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Transcript
Medieval Academy of America
The Clergy, the Poor, and the Non-combatants on the First Crusade
Author(s): Walter Porges
Source: Speculum, Vol. 21, No. 1 (Jan., 1946), pp. 1-23
Published by: Medieval Academy of America
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lVlI
SPEC-t u LU
A JOURNAL OF MEDIAEVAL STUDIES
VOL.XXI
JANUARY, 1946
No. 1
THE CLERGY, THE POOR, AND THE NONCOMBATANTS ON THE FIRST
CRUSADE1
BY WALTER PORGES
WHEN Pope Urban preachedthe First Crusade at Clermont,he did not have in
mind a purelymilitaryexpedition.Ever since the time of Constantine,large
numbersof pious or adventurouspilgrimsof both sexes had made theirway to
nowand again by the convulsionsperiodithe Holy Land. Althoughinterrupted
cally shakingthe Levant, in the tenth and eleventhcenturiesthe pilgrimages
continuedto flourish.The pilgrimstravelledmostlyin small groups,and apbut duringthe firsthalfofthe
parentlydid not bear arms,even forself-defense;
eleventhcentury,the small pilgrimbands were supplementedby largerenterprises,numberingseveral hundredto several thousandparticipants.The great
Germanpilgrimageof1064-1065includedfromsevento twelvethousandpersons
- the equivalentof a respectablemedievalarmy.2
The pope could not escape the influenceof thisvigoroustradition.The petty
feudal wars of westernEurope could not offerhim a model forhis stupendous
undertaking.The pilgrimagewas the only large-scale,long-distanceexpedition
withwhichhe was familiar;moreover,he knew the powerof the pilgrimideal.
ThereforeUrban combinedthe idea of the Palestine pilgrimagewiththat of the
holywar. He implementedhis plans forthe recoveryofthe Holy Land -notby an
appeal limitedto the chivalryof Europe, but by stirringup the latent pilgrim
enthusiasmwhichpervadedall classes,raisingit to an unprecedentedpitch,and
directingit into new,morewarlikechannels.By armingthe pilgrimagethe pope
created the crusade.
theverbperegrinari
now servedto designatethecrusader,
The termperegrinus,
as well as the pilgrim,and describe his activity.The crusadersin the main
followedthe land route throughHungaryand Bulgaria, and down the Balkans
to the Golden Horn, preferred
by pilgrimssince the conversionof the Magyars.
1 I wishto expressheremy gratitudeto ProfessorEinar Joransonof the Universityof Chicago for
in the preparationof this essay.
his generousaid and encouragement
2 Einar Joranson,
'The Great GermanPilgrimageof 1064-1065,'The Cru8adesand OtherHistorical
E"says Presentedto Dana C. Munro, ed. L. J. Paetow (New York, 1928), pp. 39-40; J. C. Pletz,
'EleventhCenturyPilgrimagesfromWesternEurope to the Holy Land' (UnpublishedA.M. dissertation,Departmentof History,Universityof Chicago, 1938), pp. 11-15.
1
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2
The FirstCrusade
Of those who took the alternatepath throughItaly, manyidentified
themselves
even more closelywith pilgrimtradition.Some, when theyhad worshippedat
St. Peter's, consideredtheirvows fulfilled;others,desertedby theirleaders in
returnedhome.'3
Calabria, 'took up theirpilgrimstaves again,and ignominiously
The faithful,
whopersistedto theend,had as theirrewardtheplenaryindulgence,
the usual goal of pious pilgrims.
Urban's dependenceupon the pilgrimmovementhad its disadvantages.The
crusade had beforeit a desperatelydifficult
militarytask, and efficiency
demandeda carefulselectionofrecruits.But thenewmovementwas caughtbetwixt
and between: rootedin the pilgrimage,the crusade attractedlarge numbersof
noncombatants,such as had always gone on pilgrimages;while as a military
expeditionthe crusade foundit inexpedientor even dangerousto admit very
manyofthem.
Urban was aware of the contradiction.Althoughhe found the inclusionof
noncombatantsimplicitin his crusade conception,and his appeal took their
participationforgranted,he took pains, nevertheless,to limittheirnumberand
supervisetheirselection.4The pope laid down the rule that all personswere to
consulttheirlocal clergybeforegoingon crusade. In addition,he emphasized
the need forfighting
men, and formen wealthyenoughto bear the cost of the
journey,and discouragedtheparticipationoftheaged and sick.But he permitted
womento go, ifproperlyescorted,and reservedan especiallyimportantplace for
the clergy.Urban also invitedthe poor; not,however,as noncombatants,
but as
potentialfighters,
to be equipped and maintainedby thecharityofthewealthier
crusaders.In thisrespectthe pope's expectationsweredeceived.Beforethecampaign was half over, the poor had been reducedto a noncombatantor at best
semi-combatant
condition.
Unfortunately,
thepilgrimtradition,reinforced
by thedeep enthusiasmroused
by itinerantpreachers,overwhelmedUrban's attemptsto limitparticipationin
the crusade. More than five prematureexpeditions,collectivelytermed the
peasants' crusade, did not sufficeto drawoffthe excess of unarmedand unfit.
Some of these expeditionswerereasonablywell-armedand well-disciplined,
and
failedlargelybecause theywerepremature.5
Others,however,werebelated pilgrimexcursions,best viewedaAhalf-waystagesbetweenthe unarmedpilgrimage
and the crusadeproper.Fired by a new and unrestrainedzeal, theyattracteda
strangemixtureofpriestsand laymen,women,children,and thosewontto prey
upon them,falseprophetsand simple-minded
believers.Many oftheparticipants
wereunarmed,and expectedto overcomethe Saracensby the directintervention
ofGod, ratherthan by the use ofearthlyweapons.Most ofthemlefttheirbones
on the plains of Hungaryand Bulgaria,or wereslaughteredby the Turks on the
thresholdof Asia Minor.
3 Fulcher of Chartres,GestaFrancorumJerusalemexpugnantium,
x, 7. iii, v, ed. H. Hagenmeyer
(Heidelberg,1913), pp. 166, 168.
4 For an analysisofUrban's speechwithcompletesourcereferences,
see D. C. Munro,'The Speech
of Pope Urban II at Clermont,1095,' A.H.R., xi (1906), 231-242.
6 F. Duncalf, 'The Peasants' Crusade,' ibid.,xxvi (1921), 440-453.
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The First Crusade
3
Nevertheless,therewere morethan enoughnoncombatantsleftover to swell
the ranksofthe main army.Urban's admonitionswentunheeded.The aged and
sick trudgedalong, seekingthe earthlyJerusalem;campfollowersand harlots
existsto justifyeven a
trailedas ever in the wake of the army.No information
whoestiThe chroniclers,
roughestimateofthe actual numberofnoncombatants.
mate the size of the armyin veryroundnumbers,scarcelyhonorany but the
men withmorethan passingmention,6while all the descriptionsof the
fighting
armybeforeit reached Nicaea seem vitiated by confusionwith the peasants'
may be gleaned fromFulcher of Chartres'eyecrusade.But some information
witnessaccountofthe situationat Nicaea: 'Then out ofmanyarmies,one army
was therecreated,whichthose who were skilledin reckoningestimatedat six
hundredthousand men fitfor combat, of whom one hundredthousand were
armed with cuirassesand helmets,not countingthe unarmed,that is, clerics,
monks,women,and children.'7There are pictorialnumbers;but if only about
one-sixthof the armywas equipped with cuirassesand helmets,a large part of
the remaindermusthave been half-armedpoor. The formof the statementalso
suggeststhatthenumberofnoncombatantswas high.
If such was the conditionof the armyat Nicaea, it did not long remainunaltered.Thereafterthe relativenumberof combatantsfellsteadily,and that of
the noncombatantssteadilyincreased.Battles and skirmishestook a constant
toll of fightingmen. Chronic illness reduced many to noncombatantstatus.
Exhaustionof funds,necessitatingthe sale of arms and armor,mightreduce a
to an unarmedpauper.8That thegreater
or a foot-soldier
knightto a foot-soldier,
efficiency
part ofthe invalidand destitutesoldiersneverreturnedto fullfighting
is made plain by the factthat fromthe defeatof Ierbogha untilthe captureof
Jerusalem(June,1098 to July,1099), theperiodofthe greatestmilitarysupremacy ever enjoyed by the Christianarmy,the crusaderswere sadly deficientin
Thus,
armedstrength,and the unarmedhost greatlyoutnumberedthe fighters.
in January,1099,whenthe countofToulouse wishedto lead someofthepoor on
a plunderingraid to obtain food,his intimatesobjected, saying,'In the army
[i.e.,in Raymond'scontingent]thereare scarcelythreehundredknights,and no
great numberof otherarmed men.... '9 Those opposingthe diversionof the
crusade to Egypt urged in protest: 'There are hardlyfifteenhundredknights
in the army,and no greatnumberof armedfoot-soldiers.... 'IOAlbertremarks
that the crusadersmarchedon Jerusalemalong the coast, instead of by way of
Damascus, because the Turks were feweralong the seashore,and only twenty
Afterthe fall
thousandwere fitto fight.'1
thousandmen out of an armyof fifty
men at notmorethantwelvethouofJerusalem,Raymondnumbersthefighting
sand knightsand nine thousandfoot.'2
cit.,p. 183. nn. 11-12).
pp. 183-185).
10, iv-v (Hagenmeyer,
8 AlbertofAix,LiberChristianae
descroisades,historiens
iv, 54, in Recueildeshistoriens
expeditionis,
(hereaftercitedas RHO), iv, 427B-E; La Chansond'Antioche,ed. P. Paris (2 vols, Paris,
occidentaux
1848), ii, 152, 218-214.
9 Raymondof Agiles,HistoriaFrancorumqui ceperunt
Jerusalem,ch. 14, RHO, III, 271J.
1-Albert,v, 41, loc. cit.,p. 460A.
10 Ibid., ch. 19, p. 292C.
12Ch. 21, loc. cit.,p. 304A.
6 Hagenmeyersummarizestheirestimates(op.
7 Op. cit., I,
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4.
The FirstCrusade
The noncombatants,too, sufferedseriouslosses all along the way; but their
numbersweresWelledby a steadyinfluxfromthe dwindlingranksofthefighters.
In addition,the sturdypoor,in the beginningofsomemilitaryvalue, earlysank
into such a miserablecondition,that mostof themwerenot called upon to fight
exceptin greatemergencies,and constituteda standingburdenupon the army.
Thus, by the timethe siegeofAntiochwas wellunderway,thenoncombatants
thesick,crippled,and destitute,thewomen,children,and clergy- had captured
and maintainedan absolute and overwhelming
majority.
