Download This chapter accounts an overview of Manipuri clause and it

CHAPTER-II
CLAUSE
This chapter accounts an overview of Manipuri clause and it introduces the
structures and types of clause. Well, this chapter provides the description of clause
dealing with the definition, clause types, syntactically defined clause elements,
semantically considered clause elements, transitive and intransitive clauses,
subordinate clauses, quotative clauses and coordinate clauses.
2.1
INTRODUCTION
Clause is a special kind of syntactic constituent. It is the unit larger than the
isolated word. Its study belongs to the branch of linguistics, called ‘syntax’ that is
concerned with the study of units larger than the word. It is so called as the
syntactic constituent because it combines with other units as though it was single,
indivisible unit. Also words, phrases, and clauses are typical syntactic constituents
as noted by Tista Bagchi (2006). He further noted that clause is a syntactic
constituent type that is one of the largest building-blocks of the sentence; a clause
has subject-predicate (deep) structure and may be finite or non-finite, depending
on whether its verb is a finite verb or not.
2.2
DEFINITION
“A clause is a word group that contains a verb and its subject and that is
used as a sentence or as part of a sentence”. The immediate constituents are as
subject and a predicate, and which may or may not contain a finite verb. The
clause that has its own finite verb is a finite clause and that has a non-finite verb is
a non-finite clause. David Crystal (1985) states that clause is a term used in some
models of grammar to refer to a unit of grammatical organization smaller than the
sentence, but larger than phrases, words or morphemes. The traditional
classification is into ‘main’ and ‘subordinate’ (or ‘dependent’) clauses, e.g. The
man arrived / after the rain started. Some grammars distinguish finite and nonfinite types of clause, depending on the form of the verb used, and further
subdivisions are sometimes made (e.g. a reduced ‘verbless’ clause as in ‘When
ripe, these apples will be lovely’). A more detailed sub-classification would take
into account the function of clauses within the sentence, e.g. as Adverbial, Noun
or Adjective. It would also analyze clauses into formal elements of structure, such
as subject, verb, object, complement and adverbial. A clause is a “closed”
syntactic constituent in a special sense. The term ‘clause’ is from the Latin term
‘clausus’, which means ‘closed’ (form the Latin verb ‘claud-ere’ ‘to close’). The
most central constituent of a clause is the verb that belongs to it. This verb and all
the possible noun phrases and prepositional phrases that the verb must occur with,
constitute the clause.
For examples:
1(a). sita wai
sita wa
-i
Sita be tall-ASP
‘Sita is tall’.
(b). sita wai haib i ki
sita wa
-i
hai-b
i k -i
Sita be tall-ASP say-NZR I know-ASP
‘I know that Sita is tall’.
(c). sitan rambu daktr oib pammi
sita -n
ram -bu
daktr oi-b
pam-i
Sita-ERG Ram-ACC doctor be-NZR like-ASP
‘Sita likes Ram to become a doctor’.
(d). asi lairik tmbirib tombdu i ui
a-si lairik tm -bi
-ri
-b
tomb -du
i u -i
child-PL book teach-HON-PROG-NZR Tomba-DEM I see-ASP
‘I see Tomba teaching the children’.
Sentence 1(a) consists of a single clause. However, the sentences 1(b), (c)
and (d) each consists of something more than just a single clause. Actually, these
three sentences are each made up of two clauses. The clauses, sita wai haib
‘that Sita is tall’ in 1(b), rambu daktr oib ‘that Ram to become a doctor’ in 1(c)
and asi lairik tmbirib tombdu ‘Tomba who is teaching the children’ in
1(d) are the examples of subordinate or embedded clauses. The rest part of each
sentence without which the embedded clauses could not occur by themselves,
supports the embedded clauses. It can be noted, moreover, that each part without
which the embedded clauses could not occur by themselves, also contains a verb
of its own along with a subject (i ‘I’ in 1(b) and 1(d) and Sita in 1(c) are subjects
and k ‘know’ in 1(b), pam ‘like’ in 1(c) and u ‘see’ in 1(d) are verbs), and that
the object is the embedded clauses. That part of the sentence is, therefore, the main
or matrix or principal clause.
2.3
CLAUSE TYPES
Based on the structure the following clause types are distinguished in
Manipuri. The clause types in their simple declarative forms are:
I.
SV type (S=Subject, V=Verb)
II.
SOV type (O=Object)
III.
SCSV type (Cs=Subject Complement)
IV.
SAV type (A=Adverbial-Locative)
V.
SOCOV type (CO=Object Complemet)
VI.
SOIODV type (I=Indirect, D=Direct)
VII.
SOAV type (A=Adverbial place)
SV Clause type
SV clause type is structured with the verb of intransitive as illustrated
below.
2(a). madbi (S) kppi (V)
madbi kp-i
Madhabi cry –ASP
‘Madhabi cries’.
(b). mkoi (S) noki (V)
m -koi nok -i
3PP-PL
laugh-ASP
‘They laugh’.
SOV Clause type
SOV clause type shows three-element patterns which are structured as
follows.
3(a). tomb (S) ju (O) tki (V)
tomb ju
tk -i
Tomba liquor drink-ASP
‘Tomba drinks liquor’.
(b). mitidi (S) a (O) cai (V)
miti-di
a
ca -i
meitei-DEM fish eat-ASP
‘The Meiteis eat fish’.
SCSV Clause type
SCSV Clause type also shows three-element patterns containing one
subject-complement element as (4) below.
4(a). toibi (S) msk (CS) pi (V)
toibi msk pɉ
-i
Thoibi feature be beautiful-ASP
‘Thoibi is beautiful’.
(b). mhak (S) kucu (CS) ui (V)
mhak kucu
he
u
-i
complexion be white-ASP
‘She is white in complexion’.
SAV Clause type
SAV Clause type is structured as follows.
5(a). mhak (S) imud (A) li (V)
mhak imu -d
he
li -i
inside-LOC live-ASP
‘He lives inside (the room)’.
(b). kumar (S) bɉard (CS) ctki (V)
kumar bɉar -d
ct-ki
Kumar bazaar-LOC go-PERF
‘Kumar has gone to bazaar’.
SOCOV Clause type
SOCOV Clause type occurs with four-element patterns containing an
object-complement element as given in the examples below.
6(a). ikoin (S) ibobibu (O) lidr (CO) oihlli (V)
i-koi-n
ibobi-bu
lidr oi -hl
-i
I -PL -ERG Ibobi-ACC leader be-CAUS-ASP
‘He lives inside (the room)’.
(b). mkoin (S) ibu (O) pb (CO) tahlli (V)
m -koi-n
i-bu
-p
-b
ta
-hl
-i
3PP-PL -ERG I-ACC ATT-be fool-NZR make-CAUS-ASP
‘They make me a fool’.
The element lidr ‘leader’ in 6(a) signals the addition of supplementary to
the object, ibobi ‘Ibobi’ and similarly, in 6(b) the element pb ‘be fool’
supplements to the object ibu ‘I+ACC. These supplementary elements added so
far to make complement to the object are the object-complements.
SOOV Clause type
SOOV Clause type comprises of four-element patterns. In this clause type,
the verbal element is ditransitive that is, containing two objects which signal an
indirect and a direct. The order of these two objects before the verb is free, that is,
either direct or indirect object can precede the other.
