressed memories and recovered memories, the whole false memory debate is relevant to the question of emotion and memory. Much cognitive research in the area of emotion and memory has focused on ‘flashbulb memory’. Flash bulb memories, according to Brown and Kulik (1977), are formed when we encounter highly emotional information; are maintained through discussion and rehearsal; are more vivid, long-lasting and accurate than other memories; and require for their creation a special neural mechanism which stores this information permanently in a unique memory system. In order to test their theory, they asked eighty participants from the US to answer questions regarding ten different important events. Nine events were public and most related to assassinations or attempts on well-known personalities. The tenth event was a personal one that they were asked to think about. They were asked to recall where they were and what they were doing when they first heard the news of each event. They were also asked to indicate how often they had rehearsed information about each event. The events were unexpected and most had a personal relevance. The assassination of President Kennedy in 1963 generated the most flash-bulb memories, with 90% of participants recalling where they were and what they were doing when they heard the news. Most participants’ personal flashbulb memory related to the death of a parent. The findings from this study supported Brown and Kulik’s theory. However, it has proved difficult to determine the accuracy of these vivid and long-lasting flashbulb memories, and impossible to find evidence of a special neural mechanism involved in their formation. Also, it could be argued that there is no need for a special theory of memory for events that have emotional meaning, as existing memory theory, such as the levels of processing theory (Craik and Lockhart, 1972) could explain why meaningful events are remembered for longer. In order to test the theory of flashbulb memory, Neisser and Harsch (1992) interviewed participants about the 1986 Challenger space shuttle disaster, one day after it happened and again two-and-a-half years later. One day after the event, 21% of participants reported hearing about the disaster on TV. But two-and-a-half years later, 45% reported hearing about it on TV. Their memories of how they knew about the Challenger explosion had changed over time. Moreover, some of them reported in this second interview being at certain events when they heard, when such events were not taking place at the time. Neisser and Harsch concluded that although flashbulb memories are vivid and long-lasting, they are not reliable. 29 THE COGNITIVE LEVEL OF ANALYSIS A study demonstrating the role of emotion in memory Talarico and Rubin (2003) On September 12th, 2001, 54 university students recorded their memory of first hearing about the terrorist attacks of September 11th and also for their memory of a recent everyday event. This is the first study into flashbulb memory that has used memory of an everyday event as a control. Participants were interviewed again either one, six, or thirty-two weeks later. Consistency for the flashbulb and everyday memories did not differ, in both cases declining over time. However, self-ratings of vividness, recollection, and belief in the accuracy of memory declined only for everyday memories. Initial emotion ratings correlated with later belief in accuracy, but not consistency, for flashbulb memories. Initial emotion ratings also predicted later posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms. The researchers concluded that flashbulb memories are not special in their accuracy, as previously claimed, but only in their perceived accuracy. Their most consistent finding is that a flashbulb event reliably enhances memory characteristics such as vividness and confidence. The true question is not why flashbulb memories are so accurate, because they are not, but why people are so confident for so long in the accuracy of their flashbulb memories. P ri n ci pl e th at Pr in ci pl e th is st u d y c Principle that this study could be used to demonstrate: • Cognitive processes are influenced by social and cultural factors. Study demonstrating the role of culture in mediating emotion in memory Culture and associated social practices (such as sharing memories or expressing feelings openly) have also been shown to have an effect on the emotion associated with memory. In individualist societies, where emotion is seen to be a healthy form of individual expression, it has been supposed that flashbulb memories would be more intense, vivid and longer-lasting than in collectivist cultures, where individual emotion is not encouraged. In a recent analysis of cross-cultural studies, Wang and Aydin (2008) tested this hypothesis and found that Chinese participants had fewer flashbulb memories of public events than participants from the USA, UK, Germany or Turkey, which lends support to the theory that culture affects the recall of emotional memories. Principle that this study could be used to demonstrate: • Mental processes can be studied scientifically. The CLOA has huge overlaps with the BLOA, especially when looking at biological correlates to mental processes and behaviour. 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