The forminto whichUrban cast the crusade,the inclusionof the clergyand
other noncombatants,is evidence not only of his dependence upon pilgrim
tradition,but of his beliefthat the Holy Land was not be be won by forceof
armsalone; thatthepoweroftheWordwas greaterthanthepowerofthe Sword;
that the righteousnessof the crusadingarmy was a sure protection.As the
spiritualheir of GregoryVII, how could the pope have thoughtotherwise?The
main strengthofthe papacy was moral.Whateverthe pope undertook,he could
not depend upon earthlyarms alone; and howeverdisinterestedhis motives,he
could not allow his project to become entirelysecularized. ThereforeUrban
plannedthe crusadeas an essentiallyChristianundertaking,in whichthe clergy
were to play an importantpart fromstartto finish.The formalpurposeof the
crusade was religious- to freethe Eastern Church.The crusaderswere called
by the clergyto take the cross; theyconsultedtheirparishpriestsbeforetaking
the irrevocablevow;13theylooked forwardto a spiritualreward,the papal indulgence;and theywereled, in so faras the crusadehad a singleleader,by the
papal legate, Adhemar,bishop of Puy.
The clergynot onlyconceivedand planned,14
but helpedto organizetheexpedition. While Urban touredFrance, papal lettersand legates travelledswiftlyto
England,Normandy,and Flanders,to Genoa and Bologna,exhorting,
commanding,and persuading.When earlyin 1096the squabbles ofWilliamRufuswithhis
brotherRobertofNormandythreatenedto preventlarge-scaleNormanparticipation,Urban sent his legate'5to negotiatea peace. As a resultofhis intervention,
Robert mortgagedNormandyto William for ten thousand silver marks,and
joined the crusadetogetherwithmanyofhis vassals. Later in the same yearthe
pope sent the bishopsof Orange and Grenobleto preach the crusade at Genoa,
and bringtheformidableGenoesesea-powerintothewar.16
Theirmissionwas successful,and a Genoese supplyfleetgave the crusaderssubstantialaid at Antioch
and Jerusalem.
Once upon the march, the crusadersmaintained constantliaison with the
westernclergy,regardingthem as their supportersand propagandistson the
13 Robert the Monk, Historia Iherosolimitana,
ch. 2, RHO, iII, 729F.
14 F. Duncalf, 'The Pope's Plan forthe First Crusade,' Munro Essays, pp. 44-56.
15 Gerento,abbot of St Benignede Dijon. See Hugh of Flavigny,Chronicon,
in MonumentaGermaniae Historica,Scriptores,
viiI, 474-475; cf. C. W. David, RobertCurthose,
Duke ofNormandy(Cambridge,1920), pp. 90-91.
16 September,1096. H. Hagenmeyer,Chronologie
de la premierecroisade,1094-1100 (Paris, 1902),
no. 71.
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The FirstCrusade
5
home front,and dependingupon themforreinforcements
in men and money.17
To such prelatesas Manasses, archbishopof Rheims,theyconfidedtheirneeds
and difficulties,
entrustedtheirfamiliesand estates, addressed theirpleas for
massesand prayers.'8Many ofthemconsideredUrbanthetruehead ofthe army.
Whateverthe political motives of the leaders,a vein of sincerityrunsthrough
theirinvitationto the pope to come and take chargeofthe expedition.Withhis
seat at Antioch,he would directoperationsagainstJerusalem,extirpateheresy,
and reducethewholeworldto obedience.19
Urbanrefused,but aided thecrusaders
all he could by holdingcouncilsat Rome and Bari, and threateningthose who
failedto fulfilltheirvows withexcommunication.
The pope, it seems,was notpreparedto take up the bishopofPuy's unfinished
task - a task whichAdhemarhad performed
withexemplarypatienceand skill
untilhis death at Antioch,August1, 1098. Urban had investedthe bishopwitha
sort of maius imperium,urgingthe crusadersto obey him completelyin all
matterspertainingto thecrusade.20
But thepapal legatewas in no sensea generalissimo.Though not hesitatingto plunge into battle whenevernecessary,he did
not pretendto exerciseany authorityover the actual conductof the campaign.
His real functionwas to preservedisciplineand uphold enthusiasmamong the
rankand file,and composethequarrelsoftheleaders,2'so as to gaintheircooperation forthe commongood. Adhemarfullyrealized the delicacyof his position.
The friendand neighborof the count of Toulouse, with whomhe travelledto
Constantinople,he maintained,nevertheless,a neutralattitudein all disputes
betweenthe leaders,and used the language of exhortation,
not ofcommand.He
was the special protectorofthe poor,and constantlyurgedthe greatfolkto care
forthem.The griefof the crusadersat Adhemar'sdeath suffices
to demonstrate
the esteemin whichhe was held.22Had he lived,the armymightnot have wasted
so manymonthsin uselesssiegesand pettybickeringsafterthefallofAntioch.
The papal legate was not the only representativeof the churchon crusade.
Urbanexpectedbothregularand secularclergyto join in themovement- a fact
made clear by his warningthat the journeywould have no spiritualvalue for
thosewho wentwithoutthe permissionoftheirbishopor abbot.23If thepope had
not desiredsuch permissionto be grantedin many instances,a flatprohibition
would have been more appropriatethan this mildlyrestrictiveclause. His only
concernwas that clericalparticipantsbe properlyqualified.
17Postscriptof Bishop Hugh of Grenobleto 'Ep. Boemundi et aliorum
principumad fideles,'in
Die Kreuzzugsbriefe
aus den Jahren1088-1100 (hereaftercited as HEp.) (Innsbruck,1901), p. 155;
'Ep. cleriet populi Luccensis,'ibid.,p. 167; 'Ep. Simeoniset Hademari,' ibid.,pp. 141-142; 'Ep. ii
Anselmide Ribodimontead Manassem,' ibid.,p. 160; 'Ep. Boemundiet aliorumprincipumad Urbanum,' ibid.,p. 165.
18 'Ep. i Anselmiad Manassem,' ibid.,pp. 144-146.
19'Ep. Boemundiet aliorumprincipumad Urbanum,'ibid.,p. 164.
20 'Ep. Urbani ad omnesfidelesin Flandria commorantes,'
ibid.,pp. 136-187.
21 Raymond,ch. 12, loc. cit.,p. 262D-F; ch. 11, p. 256.
22 L. Brehier(ed.), AnonymiGestaFrancorum(Paris, 1924), p. 166.
23 Robert the Monk, ch. 2, loc. cit.,p. 729F; 'Ep. Urbani ad Bononienses,'HEp., pp. 137-188. The
bishopofFolignosoughtUrban'spermissionbeforetakingthe cross(Vita B. Bonfilii,episcopusFulginatia,in Acta Sanctorum,97 Sept., vii, 489B).
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The FirstCrusade
We have no moremeans of estimatingthe numberof clergyon crusadethan
we have ofcomputingthetotalnumberofnoncombatants;but thesourcesalways
mentionthem so as to suggestthat they formedno inconsiderablepart of the
whole.24
Their presencein largenumberswould not be surprising.
Pilgrimagesto
the Holy Land had always attractedthem. Religious motiveswould influence
themjust as theydid pious laymen,and forsomeclericsmaterialconsiderations
would weighno less heavily.There was also a hordeofrestlessspiritsamongthe
westernclergy,who foundthemselvesconstrainedand chafingundertheincreasingburdenof Cluniac reform,and forwhomthe crusade would offera means of
escape.25The pope probablyhad no intentionof gettingrid of turbulentclerics
by sendingthemoffon crusade,but his admonitionswerenot alwaysrespected.
No bishopcould keep watch overthe movementsof all the clergyin his diocese,
and therewas littleto hinderthe departureofpriestswho werewillingto forfeit
theirposts. For theirpersonalentourages,some of the bishopsand leaders,especiallythose underCluniac influence,triedto choose onlyclericsof good character.28But otherswerenot always so careful,and in addition,the crusadearmy
was not an organizedbody, in whicheveryman had to findhis place. Thus the
monkwearyofhis cloister,the restlessor adventurousparish priest,the ambitiousprelate,thwartedin some favoriteproject,or in disgraceordangerat home,
and even an occasional hermit,all found it pleasant or expedientto go crusading.
Individualmotivationis not easily determined.Piety and an earnestdesirefor
the success of the crusade were probablythe primeconsiderationsto Adhemar,
and to William,bishopofOrange,whotriedto take up thelegate'sfallenburden.27
A similarenthusiasmseems to have urged Gerhard,abbot of Allerheiligenin
Schaffhausento take the cross,and led Bonfilius,bishop of Foligno,in turnreformer,
hermit,and saint,to seek the promisedland. Fulcherof Chartres,priest
and chronicler,was inspiredby Urban's preachingat Clermont.But a more
hystericalfervormustbe ascribedto thepriestEtienneofValence,whoconversed
in his dreamswithsaintsand the Savior,and to the abbot Baldwin who burned
a cross in his foreheadas a desperatemeasure to coax moneyfromthe superstitiousforhis journey.This spirit,a curiousmixtureof opportunism,superstition, and genuinereligiousfeeling,seems to have animated a large part of the
lower clergy.
24E.g., Albert,i, 2, loc. cit.,p. 272B; OrdericusVitalis,Historiaeecclesiasticae
libritredecim,
Ix, 2,
ed. A. Le Prevost (5 vols, Paris, 1838-1855),iII, 468; Fulcher,op. cit.,i, 10, iv-v (Hagenmeyer,pp.
183-185,and especiallyp. 183, n. 12).
25 B. Leib, Rome,Kiev, et Byzancea lafin du xi? siQcle(Paris, 1924), p. 256.
26 E.g., Godfreyde Bouillon,who broughtwithhim monksfromwell-regulated
monasteries,and
locatedthemat St Mary's in theValleyofJehoshaphat(WilliamofTyre,ix, 9, trans.E. W. Babcock
and A. C. Krey [2 vols, New York, 1942], i, 392, and n. 24). Accordingto A. Hatem, Les poemes
6piquesdescroisades:gene'se-historicit6-localisation(Paris,
1932),p. 70, thiswas a Cluniac foundation,
and the monksdoubtlessCluniacs.
27 For the chiefreferences
concerningall the clergymentionedin the text,here and elsewhere,see
the alphabeticallist of clergyin the appendix.