Examples:
7(a). toibn (S) merid (O) pisa (O) pi (V)
toib -n
meri-d
pisa pi
Thoiba-ERG Meri-LOC money give-ASP
‘Thoiba gives Meri the money’.
(b). mhakn (S) citidu (O) sitad (O) taki (V)
mhak-n
he
citi -du
sita -d
ta -ki
-ERG latter-DEM Sita-LOC send-PERF
‘He sent the latter to Sita’.
In 7(a), the indirect object meri ‘Meri’ precedes the direct object pisa
‘money’ and these two objects occur before the verb pi ‘give’. However, the
indirect object sita ‘Sita’ follows the direct object citi ‘latter’ and the verb tk
‘drink’ becomes ditransitive as it has two objects in 7(b).
SOAV Clause type
SOAV Clause type exhibits the structure of four-element patterns. In such
clause type, the two elements between the subject and the verb are free, that is,
adverbial can follow the object and again it can precede the object as the structure,
SAOV as illustrated in the examples given below.
8(a). toibin (S) purittu (O) herd (A) jalli (V)
toibi -n
purit-tu
her-d
jal -i
Thoibi-ERG shirt -DEM hanger -LOC hang-ASP
‘Thoibi hangs the shirt on the hanger’.
(b). toibin (S) herd (A) purittu (O) jalli (V)
toibi -n
her-d
purit-tu
jal
-i
Thoibi-ERG hanger -LOC shirt -DEM hang-ASP
‘Thoibi hangs the shirt on the hanger’.
The elements OD, C, and A in the patterns of clause types above are
obligatory elements of clause structure in the sense that they are required for the
complementation of the verb. This means that, given the use of a particular verb in
a particular sense, the sentence is incomplete if one of these elements is omitted.
For instance, the following sentences are unacceptable.
9(a).* i (S) cai (V)
i ca -i
I eat-ASP
‘I eat………..’.
(b).* mhak (S) malli (V)
mhak mal
she
-i
resemble-ASP
‘She resembles………’.
These two sentences need elements of OD (direct object) and complement
respectively. By following the clause type SOV and SCV, these sentences are
complete as in 10 (a) and (b).
10(a). i (S) sa (O) cai (V)
i sa
ca -i
I meat eat-ASP
‘I eat meat’.
(b). mhak (S) heroin (C) malli (V)
mhak heroin mal
she
-i
heroin resemble-ASP
‘She resembles heroin’.
2.4
SYNTACTICALLY DEFINED CLAUSE ELEMENTS
A clause being a unit can be analyzed into the elements. It is needed to
recognize at least the functional elements of clause structure in Manipur. The
elements are Subject, Object (Direct or Indirect), Complement (Subject or Object),
Verb, Adverbials. In this language, without a VP all nominal arguments have the
same status. This fact is that there is no positive evidence for verb + object
constituent in Manipuri, as in the example below.
11(a).* cai cak
ca -i
cak
eat-ASP rice
Manipuri employs verb in final position in both embedded and nonembedded environments. The elements before the verb is free, but certain
orderings are much more common. Temporal and locative tend to be early in the
clause, before or immediately after the subject; generally adverbial manners are
found directly before the verb. In support of this view the examples illustrated
below can be considered.
12(a). toib hje hllkkni
toib hje
hl
-lk
-kni
Thoiba tomorrow return-INCT-FUT
‘Thoiba will come back tomorrow’.
(b). hje toib hllkkni
hje
toib hl
-lk
-kni
tomorrow Thoiba return-INCT-FUT
‘Thoiba will come back tomorrow’.
13(a). caub mpand ctki
caub
mpan-d
ct-ki
Chaoba outside-LOC go-PERF
‘Chaoba has gone outside (Manipur)’.
(b). mpand caub ctki
mpan-d
caub ct-ki
outside-LOC Chaoba go-PERF
‘Chaoba has gone outside (Manipur)’.
14(a). tomb ilis pɉn ai
tomb ilis
pɉ -n
a -i
Tomba English be nice-ADV speak-ASP
‘Tomba speaks English nicely’.
(b).* pɉn tomb ilis ai
pɉ -n
tomb ilis
a -i
be nice-ADV Tomba English speak-ASP
The temporal, hje ‘tomorrow’ in 12(a) and (b) occurs immediately after
and before the subject respectively. For similar reasons, the locative, mpand ‘out
side’ in 13(a) and (b) occurs immediately after and before the subject Chaoba
respectively. However, the adverbial manner pɉn ‘nicely’ in 14(a) occurs
directly before the verb. It can not occur elsewhere except immediately before the
verb as in 14(b), which is an unspoken construction.
It is needed to know, of course, on what grounds the elements- subject,
object, complement, adverbial, and verb are to be identified. The identification of
the verbal element presents no problem, as this is the only function in which a
finite verb phrase can occur. For the other elements, the following criteria should
be of use.
2.4.1
SUBJECT
A subject is a noun phrase or a clause with nominal function; and it occurs
preceding the verb phrase in declarative and question clauses; and in this
language, there is no number and person agreement with the verb.
15(a). nn haibdu cumme
n-n
hai-b
-du
cum -e
you-ERG say-NZR-DEM be true-ASP
‘What you said is alright’.
(b). kumar sire haibdu lalli
kumar si -re
hai-b
-du
lal
-i
kumar die-PERF say-NZR-DEM be wrong-ASP
‘That Kumar has died is wrong’.
2.4.2
OBJECT
An object (direct or indirect) like a subject is a noun phrase or clause with
nominal function; and it normally follows the subject but precedes the verb phrase.
For instance, sentences given below can be considered.
16. i nn haib wadu ki
i n-n
hai -b
wa -du
k -i
I you-ERG say-NZR word-DEM know-ASP
‘What you said is alright’.
The clause [nn haib wadu] ‘What you said’ functions as a noun in the
object position preceding the verb k ‘know’.
An indirect object, where both objects are present, can precede the direct
object and vice-versa. But a demonstrative -du~-tu is always added to direct object
when it precedes the indirect object. However, a direct object may occur without
an indirect object.
17. in psadu tombd pire
i-n
psa -du
tomb -d
pi -re
I -ERG money-DEM Tomba-LOC give-PERF
‘I have given the money to Tomba’.
2.4.3
COMPLEMENT
A complement (subject or object) is a noun phrase, an adjective phrase, or a
clause with nominal function; and it follows the subject but precedes the verb.
18(a). mhak oɉani
mhak oɉa
he
-ni
teacher-COP
‘He is a teacher’.
(b). sita pb nupini
sita -p
nupi-ni
-b
Sita ATT-be good-NZR girl -COP
‘Sita is a good girl’.
(c). mhak meri laklmbduni
mhak meri-
he
lak
-lm -b
-du
-ni
Meri-ASS come-INCT-NZR-DEM-COP
‘It was he who has come with Meri’.
Complements such as, oɉa (an NP) in 18(a), pb nupi (an adjective
phrase) in 18(b) and merig laklmbdu (a clause) in 18(c) makes complement to
their respective sentences.
2.4.4
ADVERBIAL
An adverbial is an adverb, adverb phrase, adverbial clause; and it is present
in the clause type of SAV and SOAV or SAOV patterns.