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The FirstCrusade
7
Some clericsfollowedtheirlordson crusade.The countofToulouse had several
chaplainswith him,28of whomhis namesake,Raymond of Agiles,the diligent
ofthe holywar,is the mostnotable.In the same capacity,Bernardof
chronicler
Valence accompaniedthe bishopof Puy, a certainabbot RogerfollowedAnselm
de Rib6monte,one Sannardus attended Robert of Flanders, and Alexander,
the
amanuensisof Stephen of Blois, wentalong to writecumsummafestinatione
lettersofthe faintheartedwarriorto his Normanprincess.
At least two prelatesjoined the crusade because despite its perilsit seemed
saferthan stayingat home.Odo, the rebelliousbishopofBayeux,knewhe would
findshortshriftin a Normandypledgedto WilliamRufus,by whomhe had been
drivenfromEngland. He joined the forcesof Robert Curthose,but neverlived
to reach the Holy Land, dyingat Palermo,wherehe was buriedby Gilbertof
Evreux, the onlyotherNormanbishopparticipatingin the crusade. It appears
that Peter,saintlybishopofAnagni,was likewisedrivenby an unpleasantsituation at home to attachhimselfto Bohemund'sforces.
Ambitionruled Arnulf,chaplain of Robert of Normandy,when he took the
cross.Arnulfwas a man ofhighcapability,and knewit. A scholarofsomereputation,he had taughtat Caen, and his pupil, Raoul of Caen, dedicateshis Gesta
terms.He was noted forhis learning,
Tancredito him in very complimentary
eloquence, and especiallyhis scepticism;forhe led the party opposed to the
revelationof the Lance, and therebyearned himselfmuch opprobrium.Nevertheless,he appears to have been quite popularwiththe commonpeople. Cultivated, sophisticated,at ease withplebsand maiores,oflow rank,"butoutstanding
ability,Arnulfdid not go on crusadewithoutthe hope ofbetteringhimself.The
same is probablytrueofhis namesakeand partisan,Arnulf,bishopofMartirano,
and possiblyof Peter of Narbonne,one of the chiefsupportersof the count of
Toulouse.30
No ferventpietyled Adalberon,archdeaconof Metz, kinsmanof Henry III,
and confidantof the schismaticHenry IV, to join the crusade. In any case, if
Albert'saccountmay be trusted,none of it was in evidencewhenhe was caught
and killed by the Turks whileplayingdice with a beautifulmatronin a grove
near Antioch. Adalberon was hardly unique. And what except misdirected
curiosityinducedOtto, bishop of Strassburg,adherentof the anti-popeGuibert
to join Urban's expedition?If he had hoped for some material advantage, a
change of politicswould have been in order;but he went a schismatic,and returned,says Bernold,no betterthan when he set out. EvidentlyOtto was not
convincedof the holynatureof the crusade.
The passion forrelicsmay have been a factorin drawingto the Levant Gerbault, priestof Lille, who distinguishedhimselfby stealingthe preciousarm of
St Georgefroma hospitableGreekmonasteryin Asia Minor- a sinforwhichhe
receivedhis just deserts.Peter of Narbonne,in his later capacityof archbishop
28Raymond,ch. 14, loc. cit.,p. 266D.
29Raymond,withmaliciousexaggeration,
says he was not evena subdeacon (ch. 21, ibid.,p. 302).
80Infra,pp. 8, 21, and forsourcereferences,
the appendix.
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8
The FirstCrusade
of Apamea, is charged with despoilingthe tombs of the patriarchsAbraham,
Isaac, and Jacob at Hebron.
A priestlyadventureris portrayedforus by the outragedpen of Anna Comnena. This bellicoseclericfoughtso fiercelyduringa skirmishbetweena crusade
squadron and some units of the Byzantinefleetthat he evokedfromthe astonishedGreekprincessthe followingprolixbut significant
comment:
For therulesconcerning
priestsarenotthesameamongtheLatinsas theyarewithus;
Forwearegiventhecommand
oftheGospel,'Touch
bythecanonicallawsandteaching
not,tastenot,handlenot!For thouartconsecrated.'
WhereastheLatinbarbarian
will
handledivinethings,and wearhis shieldon his leftarm,and holdhis
simultaneously
thebodyandblood
spearinhisright
hand,andat oneandthesametimehecommunicates
ofGod,and looksmurderously
and becomes'a manofblood,'as it saysin thepsalmof
David. For thisbarbarian
raceis no lessdevotedto sacredthingsthanit is to war.And
so thismanofviolenceratherthanpriestworehispriestly
garbat thesametimethathe
handledtheoarandhad an eyeequallyto navalorlandwarfare,
fighting
simultaneously
withtheseaandwithmen.3'
The WesternChurchhad in fact long forbiddenprieststo bear arms; but this
refusedto be bound
paladin ofChrist,confronted
by thehated Greekschismatics,
by papal decrees,or even by a truce. When he had used up all his darts and
stones,'he discovereda sack ofbarley-cakes,
and beganthrowingout thebarleycakes fromthe sack as thoughthey were stones,as if he were officiating
and
taking a service, and turningwar into a sacred celebration.' Disembarking
severelywounded,he soughtthe Greek leader and embracedhim, saying,'If
you had metme on dryland, manyofyou wouldhave been killedby myhands.'
Then he gave the Byzantinecaptain 'a large silvercup worthone hundredand
thirtystaters.And withthese wordsand this gifthe breathedhis last.'32There
is somethinghereofthe same valiant spiritwhichled Bishop Adhemarto plunge
straightinto the me'lee.If the priesthoodincludedmany peasants' sons, it also
includedmany youngersons of the nobility,trained in arms, and burningto
make use ofthem.The crusademusthave attractedmorethan one ofthis kind.
Subject to the general authorityof Bishop Adhemar,the clergyon crusade
obeyed his commandswith regardto preaching,fastsand processions,and the
care ofthepoor.But boththehigherand lowerclergytendedto groupthemselves
aroundtheleaderswhomtheyhad followedon crusade.They oftenespousedtheir
These statements
masters'quarrels,and looked to themin turnforpreferment.
are illustratedby some eventsin the careerof Peter of Narbonne. He owed his
positionas bishop of Albara to Raymond,count of Toulouse, who had besieged
and capturedthe town,and he behaved as one of Raymond'svassals. En route
fromMarra to Archas,he helped guard the armyagainst surpriseattacks,and
he did
In keepingwithRaymond'sbestinterests,
garrisonedMarra forthecount.33
his best to preventthe commonpeople, who were clamoringforan immediate
31E. A. S. Dawes (trans.)TheAlexiadofthePrince8s
AnnaComnena
(London,1928),p. 256.
32
Ibid.,p. 297.
3
Raymond,
ch. 14,loc.cit.,p. 278H-J.
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The First Crusade
9
thewallsofMarra to hastenthedeparture.34
destroying
marchonJerusalem,from
At Jerusalem,Peter held the town of David forRaymond,who obstinatelyrefusedto surrenderit to Godfrey,the newly-electedDefenderofthe Holy Sepulchre.Here thebishopservedhimbadly,turningthetoweroverto Godfreyalmost
at once; but Raymond's othervassals had refusedto help him in the matterat
all, as theyfeltthat he was clearlyin the wrong.35
The clergywere not, however,entirelysubservientto the lay power. Peter,
at Marra, wherein spite of
forexample,displayedhis independencestrikingly
his carefuldefenseof the count's property,he even acted as spokesmanforthe
rank and filein theirdemand forthe immediatemarch on Jerusalem.But althoughtheydisplayedsome independencein matterstouchingthe commonwelfare,the powerofthe clergy,as opposed to that ofthe leaders,was small,except
when they had the people on their side This is not surprising.At home the
Churchhad not yet won,and neverwas fullyto win its battleforindependence
fromthe secular authority.The defeatof GregoryVII had yet to be retrieved.
On crusadethe positionof the clergywas even weaker,as the emergencyconditionsand the greaterneed forarmedprotectionfurthercrippledtheirabilityto
stand against the lay power.Their sole attemptto take the reinsinto theirown
hands failed completely.36Nevertheless,despite some particularisttendencies,
the solidarityofthe clergywas greaterthan that ofany othergroup.The sacred
characterof their office,the mysteriouspower conferredby ordination,commanded the superstitiousrespectof all classes, and the moral and intellectual
forceof the better among them imposed itselfeven upon the leaders. Consequently,so long as the clergyconfinedtheirattentionto mattersof common
concern,to pressingproblemssuch as the care of the poor,discipline,morality,
and morale,theirinfluencewas strong,and the exerciseoftheirlegitimateregulatoryfunctionswent unchallenged.
The clergypreached,prayed,confessedthe soldiers,gave the last sacraments
and marriages
to thedying,and buriedthedead. Theycelebratedmass regularly,37
occasionally- perhaps all too seldom,judging fromtheirconstantcomplaints
about the moralsof the crusaders.These routineservicesacquired a new importance on crusade,but much moreimportantwerethe functionsimposedby the
perilsand hardshipsof the crusaders'way. Maintenanceof moralewas vital. In
thesetimesof recurrent
crisis,the failureto achieve at least a minimumof discipline and cooperationwould mean disaster,the destructionof the Christian
army;and ifthecrusadefailed,the prestigeof the Urbanistswould collapsewith
it. The thoughtful
had a double responand earnestamongthe clergy,therefore,
sibility,a dutyto both the armyand the Church.
task. Never
From the beginning,the care of the poor was the most difficult
beforehad sucha large hostof paupersencumberedan armyin thefield.It seems
intoitsformation.
impossibleto determinewhatclassesenteredmostprominently
35
Ibid., ch.20,p. 301F.
ch. 16,loc.cit.,p. 278A-B.
Raymond,
R4Ibmdd,
p- 2716-c.
37
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10
The FirstCrusade
There is somementionofpeasants,38
but no clue as to theirnumbers.Perhapsthe
Italian and Provengaltownshad some restlessand pennilessfolkto contribute:
the mostfrequentreferencesto the poor are made by the Provengalchronjicler,
Raymond of Agiles.
The poor,aged, and infirm
who lagged behindRaymond'sarmywereslaughteredlike cattle by the wild tribesmenofSclavonia,whowrestedfromthemtheir
last scantybelongings.39
They died in drovesof famineat Nicaea and Antioch.
They werecut offand massacredby theTurks at Marra,40
and died miserablyin
a thousandskirmishesand ambushesalong the way. What theirconditionmust
have beenin June,1098,whenthecrusaderswerepentup inAntiochbytheTurks,
when many soldiershad lost or eaten theirhorses,and having sold theirarms
were reduced to fightingwith Turkishweapons,when a noble Germanknight
could no longerlive by begging,and had to be fed by scraps fromGodfrey's
table4'- thismay best be leftto the imagination.
In the earlierstages of the crusade,the EmperorAlexius was compelledby
to relieve the situation with alms, firstat Constantinople,then
self-interest
acrossthe straitsin Asia Minor,and again at Nicaea.42But as the crusaderspenetrateddeeperintoAsia Minor,and thepoorweredeprivedofeventhisinadequate
imperialaid, the nobles and clergyhad to take over the task. Raymond of
Toulouse distinguishedhimselfby his care forthe poor.At Clermonthis ambassadors promisedaid forindigentcrusaders.43
En routethroughSclavonia,he and
the bishopof Puy struggledearlyand late to protectthem:the countfoughtalways in the rear to guard the poor stragglers,and was always the last to make
Afterthe fallofAntioch,Raymondoffered
camp at night.44
to lead thepoor,who
werefailingfromhungerand sickness,on a plunderingraid intoenemyterritory;45
and whenhe wentto besiegeAlbara,it was witha mass ofpoorpeople,and very
fewknights.46
A certainspiritof noblesseobligecharacterizedthe attitudeof the knightstoward the poor. At the siege of Antioch,the leaders set up a fundto replace the
horsesof knightswho lost them. Raymondremarks,'This fraternalagreement
producedverybeneficialresults;forthe poor of our army,who wishedto cross
38 Ibid.,ch. 5, pp. 242J,244B; cf.EkkehardofAura,'totquecatervasruricolarum';
but thisprobably
includesthe peasants' crusade(Hierosolymitana,
ix, 2, ed. H. Hagenmeyer[Ttibingen,
1877],p. 112).
39 Raymond,ch. 1, loc. cit.,p. 235A.
40 Brehier,op. cit.,p. 164.
41 Albert,iv, 54, loc. cit.,p. 427B-E.
42 Ibid., i, 15 and ii, 16,pp. 9.83,311; Br'hier, op. cit.,pp. 18, 42; 'Ep. I Stephaniad Adelam,'HEp.,
pp. 138-139; Raymond,ch. 3, loc. cit.,p. 239G. OrdericusVitalisconceivedthat nothingless thanthe
sack ofNicaea could have relievedthe necessitiesof the poor (ix, 6 [Le Prevost,iII, 505-506]).
43 Baldric of Dol, HistoriaJerosolimitana,
i, 5, RHO, iv, 16.
44 Raymond,ch. 1, loc. cit.,p. 9Z36C-D.
46 Ibid.,ch. 13, p. 9264H.
46 Ibid., ch. 14, p. 266D. Hagenmeyer,
Le vrai et le faux sur Pierre l'Hermite,trad. F. Raynaud
(Paris, 1883), p. 9294,suggeststhat afterthe captureof Marra almost all the poor stayedwithRaymond.
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The First Crusade
11
i.e.,when
the riverto gatherherbs,fearedthe frequentattacks of the enemy';47
the knightsno longerfearedlosingtheirhorses,theywerewillingto use themin
protectingthe poor foragers.Raymond also takes pleasure in tellinghow the
poor werepermittedto enrichthemselvesfromthe spoils aftera successfulskirmishnearAntioch,and ran about joyfully,showingoffcapturedsilks,shields,and
on the wayto Jerusalem,
In theplunderingofa Saracen stronghold
evenhorses.48
the lootingwas conducted in accordancewith the wealth of the participants:
' . .. ourpoor,havingtakenup theirbooty,began to return,one afterthe other;
the poorfoot-soldiers
thereafter
tookthe same path,and afterthem,themen-atarms.'49A nicetyof gradation!
Such measureswerenot enough.The bishopofPuy foundit necessaryto make
to provideforthepoor.The Anonymous,withgoodreason,calls
strenuousefforts
himthe sustentamentum
pauperum;and even afterhis death,PeterBartholomew,
whowas lookingfora vehicleto expresshis own views,put in the bishop'smouth
characteristicutterancesabout the duty of the richto thepoor.50In his sermons
Adhemarused to warnthe knightsrepeatedly:
Not oneofyoucan be savedunlesshe honorsthepoorand relievesthem.Justas you
cannotbe savedwithoutthem,so can theynotlivewithoutyou. For thisreasonthey
in
foryoursinsto God, whomyou have offended
mustpraywithdailysupplications
themfortheloveofGod,andsuccor
I command
thatyoucherish
manyways.Therefore
themsofaras youareable.5'
Charity,then,was a religiousduty; and the clergythereforepreachedalmsgivingassiduously,and coupled theirexhortationswithfastsand processionsat
We meet with renewed
Antiochand Jerusalem.But this,too, was insufficient.
agitationfor the care of the poor soon afterthe defeat of Kerbogha;51and at
Archas,earlyin 1099,poorreliefwas at last put on a moreregularbasis - forhow
longwe do not know:
It waspreached
at thistimethatthepeopleshouldgivetithesofall theyhad taken,
thatthey
sincetherewereverymanypoorandmanysickinthearmy:anditwasordered
to their
whosemassestheyattended,and a fourth
givea fourthpartto theirpriests,
twopartstheywereto giveto PetertheHermit,
whomtheyhad
bishops.The remaining
putinchargeofthepoor,bothlayandclerical.03
seems to have enjoyeda considerPeter the Hermit,who was probablya monk,54
and was well suited to be
able ascendancyoverthe rank and fileof the army,55
that the clergyhad theirown poor to retreasurerof the poor. It is noteworthy
lieve, and that theywerepressingfora regularincomefromtithes.
48 Ibid., ch. 8, p. 9Z49E.
Raymond,ch. 6, loc. cit.,pp. 245G-e46A.
Ibid., ch. 14, p. 274: ' . . . pauperes nostri,accepta praeda, unus post alium redirecoeperunt;
deinde pedites pauperes viam tenebant;post eos, militesplebei.' The termmilitesplebeiprobably
designatespersonsnot of knightlyrank, but who foughton horseback(Du Cange, Glossarium,v,
52 Supra, n. 50.
S1Brehier,op. cit.,p. 166.
50Raymond,ch. 13, toc.cit.,p. 264C.
385).
53Raymond,ch. 16, loc. cit.,p. 278A-B.
54Hagenmeyer,Pierrel'Hermite,pp. 26-929.
65Presumablybecause he took up theirdemand foran end to the delays on the way to Jerusalem
(ibid.,pp. 293-297).
47
49
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12
The FirstCrusade
All thesemeasuresnotwithstanding,
the poorunderwentextremesuffering
and
demoralization;and out of theirmiseryand struggleforexistencearose the illfamedband of Tafurs,56
whose exploitshave been enlargedupon to formone of
the mostcuriouslegendsofthe crusades,but whosehistoricity
may no longerbe
doubted.57
Our knowledgeof the Tafurs is shadowy,and it is difficult
to distinguishfact fromfictionconcerningthem.58
They probablyincludedonly a small
partofthepoor and unarmed.GuibertofNogentidentifies
themwiththe gypsyfolkor Truands; possiblytheirnucleuswas composedof gypsies,who werevery
likelyto attachthemselvesto the crusade,and whoseorganizationwouldbe similar to that attributedto the Tafurs.Peter the Hermit'sconstantassociationwith
them,and his influenceoverthem,59
suggestsfurther
that someoftheTafursmay
have been leftover fromthe destructionof his band in Asia Minor. But thereaftertheyappear to have recruitedtheirforcesregularlyfromthepoorestamong
thecrusaders.60
The Tafurslivedundertheruleofa kingwhomtheyhad chosenforthemselves.
They camped somewhatapart fromthe restof the crusaders,who treatedthem
witha respectbornoffear.Incrediblysavage and brutalized,theywentbarefoot
and unarmedsave forclubs, stones,knives,and variouslyimprovisedweapons,
and lived by foragingand plunder.Yet theywerenotentirelydevoidofdiscipline,
and Guibert rejects emphaticallythe suggestionthat they were a useless appendage to the army.6'The crusadersfoundthem ready to carrythe heaviest
burdensand do themostexhaustinglabor; and theyweredoggedlydetermined
in
besiegingcities,wherethey acted as slingers,and performedmany othertasks
besides.They foughtin everybattle,62
and distinguished
themselvesat the storming of Antioch,not only by theirbraveryin the assault, but by theirextreme
crueltyin the sack. Upon rareoccasions,whenotherprovisionsfailed,theTafurs
56 The originof thewordis
obscure.It is most probablyderivedfromthe Armeniantermtahavor
(king), applied to the leader of the Tafurs (Hatem, op. cit.,p. 195); but possiblyfroma termfor
Saracens, extendedto cover gypsiesand Truands of Anynationality(F. Godefroy,Dictionnairede
l'anciennelanguefrangaise,vii [Paris, 1892], 623).
57 Since the brilliantrehabilitation
ofthe Chansond'Antiocheby M. Anouarlatem, whoseworkis
citedabove,p. 6, n. 26. M. Hatem developsthethesisthatthecrusadeepic was bornin thecamp of the
crusaders;that the Ghan8ond'Antiochewas writtenby an eye-witness,
Richardle Pelerin,a trouvere
fromFlanders; that the chroniclers
frequentlyborrowedfromhim,ratherthan vice-versa;
and that
althoughhis workwas completelyrecast and greatlymutilatedby Graindorof Douai, in the reign
of Philip Augustus,it still containsmuch ofhistoricalvalue, especiallyconcerningthe poor and the
Tafurs(op. cit.,pp. 177-237,326-850). See thereviewby J. L. LaMonte, Speculum,x (1935), 97-100.
the onlyprintededitionofthe Chansond'Antioche,
Unfortunately,
ed. P. Paris (2 vols,Paris, 1848)
is veryunsatisfactory.
58 Only one Latin chroniclermentionsthem,Guibert of Nogent,Gesta Dei per Francos,vii, 23,
RHO, iv, 241-242. Probablyhe drewupon the originalversionof the Chansond'Antioche.
59 Chansond'Antioche,
i, 135;ii, 3 ff.,127, 221, 255.
60 Accordingto Guibert,the king of theTafurs used to post himselfat any narrow
place through
whichthe army had to pass, and inspecthis men: ' . . . si cui duorumpretiumsolidorumhabere
contingeret,
hunc confestima sua ditionesecluderet,et eum emerearma jubendo,ad armaticontuberniumexercitussegregaret;si quos, consuetaetenuitatisamantes,nihilprorsuspecuniae aut reservasseaut affectasseconspiceret,hos suo collegiopeculiaresascisceret'(loc. cit.,p. 242).
61 Ibid.
62
Chansond'Antioche,i, 135, 259; ii, 127 f., 254-255, 295.