19(a). toibi tttn laki
toibi ttt-n
lak
-i
Thoibi often-ADV come-ASP
‘Thoibi often comes’.
(b). sima hukib chid likidre
sima hu -ki -b
chi-d
li
-ki
-d -re
Sima pass-PERF-NZR year-LOC expire-PERF-NEG-PERF
‘Sima expired on last year’.
(c). mhak ibu ubd ki
mhak i-bu u -b -d
he
k
-i
I-ACC see-NZR-LOC surprise-ASP
‘She feels surprise when she saw me’.
(d). toibn lairiktu upud tmmi
toib -n
lairik-tu
upu
-d
tm-i
Thoiba-ERG book -DEM almirah-LOC deep-ASP
‘Thoiba kept the book in the almirah’.
The adverb tttn ‘often’ in 19(a) is inserted so as to indicate the
frequency of Thoibi’s coming. Without this adverb the sentence simply expresses
that Thoibi comes. So, as a continuing event a question like, how often Thoibi
comes, may be put. As a modifier of the verb likidre ‘expired’ in 19(b), the
adverb phrase hukib chid ‘last year’ is employed and this adverb phrase
indicates the time of Sima’s expire. Again the clause, [ibu ubd] ‘when she saw
me’ in 19(c) functions as an adverb in similar position as in SAV. Differently in
the structure as SOAV, the word upud ‘in the almirah’ in 19(d) functions as an
adverb formed by the NP upu ‘almirah’ and the locative -d.
2.5 SEMANTICALLY CONSIDERED CLAUSE ELEMENTS
2.5.1
PARTICIPANTS
Semantically every clause describes an event or state in which a number of
participants (normally one, two, three or four) are involved. For example, the
sentence below can be considered.
20(a). tombn lairik huralli
tomb -n
lairik hural-i
Tomba-ERG book steal-ASP
‘Tomba stole the book’.
This clause contains a verb phrase, huralli ‘steal+ASP’ describing the
nature of the action itself, also there is a subject, tombn ‘Tomba+ERG’ denoting
the participant (or ‘doer’) of the event ‘stealing the book’ and a direct object, lairik
‘book’ denoting an affected participant (or ‘theme’) to which the action of stealing
the book is affected by the action itself. As it is the subject, object and
complement elements of the clause that mainly express the participant roles, the
meaning of verb and adverbial will not be studied in this section.
2.5.2
AGENT, THEME, RECIPIENT, ATTRIBUTE
The most typical semantic role of a subject is Agent. That is, it instigates or
causes the happening denoted by the verb.
Examples:
21(a). mnin mkut kkttli
mni-n
m-kut kk-tt-li
Mani-ERG 3PP-hand cut -out-ASP
‘Mani has cut off his hand’.
(b). in mhakpu takre
i-n
mhak-pu
I -ERG he
ta -k -re
-ACC send-DEF-PERF
‘I have sent him’.
The subject mnin ‘Mani+ERG’ in 21(a) and in ‘I+ERG' in 21(b) are
the agents. The agent in 21(a) causes the happening of cutting his hand and the
agent in 21(b) instigates the happening of going there by him.
The most typical function of the direct object is that of the affected
participant that is, a participant (animate or inanimate) which does not cause the
happening denoted by the verb, but is directly involving in some other way.
22(a). caubn upu tuai
caub -n
upu
tuai-i
Chaoba-ERG almirah break –ASP
‘Chaoba broke the almirah’.
(b). opoɉisnn rulibu usitte
opoɉisn -n
ruli -bu
usit
-te
-i
opposition-ERG ruling-ACC despise-NEG-ASP
‘Opposition despised the ruling’.
The most typical function of the indirect object is the recipient participant.
In support to this, the following sentences can be examined.
23(a). mhakn ramd paudu haikre
mhak-n
she
ram -d
pau -du
hai-k -re
-ERG Ram-LOC news-DEM say-DEF-PERF
‘She has informed of the news to Ram’.
(b). jinan mmad pisa sinni
jina-n
m -ma
-d
pisa sinn
-i
Jina-ERG 3PP-mother-LOC money hand over-ASP
‘Jina handed over the money to her mother’.
The indirect object Ramd ‘Ram+LOC’ in 23(a) is the participant of
recipient of the news informed by the subject (or ‘doer’) mhakn ‘She+ERG’.
Similarly in 23(b), the recipient of the money given by Jina is the indirect object,
mmad ‘3PP+mother+LOC’.
The role of the subject complement is that of attribute of the subject. Two
attributes are distinguished as Current attribute and Resulting attribute. Current
attribute is expressed with state verbs, while resulting attribute is expressed with
dynamic verbs.
Examples:
Current attribute
24(a). mhak wakl piki
mhak wakl pik
he
-i
mind be small-ASP
‘He has narrowed minded’.
(b). mkoi nuaib malli
m-koi nuai
-b
mal -i
he -PL be happy-NZR seem –ASP
‘They seem happy’.
Both the sentences contain a state verb each. The part without which the
sentence is incomplete makes a complement to the subject and hence, attribute of
the subject, that is, wakl ‘mind’ in 24(a) is the attribute of the subject mhak
‘He’ and nuaib ‘be happy+NZR’ in 24(b) is the attribute of the subject mkoi
‘they’.
Resulting attribute
25(a). toib hicab olle
toib hica-b
ol -e
Thoiba cruel -NZR turn-ASP
‘Thoiba became cruel’.
(b). i potapm kde
i potapm k -de -i
I rest
know-NEG-ASP
‘I am restless’.
The attributes hicaba ‘cruel’ in 25(a) and potapm ‘rest’ in 25(b) denote
a result each as a complement to their respective subjects with the dynamic verbs
olle ‘turn+ASP’ and kde ‘know+NEG+ASP’.
2.6 ANAPHORIC CLAUSES
Elements which are necessary for the completion of verbal meaning are
core elements. Subject, object, complement and verb are always core. Other
elements such as temporal, locative, adverbial manner, etc. are peripheral
elements. These can be omitted without changing the meaning of the rest of the
clause, while omission of a core element either changes the meaning of the
remaining clause, or leaves it incomplete.
In Manipuri, core elements such as subject and object can be omitted
leaving the verbal element only in clause structure. For instance, only the verb in
the following examples can express a complete sense.
26(a). ctkre
ct-k -re
go -DEF-PERF
‘(He) has gone’.
(b). ctlure
ct-lu
-re
go -COMD-PERF
‘(I) have gone’.
Such clauses are the discourse based propositions which are solely
composed of a verb phrase. Such clauses will be considered tokens of other, filled
out, clause types. Considering another example given below it can be noted the
anaphora versus ellipses.
27(a). nisili
nisi
-li
remember-PROG
‘(I) remember (it)’.
This sentence is simply a transitive clause with subject and object omitted.
Though the subject and the object are omitted, it is still a sentence, that is, an
anaphoric one. Elliptical applies to sentences or clauses in which obligatory
elements are omitted (Halliday and Hasan, 1976), and such sentences are therefore
incomplete sentences. They can occur in situations such as one word response to
questions. Examples:
Question:
28(a). toib kidui lakkni
toib kidui lak -kni
Thoiba when
come-FUT
‘When will Thoiba come here?’