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The FirstCrusade
13
ate human flesh- e.g., at Antiochand Marra, wherethey consumedportions
cut fromsome of the Saracen dead.63Such actions enhanced a reputationfor
ferocitywhichit alreadypleased themto foster,and inspireda wholesometerror
amongthe Turks and native Christiansalike. In view oftheirservicesin battles
and sieges,and theireffectupon the moraleof the Turks,it would appear that
the Tafurs,unlikethe bulk of the poor,were an asset to everything
exceptthe
good name of the crusaders.
Despite the graveproblemspresentedby the poor,no attemptwas made until
afterthefallofAntiochto discouragetheirparticipation,ifonlytheyweresturdy
and capable. The crusadersexpectedto live in largemeasureoffthe country,and
it is doubtfulthat any except the leaders and wealthierknightspaid much of
theirexpenseswithfundsfromhome. A letteraskingforreinforcements,
dated
October,1097,expressesmarkedpreference
formenofsoundbodyand purse,but
takes care to add: ' . . . ifonlyyou are able to come to us, even withverylittle,
thereafteromnipotentGod will provide foryou, so that you may live.'6 The
crusadersweretoo hardup formanpowerO
to refuseany likelyrecruit,no matter
what the state of his finances.This considerationmay throwadditionallighton
theefforts
oftheleadersand clergyto relievethepoor.Religion,pity,and custom
probablyplayed the major role in determiningtheiraction; but some of them
perhapsrealizedthat everyman rescuedfromabject povertywas an additionto
the fighting
strengthof the pilgrimarmy.
The presenceon crusade of large numbersof women,and even children,also
caused grave complications.Not all the womenwere undesirables.A fewwere
noblewomen,more or less suitablyescorted,as Urban had urged.66Baldwin of
Lorraine67
and RaymondofToulouse68had theirwiveswiththem,and so did a few
knights.69
The religious,on the otherhand,seem to have been representedamong
the womenby but a singlenun,of less than doubtfulmorality.70
The rest of the
women were probablycampfollowers
and harlots,of whose activitieswe have
adequate evidence.7'
The womensharedthe crusaders'hardshipsand perils.Several scoreofthem,
embarkingat Brindisiwith the forcesof Robert of Normandyand Stephen of
63 Ibid., ii,
3-9, forthe gruesomefeastat Antioch.Both the Chanson(ii, 294) and Fulcher(op. cit.,
25, ii, ed. Hagenmeyer,pp. 266-267) notice the eating of human fleshat Marra, but without
mentioningthe Tafurs.Guibert,however,namesthem(loc. cit.,p. 242).
64 'Ep. Simeoniset Hademari,' HEp., p. 142.
65 Ibid.; cf. 'Ep. patriarchaeHierosolimitanae,'
ibid.,p. 147. These letters,callingurgentlyforreinforcements,
date fromOctober,1097, and January,1098,respectively.
66 Albert,ii, 89, loc. cit.,p. 330B-C.
67 Ibid., iII, 27, p. 358B. She was an Englishwoman.
68 Fulcher,op. cit.,i, 32, i (Hagenmeyer,pp. 320-321). Her
name was Elvire.
69 E.g.,
Edith, wife of Gerard de Gournai (Interpolation8of Robertof Torignyin Guillaume de
Jumieges,GestaNormannorum
Ducum, ed. Jean Marx [Rouen, 19141,pp. 277-278); Emma, wifeof
Ralph of Guader (OrdericusVitalis, op. cit., iv, 13 [Le Prevost,ii, 264]); the wife of Foucher de
Bouillon - legendary?(Albert,v, 5, loc. cit.,p. 435E-436C).
70 Infra,p. 18.
71 E.g.,Albert,ii, 24, loc.cit.,p. 317B; OrdericusVitalis,op. cit.,ix, 10 (Le Prevost,iii, 547); Raymond,ch. 14, loc. cit.,p. 969E.
i,
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14
The FirstCrusade
Blois, drowneden massewhenone ofthe overloadedvesselscapsized.72At Dorylaeum theybravedenemyfireto bringwaterto themenin thefighting
lines- an
act forwhichtheAnonymousgivesthemspecialcommendation.73
In the exhausting marchunder the pitilesssun of Asia Minor many died of heat and thirst;
Albert describeshorribleincidentswhich he claims to have heard fromeyeAt Marash, in Lesser Armenia,Baldwin's wifeGodweradied, worn
witnesses.74
out by lingeringillness.75Before
Antiochthe womendied of Saracen arrowsand
the plague; in Jerusalema host of them joined in the street-fighting,
like the
bloodyviragoesoftheFrenchRevolution.76
Far fromhelpless,the womenstood up well underthe endlessmisadventures
of the campaign; but the bishops and leaders learned frombitterexperience
thatthe armywas betteroffwithoutthem.Fromthe siegeofAntiochtheywrite
with emphasis,'Let only the men come; forthe presentleave the women at
home!'77When the crusadershad routedKerbogha,Bruno of Lucca, returning
fromAntiochto his native city, carried the warningthat women,as well as
paupers,were no longerwanted.78But it was too late. The armynow had a full
complementnot onlyofwomenand poor,but of incompetentsand undesirables
of all sorts.
The clergyhad the task of preservingelementaryorderand disciplineamong
this heterogeneousmultitude,and of maintainingvery modest standards of
morality.Describingthe situationat Nicaea, Albertremarks:'It is not to be
doubtedthatalongwithso manydistinguished
captainstherewerepresentcampfollowersof a lowersort: serfsand serving-maids,
marriedand unmarried,and
men and women of every station. The bishops, abbots, monks,canons, and
prieststook chargeof theseto keep themin order,and keep up theircourage.'79
This was a necessaryadministrative
task,noteasy,but probablypleasanterthan
correctingthe moralsof the crusaders.The medievalwarriorwas seldomnoted
forhis chastity,and theclergycouldnotnormallyhave expectedmuchin theway
of continencefromhim. But the crusade was a religiousexpedition,undertaken
forthe sake ofthe souls ofthe participantsas wellas to freeJerusalem.In times
of crisis,then,the questionofmoralitymergedwiththe problemof morale.The
preachingofthe clergyagainstmisconductin general,and adulteryin particular,
was directedtoward a very importantend: to reconcilethe soldiersto their
Creator; to preservethe sense of righteousnesswhich gave confidenceto the
Christianarmy,and in thisway, to keep up its fighting
spirit.
For thisreasonit is probablethatsomemovementtowardreformwas feltafter
everymilitaryreverse;80but we have onlyone instanceof reallyradical action.
72 Fulcher,op.cit.,I,
73 Br6hier,op.
8, ii (Hagenmeyer,p. 169).
cit., p. 46; fora vivid and circumstantialaccount see the Chansond'Antioche,I,
159-160.
74 Fulcher,op. cit.,I, 12, vi (Hagenmeyer,p. 199); (Chanson
d'Antioche,
I, 163; Albert,III, 1, loc.cit.,
76 Ibid.,VI, 21,p. 478C.
76 Ibid.,III, 27,p. 358B.
pp. 339-340.
77 'Ep. patriarchaeIlierosolimitanae,'HEp., p. 148.
78 'Ep. cleriet populi Luccensis,'ibid.,p. 167.
79 Albert,II, 24,loc. cit.,p. 317B-C.
80 E.g., at Marra, where,whenthe siegewas dragging,
PeterBartholomewhad a visionin whichSt.
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The First Crusade
15
At the siege of Antioch,whichwas goingvery badly, the crusadersbegan to
blame their difficulties
upon the iniquitous practices prevalentin the camp.
Fulcher says: 'Then, having taken counsel,they cast out the womenfromthe
army,marriedand unmarried,lest perchance,befouledby the mire of riotous
living,they mightdisplease God. The women,however,found refugein the
neighboring
camps.'8'One wouldexpecttheclergyto have a hand in thismeasure,
whichwas probablynot so sweepingas hererepresented,and Albertconfirms
this
suspicion. Accordingto his account,the leaders and clergylaid down a reform
program:82 The armywas to be purgedofall vice and injustice.Prohibitionswere
renewedagainstthe use offalseweightsand measures,and cheatingof any kind
in money-changing
or othertransactions;steps were taken to preventthievery,
fornication,
and adultery.Severe penaltieswereprovided,and judges appointed
to apply them.Some personswerechained,some had theirheads shaved,others
werebeatenorbranded.As an object-lesson,a man and womancaughtin adultery
were drivenwith whipsall around the camp. This sounds like an ecclesiastical
program,and possiblythe judges werepriests.
In emergenciesthe clergytried to encouragethe army more directly.They
comfortedthe soldierswith sermons,masses, fasts,and processions,and often
stood rightbehind them in battle, praying,exhorting,and hearingthe lastofthefighters.
minuteconfessions
Clad in whitegarments,holdingtheircrucifixes
in theirhands,theywere a powerfuldeterrentto panic at Dorylaeum,Antioch,
Marra, and Jerusalem.At the Holy City, Arnulfand Peter the Hermithelped
close the ranks in preparationforthe finalassault by allayingthe dissensions
whichhad arisenalong the way.83The bishopsand priestsneverlet the people
forgetwhy they had undertakenthe perilousjourney.The death of Adhemar
relieved the procrastinating
leaders,who were only too happy to lingeron the
way, oftheirmostpowerfulcorrector;but even so, the restofthe clergy,and the
lowerclergyin particular,sometimesled, and always secondedthe popular demand fora rapidadvance to theirgoal.84At Jerusalem,to encouragethe assault,
Andrewtold him that therewas so muchadulterythat God wouldbe pleased if theyall took wives
(Raymond,ch. 14, loc. cit.,p. 269E).
81 op. cit.,II, 15, xiv (Hagenmneyer,
p. 223).
82 iII, 57, loc. cit.,pp. 378-379.
83
Fuicher, op. cit., I, 9, ix (Hagenmeyer,pp. 196-197) (at Dorylaeum); Brehier,op. cit.,p. 152,
Raymond,ch. 6, loc.cit.,p. 245E-F, Fulcher,op. cit.,i, 22, iii (Hagenmeyer,pp.252-253) (at Antioch);
Br6hier,op. cit.,p. 174 (at Marra).
At Jerusalem,the lowerclergytook the lead in encouragingthe army:the priestPeter Desiderius
institutedthe fasts,processions,alms, and grandprocessionaroundthe walls whichprecededthe assault (Raymond,ch. 20, loc.cit.,pp. 296-297; Br6hier,op. cit.,pp. 200-202).
For the pacifyingsermonsof Arnulfand Peter the Hermitsee Albert,VI, 8, loc. cit.,pp. 470-471.
It is likelythatmanyotherpersonsalso preachedto thearmy,fromthe Mount ofOlives,at the same
time (Hagenmeyer,Pierrel'Hlermite,
pp. 304-305).
DuringthebattleofAscalon,PetertheHermit,whowas leftbehindwiththegeneminuta,thepoor,
and the infirm,
whilethe knights,prelates,and all thosefitto bear armshad gonieout to battle,kept
up the spiritsofthepeople withprayers,alms,and processions(Br6hier,op. cit.,p. 210; Hagenmeyer,
Pierrel'Hermite,pp. 321-328).
84Peter the Hermitprobablytook a large part in thismovement(ibid.,pp. 294-295); Raymond of
Agiles' account betrayshis own sympathyforit.
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The FirstCrusade
16
the clergypointed out the place where Christhad sufferedand died, and discoursedofthe heavenlycitywhichthe earthlyJerusalemportended.85
It was at Antiochthat the clergymade theirmost strikingcontributionto
morale.There,whenthecitywas closelyinvestedby Kerbogha,and thecrusaders
a losingbattle withthe enemyin the citadel and at the gates,the
werefighting
visionsreportedby a Lombardpriest,and by a Frenchcleric,Etienne Valentin,
touchedoffthe seriesof events whichled to the discoveryof the Holy Lance,
and raisedthe armyfromdespairto victory.The Lombardclerkset the stageby
tellinghow St Ambrosehad appeared to a bishopin Italy, whenthe crusadehad
just been launched,and revealedthat the papal expeditionwas indeed divinely
inspired,and notmerelytheresultofthelevitasanimioftheFrench,and promised
thatthecrusaderswouldtake Jerusalemwithinthreeyears.More thantwoyears,
the Lombardpointedout, had now passed, and a turnforthe bettercould soon
be expected.86
But the commonpeople were stillveryuneasy,fearingwithgood reasonthat
On thenightofJune10, 1098,
theleaderswoulddesert,and leave themtoperish.87
many personsdid slip away, laymenand clergyalike; and, says Raymond,if
Bohemundand the Bishop ofPuy had notclosedthe gates,veryfewwouldhave
The next day,Etienne Valentincame forwardand told his storyto
remained.88
the leaders: Christhad appeared to him in the night,and bade him remindthe
leaders of all that he had done forhis people, and admonishthem that if they
withpagan and Christianwomen,
repentedof theirsins,ceased theirfornication
suntdaily,he would send themsubstantial
and chantedthe responseCongregati
aid withinfivedays.89
and promisedaid withina brief,definite
This revelationwas at first-hand,
period. It called fora reformmovement,forimmediate,healthyaction,which
wouldrelease pent-upemotion,and dispel the apathy and indecisionwhichhad
fastenedthemselvesupon the army.It not onlycalmedthe spiritsand raisedthe
thewavering
courageof the people, but had the moreimportanteffectofforcing
in Etienne's
leadersto take a firmstand.That theleadershad any real confidence
promiseofaid withinfivedays is mostunlikely;but his visionexpressedthefears
and hopes of the multitude,and demanded some gestureto restoretheirconfidence.The bishop of Puy seized his opportunity.While excitementover the
revelationwas stillrunninghigh,Adhemarcombinedclericalwithpopularpressure to make the leaders swear renewedallegiance to the Christiancause:
so that
forward,
theGospelsand theCrossto be brought
... thebishopofPuy ordered
he [Etienne]mightswearthatthisthingwas true.At thattimeall ourleadersdecided
thattheywouldswearan oaththatnoneofthemwouldflee,notevenifit werea matter
oflifeand death,so longas theywerestillliving.... Hearingthisoath,theChristian
beyondmeasure.90
exulted
congregation
86 OrdericusVitalis,op. cit.,ix,
15 (Le Prevost,iII, 604).
87 RayMond, ch. 11, Joc.cit.,p. 256I.
cit.,pp. 415-416.
89 Ibid., pp. 255-256.
90Br6hier,op. cit.,p. 130.
86 Albert,iv, 88, loc.
88 Ibid.
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The First Crusade
17
The connectionbetweenEtienne'soath and the oath ofthe leadersis apparent.9'
Now the maiores had to stickit out. This event,morethan the discoveryof the
and
markedtheturning-point,
Lance, forwhichit was the necessarypreliminary,
saved the crusadingarmy.
The Lance at firsthad less to do withthe clergy.Peter Bartholomewwas not
a priest,or a noncombatant.But Adhemarmade as skillfuluse of the Lance as
he had of Etienne's vision.He was in realitycool to Peter fromthe start;92but
all doubts and dissensionswere carefullysmothereduntil afterthe defeat of
Kerbogha. In the battle, the Lance was carriedby the Provengalchronicler,
Raymond of Agiles,93but in such close proximityto Adhemarthat both the
Anonymousand Bruno of Lucca, eye-witnessesof the event, made a natural
errorand creditedthebishopwithcarryingit. Thistheycouldscarcelyhave done
ifthe bishop had made his scepticismknown,as indeed he did, later. Adhemar
gave the Lance his tacit approvaluntilthe crisiswas over,in orderto maintain
themoraleofthe crusaders.Perhapshe wouldhave continuedto pay it deference,
ifthe Provengalshad not treatedit as privateproperty,and triedto use itsprestige fortheirown advantage.
Not all clericalactionswereequallyserviceableto thecrusade.The quarrelover
the Lance broughta sharp cleavage in theirranks,with Arnulf,who led the
sceptics,vigorouslyopposedbythe Provengalgroup,e.g.,the bishopsofOrange95
and RaymondofAgiles.The lowerclergytended
Peter ofNarbonne,97
and Agde,98
to splitalongthesamelines.98The bishopofPuy couldno longerconcealhisviews.
AfterAdhemar's death, when Arnulfwas asked why he doubted, he replied,
'Because thebishopof Puy had doubted,'99and none of the oppositionventured
to deny it. Instead they manufacturedvisions to prove that Adhemar was
punishedin the nextworldforhis scepticism.But as the bishop,withcustomary
91 Cf. Raymond, ch. 11, loc. cit.,p. 256H-J, whichconfirms
the Anonymousin everyimportant
particular.
92 'Episcopus autem nihilesse praeterverba putavit...'
(ibid.,p. 255F).
9 'Vidi ego haec quae loquor,et dominicamlanceam ibi ferebam'(ibid.,ch. 12, p. 261A).
beingone
9 Br6hier,op. cit.,p. 152; 'Ep. cleriet populi Luccensis,'HEp., p. 167.The Anonymous,
of Bohemund's men, and Bruno, being an Italian, were in all likelihoodposted in the rear,with
Bohemund'sforces,whichwere held in reserve,and could scarcelyhave seen clearlyjust who was
carryingthe Lance. The Anonymousmusthave learnedsooneror laterof Adhemar'sscepticismand
of the fact that Raymond carriedthe Lance; but he probablywrotefromnotes taken fromtimeto
thispart ofhis work.The Chanson
timeon the campaign,and perhapsnevergot aroundto correcting
d'Antiochealso representsAdhemaras carryingthe Lance - but withgreatreluctance,afterall the
(II, 200-205,256).
otherleadersrefusedto do so on the groundsthatit wouldhamperthemin fighting
This may be an echo of the scepticismofboth Adhemarand the leaders.If the extantversionof the
ChansonfollowsRichard le Pelerin'seye-witnessaccountof these events,we must assume that as a
Fleminghe was placed in advance with the forcesof Robert of Flanders,and like Bruno and the
Anonymous,could not see who was carryingthe Lance. However,all theseaccountsmay be reconciledby assumingthatAdhemarcarriedthe Lance part ofthetime.
95 Raymond,ch. 11, loc. cit.,p. 257; ch. 14, p. 269G-H.
97 Ibid., p. 269G-H.
9 Ibid., ch. 13, p. 265A-C.
98 E.g., Peter Desideriusand Ebrardus,priestsof the Provencalfaction(ibid., ch. 17, p. 281), and
99Ibid., ch. 17, p. 281A-C.
a chaplain,Simon (ibid.,ch. 18, p. 2B5B).
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18
The First Crusade
moderation,had refusedto becomea vigorouspartisanofeitherside,the Provengals refrainedfrombesmirchinghis memory,and werecontentto have his hair
and beard singed a little in Purgatorybeforeassigninghim his properseat in
heaven."'0These dissensionswerea source of weaknessto the army.By calling
forthan overplusof tendentiousvisionsfromthe seers of the Provengalparty,
they underminedfaithand embitteredthe relationsbetween the various contingents.These, perhaps, were the quarrels Arnulftried to appease before
Jerusalem;"'1 ifso, we mustcredithim witha conciliatory
sermon.
A few instancesare also recordedin which individualecclesiasticsfell from
grace. At Nicaea the pilgrimsrescuedfromthe Turks a nun froma conventin
Tr8ves,who had been rashenoughto join Peter's expedition.A councilofclergy
readilyforgaveherthe forcedlapse fromchastitywhichshe suffered
at thehands
of the Turks; but she foundthe forbiddenfruit,once tasted, sweeterthan the
hope of heaven, and fled the camp with her formerSaracen captor,now her
lover.'02Adalberon,who has alreadybeen mentioned,was no ornamentto the
churchof Metz.'03Albert recordswith a trace of satisfactionthat the Turks
killed him and carri~edoffhis lady. Some churchmen,wornout by famineand
This withdrawalwas
hardship,fledfromthecamp at Antiochto themountains.'04
justifiablein that a reductionin the numberofnoncombatantswouldrelievethe
strainon the foodsupply,but it set a bad example.Worsestill,therewereclerics
amongthe 'rope-dancers,'who slippeddownthe walls ofAntiochand fled,during
the nightof June 10-11, 1098.105
These instancesofclericalmisbehaviorare gratifyingly
few,and exceptforthe
quarrelover the Lance, unimportant.We hear of no act of desertionamongthe
higherclergy,suchas wa7scommittedby StephenofBlois orHugh ofVermandois.
Peter the Hermitfledin a momentof weaknessfromthe siege ofAntioch;'06
but
he can scarcelybe reckonedamongthehigherclergy,and once he was caughtand
broughtback he returnedto his duty and did good service,whichis morethan
can be said forhis lay companionin flight,Williamthe Carpenter.'07
Yet therewas good reasonforthe weakerspiritsto quail. Famine,plague,and
Saracen arrowshad no respectforholy orders.Death foundRoger,chaplain of
somewherein Asia Minor,and the
Anselmde Ribemonte,at Sparnumcastellum,
bishop of Russignolo,who had come fromItaly with Bohemund,at the camp
beforeAntioch.Ludwig,archdeaconofToul, and manyofhis companions,were
cut offand massacredby the Turks in the mountainsnear the same city.Soon
afterthe fall of Antioch,the bishop of Puy, wornout by his endlesslabors,fell
underthe shadowofthe plague and died, whileat Marra the same fateovertook
his unofficial
successor,William,bishopofOrange.JustbeforethebattleofAsca101Supra, p. 15.
cf. ch. 18, p. 262G.