Answer: hje ‘tomorrow’.
Here the response hje ‘tomorrow’ denotes the time of Thoiba’s coming
though other elements disappeared on the surface structure. Such elliptical
sentences are very commonly used in conversation.
2.7 INTRANSITIVE CLAUSES
Clauses having no object or complement (subject complement or object
complement) are intransitive clauses. This means that there contains an
intransitive verb. Such verbs denote the status of the verb which stops with the
subject and do not pass on to any object.
2.7.1
INTRANSITIVE SV CLAUSE TYPE
It denotes ordinary intransitives in Manipuri and there may have two main
types, such as stative, containing a verb with stative meaning and dynamic,
containing an action or process verb. Examples are given below.
Stative:
29(a). toibi pɉi
toibi pɉ
-i
Thoibi be beautiful-ASP
‘Thoibi is beautiful’.
(b). dra klli
dra kl
-i
Dara be strong-ASP
‘(I) have gone’.
(c). jumsi wai
jum -si
wa -i
house-DEM be tall-ASP
‘This house is tall’.
All these clauses consist of state verb each with its subject following the
clause type SV structure.
Dynamic:
30(a). mhak tumli
mhak tum -li
she
sleep-PROG
‘She is sleeping’.
(b). asi sannri
a-si sann-ri
child-PL play -PROG
‘Children are playing’.
(c). mkoi ctkre
m-koi ct-k -re
he -PL go-DEF-PERF
‘They have gone’.
2.7.2
INTRANSITIVE SAV CLAUSE TYPE
Based on the structure SAV where adverbials are obligatory, intransitive
sentences in Manipuri involve verbs denoting existence or physical orientation
(lives, die, stand, sit, lie, reach, etc.)
31(a). tomb dilid li
tomb dili -d
li -i
Tomba Delhi-LOC live-ASP
‘Tomba lives in Delhi’.
(b). toibi iraid poki
toibi irai -d
pok -i
Thoibi friday-LOC bear –ASP
‘Thoibi was born on friday’.
Adverbials dilid ‘Delhi+LOC’ in 31(a) and iraid ‘Friday+LOC’ in 31(b)
are obligatory. Without them these sentences seek the element to be added so as to
denote at where Tomba lives and on which day Thoibi was born. Only the
components tomb li ‘Tomba lives’ in 31(a) and toibi poki ‘Thoibi was born’ in
31(b) not exist at all.
2.8 TRANSITIVE CLAUSES
Clauses having atleast an object are transitive clauses. Transitive clauses
are subdivided into Monotransitive (containing a single object and no
complement), Ditransitive (containing two objects, that is, direct and indirect), and
Complete transitive (containing an object and an object complement).
2.8.1
MONOTRANSITIVE CLAUSES
Monotransitive consists of a single object and no complement. The
structure is SOV. Various combinations of arguments such as actor and theme,
actor and patient, agent and patient, actor and experiencer/goal, etc. may be
distinguished as follows.
32(a). mhak ca tkki (actor & theme)
mhak ca tk -ki
he
tea drink-PERF
‘He has drunk tea’.
(b). nupisi mpuroibbu intui (actor & patient)
nupi
-si
mpuroi-b -bu
in
-tu -i
woman-DEM husband-NZR-ACC push down-ASP
‘The woman pushed down her husband’.
(c). toibin kmbbu cthnki (agent & patient)
toibi -n
kmb -bu
ct-hn
-ki
Thoibi-ERG Khamba-ACC go-CAUS-PERF
‘Thoibi made Khamba go there’.
(d). ibobidi krest luppe (actor & goal)
ibobi-di
kres -t
lup
-e
Ibobi-DEM congress-LOC interest-ASP
‘Ibobi is interested to congress’.
The arguments mhak ‘he’ and ca ‘tea’ in 32(a) are identified as actor and
theme. Since the argument mhak ‘he’ performs the act of drinking, it is the actor,
and the act of drinking is transferred or affected to the argument ca ‘tea’ and
hence, it is the theme. Similarly, the argument nupisi ‘woman+DEM’ in 32(b) is
the actor as it performs the act of pushing down, but the argument mpuroibbu
‘hushband+ACC’ is not the theme. It is the patient since it is the most affected by
the act of pushing down. In sentence 32(c), the two arguments are agent and
patient. The act of going is instigated by the argument ‘thoibi’ as it is the agent
and as the agent, the most affected is the argument, ‘Khamba’ while performing
the act of going. The first argument ‘Ibobi’ in 32(d) is the actor as it has the
interest on the second argument, ‘congress’ which is the goal towards which the
interest is expressed.
2.8.2
DITRANSITIVE CLAUSES
Ditransitive clauses include two objects (direct or indirect). The usual
structure of this clause is SOIODV. But direct object also can precede the indirect
object (SODOIV) as illustrated in the following examples.
33(a). ramn sitad hinu pi
ram -n
sita-d
hinu pi -i
Ram-ERG Sita-LOC mango give-ASP
‘Ram gave Sita a mango’.
(b). mman tombd lairik takpi
m -ma
-n
tomb -d
lairik tak -pi
-i
3PP-mother-ERG Tomba-LOC book teach-HON-ASP
‘The woman pushed down her husband’.
(c). in pisadu mnid sinnki
i-n
pisa -du
mni-d
sinn
-ki
I -ERG money-DEM Mani-LOC hand over-PERF
‘I have handed over the money to Mani’.
2.8.3
COMPLETE TRANSITIVE CLAUSES
Complete transitive contains an object along with its complement and the
structure is SOCV in the examples below.
34(a). mijamn mhakpu mntri oihlli
mijam -n
mhak-pu
people-ERG he
mntri oi -hl
-i
-ACC minister be-CAUS-ASP
‘People made him minister’.
(b). ikoin kmbbu kau phahlli
i-koi -n
kmb -bu
kau pha
-hl
-i
1PP-PL-ERG Khamba-ACC cow capture-CAUS-ASP
‘The woman pushed down her husband’.
The element mtri ‘minister’ in 34(a) makes complement to the object
element mhakpu ‘he+ACC’ and without this complement element the sentence
becomes ungrammatical. Similarly in 34(b), the element kau ‘cow’ makes
complement to the object element ‘Kmba + ACC’ and without this complement
the sentence might be translated into other way as in (35) below.
35(a). ikoin kmbbu pahlli
i-koi-n
kmb -bu
pa
-hl
-i
I -PL -ERG Khamba-ACC arrest-CAUS-ASP
‘We made (police) arrest Khamba’.
The meaning differs from the earlier meaning. It needs atleast an object
complement without which the intended meaning can not be expressed.
2.9 SUBORDINATE CLAUSES
Being a dependent clause it is embedded in a matrix clause; it occurs with
the matrix clause. Based on the grammatical function in syntactic structures,
subordinate clauses can be broadly classified into noun clauses, adjective clauses
and adverbial clauses.
2.9.1
SUBORDINATE NOUN CLAUSES
Subordinate noun clause, on the basis of its grammatical function in
syntactic structures, performs the function of a noun being the subject or object of
the verb as in the following sentences.
As subject of the verb:
36(a). mhakn haibdu cumde
mhak-n
he
hai -b -du
cum
-de
-i
-ERG say-NZR-DEM be true-NEG-ASP
‘What he said is not true’.