Albert,ii, 37, loc.cit.,pp. 327-328. She came 'de coenobioSanctae Mariae ad horreaTrevirensis
Ecclesiae,' apparentlythe conventofOrreenor Horreum(Gallia Christiana,Vol. xIII, cols 611-612).
ofthisconventmakes his storyseemmoreprobable,and incidentally
Albert'saccurateidentification
supportsthe beliefthat he came fromAachen,ratherthanfromAix in southernFrance.
103 Supra, p. 7.
104 Albert,in, 53, loc. cit.,pp. 375-376.
105 Supra, p. lb, n. 87.
108 Brehier,op. cit.,p. 76.
107 Hagenmeyer,Pierrel'Hewnite,
pp. 255-256.
100 Ibid.;
102
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The FirstCrusade
19
Ion, an Egyptian skirmishing
forcecarriedoffthe bishopofMartirano,who was
heardofno more.The plague in the camp beforeAntiochsweptofflargenumbers
ofnoncombatants,includingmonksand priests.Albertestimatesthe dead at one
hundredthousand08- a pictorialnumber,literallymeaningless,
but whichindicates that the clergy,too, suffered
heavy losses. It is noteworthy
that Adhemar
had to ordainpriestsalong the way. The Anonymousrecordsthisfactin such a
wayas to suggestthatit was a routinefunction.109
RaymondofAgileswas elevated
to thepriesthoodwhileon crusade.110
Was therea shortageofpriests?Not at the
outset.The shortagedevelopeden route,and was due to the highmortalityrate.
Those of the survivorswho chose to remainin the Holy Land mightfindrare
opportunitiesawaitingthem. Withinthe territoryconquered by the crusaders
the ecclesiasticalsituationwas greatlyconfused.The Greekclergy,maintaining
a precariousascendancy,controlledthe patriarchatesofAntiochand Jerusalem,
and held themoreimportantsees,whiletheJacobites,Armenians,and Maronites
maintainedseparatechurchorganizations.111
All thesectssuffered
grievouslyduring the upheavals attendantupon the crusade. The patriarchof Antiochwas
savagely torturedby the Turks;112the ChristianswereexpelledfromJerusalem,
and the Jacobitecongregationhad to fleeto Egypt.113
But theChristianswereby
no means exterminated.
Althoughnot fondof schismatics,the crusaderslet the Jacobites,Armenians,
and Maronitesexercisetheirreligionin peace, presumablyforreasonsofpolicy.'14
In the beginning,the Greeksfaredeven better.The patriarchof Jerusalemassociated on termsofintimacywiththe papal legate.115
Differences
of riteand usage
wereforgotten,
and a corpsof mixedGreekand Latin clericsinstatedat Antioch.116
But as relationsbetweenthe crusadersand the EmperorAlexiusgrewmoreand
more strained,the Greek positionsteadilydeteriorated.The firstominousnote
was struckin September,1098,whentheleaders invitedUrban to come and help
exterminate
theheretics,includingtheGreeks.'17Fromthistimeon the crusaders
began to treat the bishopricsof the Holy Land as theirproperty.No important
postwas givento a Greekcleric.ThepatriarchofJerusalemdied at Cyprus,118
and
was not to be replaced by one of his countrymen.The patriarchof Antioch,
whosedemisewas not so convenientlytimed,foundaftertwoyearsthathe could
notgetalongwiththeLatin churchmen,
and leftofhisownaccord.119
By and large
the fieldwas clear forthe Latin clergy.If anything,they had more bishoprics
than theycould eitherfillor maintain.120
108v, 4, loc. cit.,p. 435E.
"I ' . . . ipseque ordinabatclericos...' (Br6hier,op. cit.,p. 166).
11
Raymond,ch. 15, loc. cit.,p. 276A.
1"' For these sects in theirrelationswiththecrusaders,see M. Spinka, 'The Effectof the Crusades
upon Eastern Christianity,'Environmental
Factorsin ChristianHistory,ed. J. T. McNeill et al.,
(Chicago, 1939), pp. 252-272.
112Williamof Tyre,vI, 23, RHO, i, 274.
113Spinka,loc. cit.,p. 254.
114 Ibid., pp. 255-256.
115See his twoletters,writtentogetherwithAdhemarand otherbishopsfromthe crusaders'camp
(HEp., pp. 141-142, 147-148).
116 Albert,v, 1, loc. cit.,p. 433B.
117 Supra, p. 5, n. 19.
118Albert,vi, 89, loc. cit.,p. 489.
119Supra, n. 112.
120 Prutzconcludesthatthecrusaderswere
notwealthyenoughtomaintainthechurchorganizations
ofPalestineand Syria withtheir102 bishoprics(Kulturge8chichte
derKrezfilge [Berlin,18831,p. 97).
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20
The First Crusade
Our information
is farfromcomplete,but somedetailsmaybe givenconcerning
the more importantsees. When Baldwin and Bohemund made theirbelated
pilgrimageto Jerusalemin 1099,theybroughtfourpriestswiththem- Benedict,
Roger,Bartholomew,and BernardofValence,the formerchaplainofthe bishop
of Puy. The firstwas consecratedarchbishopof Edessa; the others,bishopsof
Tarsus, Mamistra,and Artasium respectively.12'
At Antioch,when the Greek
patriarchJohnhad withdrawn,the same Bernardtook his place. In September,
1098, Raymond of Toulouse presidedover the electionof Peter ofNarbonneas
bishop of Albara; Peter later became archbishopof Apamea. In June,1099, the
leaders chose Robert, a priestof Rouen, as bishop of Ramlah, a see rendered
especiallyvaluable by the preciousremainsof St George.They providedforthe
collectionoftithes,and endowedtheircandidatewithgold,silver,and livestock.
'He remainedtherewithjoy.'122At Jerusalem,canons wereassignedto the Holy
Sepulchreand the Temple,128while Gerhard,abbot of Allerheiligenin Schaffhausen,who had undertakenthe long journeyforthe love of God, was chosen
Guardian of the Sepulchre.Even the abbot whomwe have noted as burninga
falsestigma on his browl24
was able to obtaina post,firstas,abbot ofSt Mary's in
Jehoshaphat,and thenas archbishopof Caesarea.
These electionsreflectedthe investiturestriferagingin Europe, and would
not have met the approval ofa Cluniac reformer.
Raymond,describingthe electionofthe bishopofAlbara, says that the countofToulouse consultedhis chaplains and the otherleaders,and then proceededto choose a bishop. One of the
electionand
chaplains (perhapsRaymond himself)announcedthe forthcoming
inquiredif any candidate would presenthimself.As no one venturedto do so,
the clergy and leaders chose Peter of Narbonne, the people assented by acclamation,and the count then investedthe bishop withhis temporalities.It is
clear that the count of Toulouse directedthe choice. Similarly,the bishop of
Ramlah (Robert of Rouen) seems to have been chosenby the maiores.125
The richestprize was the patriarchateof Jerusalem.The clergyknewits importance,and wishedto electthe spiritualhead first,
perhapsconceivingthatthis
prioritywould enable the patriarchto overshadowhis secularcolleague.126
One
senses a sharp change in theirattitude.With peaceful conditionspartiallyrestored,theywerebeginningto shake offtheirsubservienceand riseup as at home
to challengethe lay power.If Adhemarhad lived, theirefforts
mighthave succeeded. But theywereweakenedby the loss of theirbest leaders,Adhemarand
man of
William,bishopofOrange.Save forthe bishopof Albara, the right-hand
Wherehe obtainedhis estimateof 102 bishoprics,I cannot say. The patriarchatesof Antiochand
Jerusalemshould each have includedat least that many. For Antioch,see William of Tyre, IV, 9,
RHO,I, 166; xIV, 12, p. 623; forJerusalem,ibid.,pp. 1135-1137.
121Raoul ofCaen, Gesta
Tancredi,
ch. 140,RHO,iii, 704.
122Br6hier,op. cit.,p. 192.
123Fulcher,op. cit.,I, 30, 2 (Hagenmeyer,
p. 308).
124Supra,p. 6, and appendix,sv.Baldwin.
125Sourcereferences
forbothelectionswillbe foundin theappendix,nos. 32, 35.
128Raymond,ch. 20, loc. cit.,p. 301A-D.
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The First Crusade
921
the count of Toulouse, they still foundit necessaryto step softly.Angeredby
theirprotests,theleadersproceededall themorequicklyto electa secularhead.'27
The patriarchatefell to Arnulfof Chocques, chaplain of Robert Curthose.
There was some lively electioneering,
withthe Provengalsopposinghis election
bitterly;but by Raymond'sownadmission,128
Arnulfhad themajorityofthepeople as wellas oftheclergyon his side. Arnulfhad comeup in theworld.His riseis
an epitomeof the extraordinary
opportunities
the crusadeoffered
to the clergy.
The bishop of Martirano,Arnulf'ssupporter,obtained the churchof Bethlehem,but neverlived to rule over the see of Christ'snativity.He was snatched
away to an unknownfateby the Turks; and Raymond,who chargesthat he receivedthe churchin returnforaidingthe electionofArnulf,regardshisuntimely
end as a divine punishment.If we may believe that Arnulfturned out some
clergywho held beneficesin the Holy Sepulchre,it is quite likelythat he undertookto rewardhis partisansby providingthemwithplaces.129
CONNECTICUT COLLEGE.,
APPENDIX
A LIST
OF CLERGY ON THE FIRST CRUSADE
Thislistis limitedto clericswhowenton crusadewiththemainarmiesin
1096,and evenwithintheselimitsdoesnotpretendto exhausttheextantsources.All
references
havebeenchecked.Questionmarkshave beenplacedafterdoubtful
entries
inthelist.
1. Adalberon,
archdeacon
ofMetz. Albert,ill, 46, loc.cit.,pp. 370D-371D;R. Rohricht,
Die Deutschen
imHeiligenLande(Innsbruck,
1894),p. 16.
2. Adhemar
ofMonteil,bishopofPuy.Fora summary
ofhiscareer,seeCh. Kohlerin
La Grande
Encyclop6die,
I, 555. Thereis alsoa monograph
to whichI havenothadaccess:
G. J.d'Adh6mar
Labaume,Adhtmar
deMonteil,
dePuy- legatd'UrbainII, 1079gvtque
1098(Le Puy,1910).