(b). nn kllibdu lalli
n-n
kl -li
-b
-du
lal
-i
you-ERG think-PROG-NZR-DEM be wrong-ASP
‘What you think is wrong’.
Evidence is that the clause mhakn haibdu ‘what he said’ in 36(a)
performs the function of a noun acting as the subject of the verb cumde ‘be
true+NEG’. This clause can be replaced by an NP such as wadu ‘word+DEM’ as(c). wadu cumde
wa -du
cum
-de
-i
word-DEM be true-NEG-ASP
‘The word is not true’.
Hence, the clause mhakn haibdu ‘what he said’ functions as a noun.
Similarly in 36(b), the clause which is identified as nn kllibdu ‘what you
think’ is the subordinate clause, whereas, lalli ‘be true+ASP’ is the main clause.
The subordinate clause can be replaced by an NP such as, wakldu
‘thought+DEM’ as (d). wakldu lalli
wakl -du
lal
-i
thought-DEM be wrong-ASP
‘The concept is wrong’.
The clause nn kllibdu ‘what you think’ in 36(b), therefore, functions
as a noun. One thing it can be noticed that the demonstrative -du, which the clause
carries, is added to the replaced NP so as to get the definiteness of the NP.
As object of the verb:
Subordinate clause which functions as a noun being the object of a verb can
be studied with the following examples.
37(a). mman mhak daktr oib pammi
m -ma
-n
mhak daktr oi-b
3PP-mother-ERG he
pam-i
doctor be-NZR like-ASP
‘His mother wants him to become a doctor’.
(b). i kumar aore haib tare
i kumar ao
-re
hai -b
ta
-re
I Kumar be mad-PERG say-NZR hear-PERF
‘I heard that Kumar has become mad’.
In 37(a), the clause mhak daktr oib is the subordinate noun clause
standing as the object of the verb pammi ‘like+ASP’. It signals what his mother
wants and it functions as subordinate noun clause being the object. While in 37(b),
there is a factive element haib ‘say+NZR’, as mentioned by Yashawanta (2000),
and with this element constitutes the subordinate clause kumar aore haib
functioning as a noun in the object position of the verb tare ‘hear+PERF’.
2.9.2
SUBORDINATE ADJECTIVE CLAUSES
Subordinate adjective clause performs the function of an adjective
modifying the NP that lies as a head NP.
38(a). msa pab hldu lake
m -sa
pa
-b
-hl
-du
lak -e
3PP-body be thin-NZR ATT-old man-DEM come-ASP
‘The old thin man comes’.
(b). pɉb nupidu ii nupini
pɉ
-b
nupi-du
i-i
nupi-ni
be beautiful-NZR girl -DEM I -GEN girl -COP
‘The girl who is beautiful is my wife’.
In 38(a), the clause msa pab ‘the thin man’ is the embedded adjective
clause modifying the NP, hldu ‘old man+DEM’. Since this embedded clause
modifies the NP, hldu ‘old man+DEM’ as which girl he wanted, it is the
subordinate adjective clause. Similarly, the clause pɉb nupidu ‘the girl who is
beautiful’ is the embedded adjective clause which modifies the NP nupidu
‘girl+DEM’. The whole clause functions as an adjective clause. In both the
sentences all the embedded adjective clauses precede the NP and the matrix
clauses. It is, therefore, the embedded adjective clauses are pronominal in this
language.
2.9.3
SUBORDINATE ADVERB CLASUES
Sentences may be modified by adverbial clauses which may be placed in
various semantic categories, such as time, place, and manner. Adverbial clauses
are subordinated sentences further suffixed by clausal subordinators (case markers
or lexical subordinators).
Case markers as clausal subordinators:
Case markers such as associative (-k~-g), genitive (-ki~-gi), locative (t~-d) and ablative (-tgi~-dgi) derive clausal subordinators following a pattern
that is common in Tibeto-Burman languages, as noted by Konow (1909).
The associative case marker -k~-g is use to create an adverbial clause
which signals a temporal sequence of events. The genitive marker -ki~-gi can be
suffixed to a nominalized verb to indicate a clause of purpose. The locative marker
-t~-d may be suffixed to a nominalized verb to indicate a time clause with the
meaning of ‘when verb+ing’. The ablative marker -tgi~-dgi is used to form a
subordinate clause which gives an explanation for a current state that has just
come into being. It can be translated as ‘resulting from verb’.
39(a). [mhak lakp] kpkre
mhak lak -p -
she
kp-k -re
come-NZR-ASS cry -DEF-PERF
‘She started crying as she arrived’.
(b). nn haibi i lakpni
n-n
hai-b
-i
i lak -p -ni
you-ERG say-NZR-GEN I come-NZR-COP
‘I have come as you said’.
(c). [kumar ubd] tomb ctki
kumar u -b -d
tomb ct-ki
Kumar see-NZR-LOC Tomba go -PERF
‘Tomba has gone when he saw Kumar’.
(d). [n lakpdi] imusi nuaire
n lak -p -di imu-si
nuai
-re
you come-NZR-ABL house-DEM be happy-PERF
‘This family became happy after you have come’.
All these clauses marked with bracket are the subordinate clauses denoting
the time to express the matrix clauses. The case markers -g, -gi, -d and -dgi as
subordinators are held by adding to the clauses such as mhak lakpg ‘as she has
arrived’ in 39(a), nn haibgi ‘as you said’ in 39(b) kumar ubd ‘when kumar
is seen’, in 39(c) and n lakpdgi ‘after you have come’ in 39(d). These clauses
signaling temporal of events are first nominalized with the morpheme -p~-b and
then case markers are suffixed.
Adverbial clauses of place are introduced by the subordinators like -t~-d
(locative case marker).
40(a). man hiliid i ktnki
ma-n
hi -li
-i
-d
i- kt
-n
-ki
he -ERG live-PROG-while-LOC I -ASS quarrel-ADV-PERF
‘I have quarreled with him while he was alive’.
(b). p.m. liriid ikoii pamb haisi
p.m. li -ri
-i -d i-koi-i
-pam-b hai -si
P.M stay-PROG-while-LOC I-PL -GEN ATT-like-NZR say-let
‘Let us express our wants when P.M. is staying here’.
2.10
QUOTATIVE CLAUSES
A sentence containing a verb of utterance (saying) or cognition (thinking),
which dominates a preceding embedded clause that specifies what is talked or
thought about is the quotative clause. Quotatives in Manipuri are constituted by
the verb root hai ‘say’ through the addition of suffixes so as to get hain ‘that’,
haib ‘that’, haidn ‘by saying so’, haidun ‘having said so’, haibgi ‘according
that of saying’, haibd ‘as for saying’, haibdu ‘that’, haibdgi ‘as a result of
saying’, haibsi ‘that’ haibdu ‘that’, haibn ‘because of saying’, haibnin
‘because it is thus said’, haibbu ‘although that is said’, haibdi ‘that’, hairg
‘after saying that’. These quotatives subordinate a clause determining the exact
clausal relationship between the clause subordinated by the quotative and the main
clause.
The quotative complementizer such as haib ‘that’, haibsi ‘that’, haibdu
‘that’, and hain ‘that’ can be determined by taking into consideration how much
evidence the speaker has for the proposition expressed in the complement and the
nature of the main clause. The quotative haibsi ‘that’ is used when the speaker is
certain about the truth of the proposition as in the examples illustrated below.
41. mhak parika mle haibsi i ki
mhak parika m-le
he
exam
hai-b
-si
i k -i
pass-PERF say-NZR-DEM I know-ASP
‘I knew that he has passed the exam’.
Again the quotative, haibsi ‘that’ indicates the proposition in the
complement will certainly come into being when it is used in the unrealized aspect
as in (42) below.
42. ibobin c.m. oini haibsi ikoi ki
ibobi-n
c.m. oi-ni hai-b -si
i-koi k -i
Ibobi-ERG C.M. be-FUT say-NZR-DEM I-PL know-ASP
‘We know that Ibobi will be the C.M of Manipur’.
The marker haibsi can be opposed to hain ‘that’, that is used when a
speaker is not sure about the truth of a proposition.
43. wakki san ctpsi pi hain tomn jarmmi
wakki
sa
-n
ct-p -si
p
-i
hai-n
walking be long-ADV go-NZR-DEM be good-ASP say-ADV
Tom-ERG agree-INCT-ASP
tom -n
ja
-rm -i
‘Tom agrees that it is good to walk long’.
The use of hain ‘that’ denotes that the proposition in the complement
might come into being in the future aspect, but the speaker has no evidence to
show that it certainly will, as in the examples given in (44) below.
44(a). ik tokkni hain in taɉi
ik
tok -kni hai-n
i-n
taɉ
-i
drought occur-FUT say-ADV I -ERG believe-ASP
‘I believe that drought will occur’.
(b). mkoin toikidra hain ikoi ki
m -koi-n
toi-ki
- -dra hai-n
i-koi ki -i
he -PL -ERG win-PERF-POT-INT say-ADV I-PL fear-ASP
‘We are afraid that they might win (the match)’.
hain ‘that’ is the quotative-complementizer that is used with verbs of
saying where the speaker reports the words of someone else but cannot be sure of
their truth value, as in (45) below.
45(a). sitan ram ctkre hain hairmmi
sita-n
ram ct-k -re
hai -n
hai -rm -i
Sita-ERG Ram go-DEF-PERF say-ADV say-EVD -ASP
‘Sita said (to me, the speaker) that Ram has gone’.
(b). mnibu pani hain hai
mni-bu
pa -ni hai-n
ha -i
Mani-ACC arrest-FUT say-ADV say-ASP
‘It is said that Mani will be arrested’.
As seen in 45(a), the quotative-complementizer hain ‘that’ cannot be
replaced by haibsi ‘that’ since the proposition involves hearsay. In 45(b), the use
of haibsi ‘that’ in place of haina ‘that’ is marginally acceptable if the event of
arresting is indisputably going to take place. But the use of hain ‘that’ in both the
sentences of (45) is the most appropriate complementizer.
The use of haiba indicates that the speaker has some evidence (not
necessarily visual) about the truth of the proposition expressed in the complement.
Its use is restricted to verbs such as ki ‘know+ASP’ and ui ‘see+ASP’.
Examples:
46(a). n soidn lakkni haib i ki
n soi
-d
-n
lak -kni hai-b i k -i
you be fault-NEG-ADV come-FUT say-NZR I know-ASP
‘I know that you will come surely’.
(b). mni dilid lotli haib ikoi ki
mni dili -d
lot -li
hai-b
i-koi k -i
Mani Delhi-LOC hide-PROG say-NZR I -PL
know-ASP
‘We know that Mani is hiding at Delhi’.
The quotative complementizer haibdu ‘that’ is used when the speaker has
first hand evidence of the truth of the subordinated proposition. When using it to
refer to a past event, the speaker implies he/she is an eyewitness to that event. The
following examples can be considered.
47(a). pulisna tomb paki haibdu ikoin ui
pulis -na
tomb pa -ki
hai-b -du
i-koi-n
police-ERG Tomba arrest-PERF say-NZR-DEM I -PL -ERG
u -i
see-ASP
‘We saw Tomba being arrested by police’.
(b).
nunpidun mpuroibbu intui haibdu i ui
nunpi -du
-n mpuroib-bu
in
-tu
-i
woman-DEM-ERG husband -ACC push-down-ASP
hai-b
-du
i u -i
say-NZR-DEM I see-ASP
‘I saw the woman pushing down her husband’.
Here the hearer can assume that the speaker has facts to support the truth of
the subordinated proposition. The speaker may use this expected interpretation to
convince the hearer of a particular event for the future, by indicating that he/she
has adequate facts to make such a forecast.
Only one quotative complementizer is possible per sentence, except with
verbs of saying and reporting, where each complementizer indicates that the
speaker is one additional step removed form the actual reporting of some event.
Example:
48. sitan ram ctkre hain hairmmi
sita-n
ram ct-k -re
hai -n
hai-rm -i
Sita-ERG Ram go-DEF-PER say-ADV say-EVD -ASP
‘Sita said that Ram has gone’.
Here Sita is reported as stating that Ram has gone. There is an implication
that Sita has witnessed Ram’s departure.
2.11
COORDINATE CLAUSES
In coordinate clause construction two or more units (called conjuncts or
coordinands) of the same type are combined into a larger unit and still have the
same semantic relations with other surrounding elements. A construction, [AB] is
considered coordinate if the two parts A and B have the same status (in some
sense that needs to be specified further), whereas it is not coordinate if it is
asymmetrical and one of the parts is clearly more silent or important, while the
other part is in some sense subordinate (Haspelmath, 2004). The status of
coordination may be signaled by coordinators like ‘and’, ‘or’ and ‘but’ in English
or affixes in some languages.
When one or more coordinators occur in a coordinating construction, it is
said to be syndetic coordination. It includes Monosyndetic (involves only a single
coordinator that is, when not more than two conjuncts or coordinands are present)
and Bisyndetic coordination (involves two coordinators when two or more
conjuncts or coordinands are present). Monosyndetic coordination occurs with one
of the lexical coordinators such as msu/mdi ‘and’, dug ‘and’, dudgi ‘and
then’, dubu ‘but’, nttrg ‘or’, dumoinmk ‘however’, etc. However,
bisyndetic coordination occurs with one of the suffix coordinators such as -g~-k,
-ne and -su carrying similar meaning with that of conjunctive coordinator
msu/mdi ‘and’.
Monosyndetic
49(a). tombi jum msu/mdi ikol jonkre
tomb -i
jum msu/mdi ikol jon-k -re
Tomba-GEN house
and
land sell-DEF-PERF
‘Tomba has sold his house and land’.
(b). mkoi ctkre du lotkre
m -koi ct-k -re
he -PL
du lot -k -re
go -DEF-PERF and
hide-DEF-PERF
‘They have gone and hid away’.
Bisyndetic
50(a). i lairiksu kolomsu lire
i lairik-su kolom-su li -re
I book -CS pen
-CS buy-PERF
‘I have bought book and pen’.
(b). ramn ɉemska kumar kuki
ram -n
ɉems -ka kumar- ku-ki
Ram-ERG James-CS Kumar-CS call-PERF
‘Ram has called James and Kumar’.
The two NP conjuncts or coordinands jum ‘house’ and ikol ‘land’ in 49(a)
have the same status coordinated by the lexical coordinator msu/mdi ‘and’.
Two symmetrical coordinate clauses such as ‘tombgi jum jonkre’ and ‘tombgi
ikol jonkre’ which are coordinated by the lexical coordinator msu/mdi
‘and’ constitute the coordinate structure as in 49(a). In similar fashion, the two
symmetrical clauses such as ‘mkoi ctkre’ and ‘mkoi lotkre’ which are
coordinated by the lexical coordinator dug ‘and’ constitute the coordinate
structure in 49(b).
In contrast, as in bisyndetic coordinate structure the conjuncts or
coordinands in (50) occur with two conjunctive suffixes which are added to them,
that is, one coordinator per conjunct. Coordinate clauses, in Manipuri are formed
by atleast two conjuncts or coordinated phrases having the same status conjoined
by lexical coordinators or coordinative suffixes.
2.12
NOMINALIZED CLAUSES
Nominalized clauses function like unitary natural nouns in the context of
the whole sentence. In Manipuri, verbs are bound in nature and so take the
nominalizing morpheme to convert clauses into derived noun which can then play
any nominal role in a larger sentence. The nominalizing morpheme employed in
this language is -p~-b. Nominalized modifier clauses, nominalized verb
complement clause, nominalized matrix clauses, and double nominalized clauses
in Manipuri can be discussed with the illustrative examples given below.
50. msi jamn sab cani
msi jam -n
sa
-b
ca -ni
this very-ADV be hot-NZR tea-COP
‘This is very hot tea’.
51. i ilis ab pammi
i ilis
a -b
pam-i
I English speak-NZR like-ASP
‘I like to speak English’.
52. ram lairik pabi parika mbni
ram lairik pa -b
-i
parika m-b -ni
Ram book read-NZR-GEN exam
pass-NZR-COP
‘Ram passed the exam because he worked hard’.
53. mhak in tob cak cab pammi
mhak i-n
he
to -b
cak ca -b
pam-i
I -ERG cook-NZR rice eat-NZR like -ASP
‘He likes to eat the rice cooked by me’.
The clause msi jamn sab ‘which is very hot’ in (50) is a nominalized
modifier clause. The modifier sab ‘be hot+NZR’ is nominalized by the
morpheme -b modifying the NP, ca ‘tea’. This clause stands as modifier of the
matrix clause, cani ‘tea+COP’.
The verb ab ‘speak+NZR’ in the clause ilis ab ‘to speak English’
in (51) is nominalized by the morpheme -b and the whole clause makes
complement to the verb of the matrix clause pammi ‘like+ASP’. That is, what I
want is completed by the nominalized clause to speak English.
Manipuri nominalizing morpheme -p~-b carries out nominalization in
matrix clause as in (52). In such cases, the embedded clause lairik pabgi and the
matrix clause parika mbni are related by a copulative verb -ni ‘be’ which is
suffixed to the matrix clauses. Minutely, it is clear that the matrix clause parika
mbni ‘passed the exam’ in (52) in nominalized by the morpheme -b and the
relation between this matrix clause and the embedded subordinate clauses are held
by the copulative -ni ‘be’.
In (53), the nominalizer -b asserts that nominalization in double fashions
as embedded clause is possible whereby the first embedded clause is subordinated
to the second clause, which in turn is subordinated to the matrix clause. The
nominalized clauses are identified in this sentence as in thob cak ‘the rice
cooked by me’ which is subordinated by another nominalized clause, cak cab ‘to
eat rice’ and both these nominalized clauses subordinate to the matrix clause
mhak pammi ‘he likes’.
2.13
MODIFYING PARTS
Modifying part, in Manipuri, formed by the addition of nominalizer -p~-b
to the embedded verb root and a demonstrative functioning as correlative marker
or subordinate marker (Yashawanta, 2000). The position of a modifying part is
prenominal where the embedded modifying part precedes the head NP. However,
it is analyzable whether there is no postnominal modifying part. In addition to this,
Manipuri has internally-headed as well as externally-headed modifying parts.
Above all DeLancy (1989) states that relativization in TB is a subspecies of
clausal nominalization, lacking any analogue to the familiar relative pronoun. The
modifying clause is nominalized and then stands in either a genitive or an
appositive relation to the head noun, that is, relativization is a specialized function
of nominalization where the relative clauses are simply dependent or appositive
NPs.
The modifying part (MP) construction may be structured as [MP] HN. In
Lahu, usually the relative clause precedes its relative head. These are called ‘Left
relative clause’ (Matisoff, 1973:473). In Manipuri, the modifying part precedes its
relative head.
Examples:
54(a). [mhakn huɉik irib] lairiktu ramarni
mhak-n
huɉik i
-ri
-b
lairik-tu
ramar -ni
he
-ERG now
write-PROG-NZR book -DEM grammar-COP
‘The book he is now writing is grammar’.
(b). [pulisn pakib] nupadu nni
pulis -n
pa -ki
-b nupa-du
n-ni
police-ERG arrest-PERF-NZR man -DEM you-COP
‘It is you whom police has arrested’.
Sentences 54(a) and (b) consist of modifying parts such as mhakn huɉik
irib ‘what he is now writing’ and pulisn pakib ‘whom polic has arrested’
along with their respective head nouns, that is, lairik ‘book’ in 54(a) and nupa
‘man’ in 54(b). The aspect marker -ri is suffixed to the verbal root i ‘write’
followed by the nominalizer -b in the modified verb of the modifying part in
54(a). Similarly in 54(b) the aspect marker -ki is added to the verbal root -pa
‘arrest’ and after this the nominalizer -b is attached. It is noticed that the
modifying part in 54(a) and (b) appear to the left of the head NP, that is, the
modifying part is pernominal in Manipuri.
2.13.1 EXTERNALLY HEADED MODIFYING PARTS
In such structure, the modified noun appears to the right of the embedded
clause. The whole of the embedded modifying part is nominalized with the
nominalizer -p~-b in similar with that of Lahu, ve when coming last in a
sentence nominalizes everything (Matisoff, 1973:600). In the examples below,
externally headed modifying part appears to the left of the modified noun and the
modified noun occurs out of the modifying clause.
55(a). [pulisn ra pakib] nupadu sire
pulis -n
ra
pa -ki
-b
nupa-du
si -re
police-ERG yesterday arrest-PERF-NZR man -DEM die-PERF
‘The man whom police arrested yesterday has died’.
(b). [lairik hib] adu pas tare
lairik hi -b
a-du
pas ta -re
book learn-NZR boy -DEM first get-PERF
‘The boy who is learnt has got first’.
In these sentences, the modified nouns nupa ‘man’ and a ‘boy’
respectively occur out of the modifying clauses pulisn ra pakib ‘whom
police arrested yesterday’ and lairik hib adu ‘the boy who is learnt’. Both
the modifying parts are headed by the modified nouns externally.
2.13.2 INTERNALLY HEADED MODIFYING PARTS
In such structure, the modified noun occurs within the modifying part. The
whole modifying part appears after the modified noun. In addition to this, it can be
analyzed regarding the possibility of the postnominal position of the modifying
clause. However, there involves one strategy that the demonstrative which the
modified noun already carried retains attaching to the modified verb functioning
as the nominalizer of the clause.
Examples:
56(a). [nupa [pulisn pakibdu]] sire
nupa pulis -n
pa -ki
-b
-du
si -re
man police-ERG arrest-PERF-NZR -DEM die-PERF
‘The man whom police arrested has died’.
(b).* nupadu pulisn pakib sire
nupa-du
pulis -n
paki-b
si -re
man -DEM police-ERG arrest -NZR die-PERF
Sentence 56(b) is the unspoken construction even if the modifying part is
internally headed. It is due to the absence of the strategy that the demonstrative du which the modified noun nupa ‘man’ already carried does not retain attaching
to the modified verb pakib ‘arrest+NZR’ and hence, it does not function as the
nominalizer of the clause. However, if the demonstrative which the modified noun
already carried is suffixed to the modified verb then the sentence 56(b) becomes
grammatical and spoken as in the sentence 65(a) above. Regarding the position of
modifying parts, Manipuri speakers recognize a slight semantic difference
between the prenominal and postnominal modifying parts. Prenominal modifying
parts particularize the modified head NP as a class of similar things. But
postnominal modifying parts simply describe the modified head NP. Out of the
two orders of the modifying parts, the former is most frequently used by the
speakers of this language.
2.14
CONCLUSION
It is seen that elements of a clause such as subject, object, verb,
complement and adverbial take part in the construction of Manipuri clause. Of all
these elements the most central constituent is the verb that belongs to a clause.
Temporal and locatives tend to be early in the clause, before or immediately after
the subject; generally adverbial manners are found directly before the verb e.g.
mhak tun lak-i ‘He came soon’, toib [hje] hllkk-ni ‘Thoiba will return
tomorrow’, [hje] toib hllkk-ni ‘Thoiba will return tomorrow’.
Based on structure various clause types are distinguished in this language.
They are SV, SOV, SCSV, SOCOV, SAV, SOOV and SOAV clause types. In such
structures, the elements OD, C, and A are obligatory elements in the sense that they
are required for the complementation of the verb. This means that the sentence
needs complement if one of these elements is omitted. For instance, i(S) ca-i(V)
‘I eat’, mhak(S) mal-li(V) ‘She resembles’. These two sentences need elements of
direct object (OD) and complement (C) respectively. By following the clause type
SOV and SCV, these sentences are complete as -i(S) sa(O) ca-i(V) ‘I eat meat’
and mhak(S) heroin(C) mal-li(V). ‘She resembles heroin’.
Semantically, every clause describes an event or state in which a number of
participants (normally, one, two, or three) are involved. As it is the participant
roles, the subject, object, complement of the clause elements are taken up
regardless of the meanings of the verb and adverbial. Semantically distinguished
participants are agent, actor, experiencer/goal, path, patient and theme.
An intransitive clause contains an intransitive verb denoting the status of
the verb which stops with the subject and does not pass on to any object.
Intransitive clauses are of stative (containing a verb with stative meaning) and
dynamic (containing an action or process verb). The structure is SV type, e.g.
toibi pɉa-i ‘Thoibi is beautiful’, asi sann-ri ‘Children are playing’, mkoi
ctk-re ‘They have gone’.
A transitive clause, on the other hand, has atleast an object. Transitive
clauses are of Monotransitive (containing a single object and no complement; the
structure is SOV type) e.g. mhak ca tk-ki ‘He has drunk tea’, nupisi
mpuroibbu intu-i ‘That woman pushed down her husband’; Ditransitive
(containing two objects; direct and indirect, and the structure is SOIODV) e.g.
ramn(S) sitad(OI) hinu(OD) pi(V) ‘Ram gave sita the mango’, mman(S)
tombd(OI) lairik(OD) takpi(V) ‘His mother teaches Tomba; and Complete
transitive (containing an object and an object complement and the structure is
SOOcV type), e.g. mijamn(S) mhakpu(O) mntri(CO) oihlli(V) ‘People made
him minister’, ikoin(S) kmbbu(O) kau(OO) pahlli(V) ‘We made Khamba
catch the cow’.
Subordinate noun clause can be used in subject and object position
performing the function of a noun, e.g. [mhakn haibdu] cumde (subject) ‘What
he said is untrue’, mman [mhak daktr oib] pam-mi (object) ‘His mother
wants him to become a doctor’. Subordinate adjective clause modifies the head NP
and it functions as an adjective, e.g. [pɉbi nupidu] igi mrup-ni ‘The woman
who is beautiful is my friend’ [msa pab] hldu lak-e ‘The old man who is thin
is coming’.
Quotative subordinates a clause determining the exact clausal relationship
between the clause subordinated by the quotative and the main clause. e.g. caubi
cenkre haibdu i tai ‘I heard that Chaobi has eloped’, mhak lakkni haibdgi
i aib-ni ‘I was in the position of waiting him as he would come’.
Coordinate clause occurs with coordinators like lexical and suffix
coordinators. Those occurred with the lexical coordinators are monosyndetic
coordinate clauses (involving only a single lexical coordinator i.e. when not more
than two conjuncts or coordinands are present); and those occurred with the suffix
coordinators are bisyndetic coordinate clauses (involving two suffix coordinators
when two or more conjuncts or coordinands are present). In bisyndetic,
coordinated phrases or conjuncts are conjoined by the suffix coordinator as one
coordinator per conjunct. In short, coordinate clauses in Manipuri, are formed by
atleast two conjuncts or coordinated phrases having the same status conjoined by
lexical coordinators or coordinative suffixes, e.g. tomb ctk-re dug lotk-re
(monosyndetic) ‘Tomba has gone and hide’, igidi lairiksu kausu li-re
(bisyndetic) ‘I have bought book and bag’.
In Manipuri, verbs are bound in nature and so take the nominalizing
morpheme -p~-b to convert clauses into derived noun which can then play any
nominal role in a larger sentence. Some kinds of nominalized clauses such as
nominalized modifier clauses, nominalized verb complement clauses, nominalized
matrix clauses, and double nominalized clauses are discussed. As a point,
nominalizing morpheme -p~-b carries out nominalization in matrix clause where
the embedded clause and the matrix clause are linked by a copulative verb -ni ‘be’
that is added to the matrix clause. The relations between them, rather say, are held
by the copulative -ni ‘be’, e.g. [ram lairik pabgi] [parika mb-ni] ‘Ram
passed the exam because he worked heard’.
The maximum number of noun phrases that may occur with a verb is
restricted by the subcategorization of that verb. But minimum number of noun
phrases that may occur with a verb is zero since Manipuri allows for the omission
of arguments. For the causative verb subcategorization, the maximum number of
arguments that may have is four, such as agent, patient, goal, and theme, e.g.
srkarn(agt) mntrisibu(pat) prɉad(gol) pisa(theme) jelhl-li(v) ‘Govt. made
ministers distribute the money’. Again arguments of complement clauses may be
deleted as [oɉan (lairik) takp] koi nuai ‘We feel happy on the lesson taught
by our teacher’. There are notions such as subject and object can be excluded in
the description of Manipuri clause structure. In fact, arguments are freely deleted
and as a result, only the verb can consist on a clause, e.g. ctk-re ‘(He) has
gone’, hatk-re ‘(He) has been killed’. But such occurrences are based on the
discourse.