3. 'Adrianus
episcopus.''ChartaBoemundi,'
HEp., p. 156.He maybe the'episcopusde
Apulia'(Fulcher,
op.cit.,ed. Hagenmeyer,
p. 327,n. 24),whomayin turnbe thebishop
of Russignolo(Ronciglione,
Roscignolo,Rossano?)noted by Hagenmeyer,
Anonymi
GestaFrancorum
(Heidelberg,
1913),p. 155,n. 28.
4. Agde,bishopof.Raymond,
ch. 13,loc.cit.,p. 265A-C,callshim'episcopus
Atensis'
(Attensis,
Artasiensis);
A. C. Krey,TheFirst Crusade(Princeton,
1921),p. 201,bishop
ofAgde,nearNarbonne;Fulcher,op.cit.,ed. Hagenmeyer,
p. 196,n. 30,bishopofAtta.
5. Alexander,
chaplainofStephenofBlois.'Ep. ii Stephaniad Adelam,'HEp., p. 159.
6. Apulia,bishopfrom.
Seeabove,no.3.
7. Arnulf
ofChocques.The bestbiographical
and bibliographical
noteon Arnulf
is in
David,Robert
Curthose,
Appendix
C, pp. 217-220,whereit is demonstrated
thathe came
notfrom
'Rohes'butfrom
Choques,inthedioceseofTherouanne.
NOTE. -
Ibid.
Ibid.,ch. 21,p. 802C. Space is lackingherefora discussionofthe disputedquestionas to whether
Arnulfwas electedpatriarchregularlyor irregularly,
or whetherhe was merelyelectedvice-patriarch
protempore.
For a defenseof the view that Arnulfwas electedregularly,see HEp., pp. 409-411; for
an opposingview see Emil IHampel,Untersuchungen
uberdas lateinischePatriarchatvonJerusalem
(1099-1118) (Breslau, 1899), pp. 3-14. For additionalbibliographysee above, appendix,no. 7.
129 Raymond,cited supra,n. 128.
1
128
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22
The First Crusade
8. Arnulf,bishopof Martirano.He aided the electionof Arnulfof Chocques as patriarch (Raymond,ch. 21, loc.cit.,p. 302A-C); was carriedoffby Saracens (Brehier,op. cit.,
p. 210); cf.Italia Sacra, Vol. ix, col. 279.
9. Atta,bishopof.See above, no. 4.
10. Baldwin,an abbot. He burneda crosson hisforeheadto obtainfundsforthejourney
(GuibertofNogent,RHO, iv, 182-183),but as he confessedthissin and led an exemplary
lifethereafter,
he was chosenfirstabbot of St Mary's in Jehoshaphat,and thenin 1101,
archbishopof Caesarea (ibid.). Guibertdoes not name him; but Hagenmeyer(Fulcher,
op. cit.,p. 405, n. 4) identifieshim as Baldwin (died 1107), who came out withGodfrey;
cf. Williamof Tyre, ix, 9, ed. Babcock and Krey, i, 398, and n. 24, and R. Rohricht,
Geschichte
des erstenKreuzzuges(Innsbruck,1901), p. 117,n. 92.
11. Bartholomew,a priest.Consecratedbishop of Mamistra, 1099; Raoul of Caen, ch.
140, RHO, iII, 704.
192.Benedict, a priest. Consecrated archbishopof Edessa, 1099 (Raoul, cited supra,
no. 11). Hagenmeyeridentifieshim withan unknownbishop who came withBaldwin on
his pilgrimageto Jerusalemin 1099 (Fulcher,op. cit.,i, 33, viii,p. 323, and n. 25)butthis
contradictsRaoul's statementthat Roger,Bartholomew,Bernard,and Benedictwereall
'in presbyteratus
officio
positi'whentheycame.
13. BernardofValence,chaplainofAdhemarof Puy. ConsecratedbishopofArtasium,
1099 (Raoul, citedsupra,no. 11); about a yearlater,patriarchofAntioch(WilliamofTyre
VI, 23, RHO, i, 274-275).
14. Bertrandof Puy, a priest.Raymond,ch. 17, loc. cit.,p. 282E-H.
15. Bonfilius,bishop of Foligno. Vita B. Bonftlii,episcopiFulginatis,AASS, 27 Sept.,
vii, 489-490 (writtenwithsome criticalinsightby one Sylvester,ca 1235). Bonfiliuswas
an ardentreformer,
took onlypious clericsand laymenwithhim,and is alleged to have
lived forten years as a hermitin the Holy Land beforereturninghome. Cf. Leib, Rome,
Kiev,etByzance,p. 256.
16. Ebrardus,a priest.Raymond,ch. 17,loc.cit.,p. 281.
17. Etienne of Valence, a priest. Raymond, ch. 11, loc. cit., pp. 255-257; Brehier,
op. cit.,pp. 128-132.
18. Frumold, canon of Cologne. (?) Transferredhis propertyto the abbey of Brauweilerin returnformoneyforthe journey,Dec. 31, 1095; but thisdoes not prove that he
actuallywent(Hagenmeyer,Chronologie,
no. 16,p. 12).
19. Fulcherof Chartres,a priest.See the introductionto Hagenmeyer'seditionof his
work,and D. C. Munro, 'A Crusader.' Speculum,vii (1932), 321-335.
20. Gerbault of Lille, a priest. TranslatioreliquiarumS. GeorgiiMartyri,AASS, 23
April,III, 136-137.
21. Gerhard,abbot of Allerheiligen
in Schaffhausen.Gave up his post 'pro humilitate'
afterbeing abbot only a fewmonths,to go on crusade. As 'priorsancti sepulcri'he was
one ofthe chiefmenof the new kingdom.See F. L. Baumann, 'Das Kloster Allerheiligen
in Schaffhausen,'in Die dltestenUrkundenvon Allerheiligen
in Schaffhausen,
Rheinau
undMuri (Vol. iII ofQuellenzurSchweizerGeschichte,
Basel, 1883),p. 53, and n. 4, p. 165;
cf.Bernold,MGH SS, v, 467.
22. Gervais,abbot of St Savin sur la Guartampe.(?) Accordingto theVita B. Bernardi
Tironiensis,AASS, 14 April,ii, 226C-D, he wenton crusade and was devouredby a lion;
but thereis also a traditionthat he died in Judaea in 1079 (Gallia Christiana,Vol. ii,
col. 1287).
23. Gilbert,bishop of Evreux. He buried Odo, bishop of Bayeux, at Palermo,en route
to the Holy Land (OrdericusVitalis,viii, 1, ed. Le Prevost, i, 266); but as he was home
by Nov. 13, 1099, it is possible that he did not finishthe crusade (ibid.,x, 10 [iv, 651;
cf.David, op. cit.,p. 223).
24. Gislebert,canon ofSt Mary's in Aachen.(?) R. Rohricht,Beitrdgezur Geschichte
der
Kreuzzige (2 vols,Berlin,1874),II, 302; but thesourcecited(Albert,VI,36) does notprove
thatGislebertwas necessarilyon thecrusade.
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The First Crusade
23
25. Helias, bishop of Bari. 'Bartolf de Nangeio,' GestaFrancorumTherusalem
expugnantium,ch. 26, RHO, In, 507D; Fulcher,op. cit.,ed. Hagenmeyer,p. 196,n. 30.
26. Ludwig,archdeaconofToul. Albert,in, 53, loc.cit.,pp. 375F-376C.
27. Odo, bishopofBayeux. See above, no. 23.
28. Otto,bishopofStrassburg.Bernold,loc. cit.,pp. 466, 467; Gallia Christiana,Vol. v,
col. 796; forcollectedreferences,
Rohricht,Die Deutschenim HeiligenLande,p. 19.
29. Peter, bishop of Anagni. (?) The Vita B. Petri,episcopiAnagnini,AASS, 3 Aug.,
I, 238, alleges that Peter went 'apostolica licentia' withBohemundto avoid persecution
arisingfromunjustchargesthathe had misusedfundscollectedto builda church.But the
Vita is late and faulty,exhibitingstartlingchronologicalinconsistencies;and W. Holtzmann questionsits claim to restupon a contemporary
lifeof Peter ('Studien zur Orientpolitikdes Reformpapsttums,'
HistorischeVierteljahrschrift,
xxii [1924-1925],171, and
nn. 3, 4). Cf. Leib, op. cit.,p. 84, n. 6, and R. B. Yewdale, Bohemund1, PrinceofAntioch
(Princeton,1924),p. 38.
30. Peter Desiderius,a priest.Raymond,ch. 17, loc. cit.,p. 281.
31. PetertheHermit.Hagenmeyer,Pierrel'Hermite.
32. Peter of Narbonne,a priest.Consecratedbishop of Albara, 1098 (Brehier,op. cit.,
p. 168; Raymond,ch. 14, loc. cit.,p. 266D-G); the firstLatin bishop chosenby the crusaders. Afterelectionhe wentto Antiochto be consecratedby the GreekpatriarchJohn
IV. When Bernard became patriarchof Antioch,Peter transferred
the allegiance of his
see to that church,and was made an archbishop(Williamof Tyre,vii, 8, RHO, i, 289),
apparentlyof Apamea (ibid., xii, 10), sometimebetween 1112-1119 (RHO, v, introd.,
lxv). As archbishopof Apamea he is said to have despoiledthe tombs of the patriarchs
Abraham,Isaac, and Jacob at Hebron (CanoniciHebronensistractatus
de inventione
sanctorumpatriarcharum,
RHO, v, 390E). He was stillalive in 1119.
33. Peter Tudebode, priestof Civray.See his Historiade Hierosolimitana
itinere,RHO,
m; forcommentary,
Krey,op. cit.,p. 11.
34. Raymond of Agiles. Author of the eye-witnessaccount, Historia Francorumqui
Jerusalem,
ceperunt
RHO, in, 235-309.
35. Robert of Rouen, a priest. Consecrated bishop of Ramlah (Lydda, St George),
June,1099 (Brehier,op. cit.,p. 192, Raymond, loc. cit.,p. 292A; Albert,v, 42, loc. cit.,
p. 461B; William of Tyre,vii, 22, loc. cit.,p. 313). He was the firstLatin bishop on the
patriarchateofJerusalem.
36. Roger, a priest.Consecratedbishop of Tarsus, 1099 (Raoul, cited supra, no. 11).
37. Roger,chaplain of Anselmde Ribemonte.Died at Sparnumcastellum,somewhere
in Asia Minor ('Ep. I Anselmiad Manassem,' HEp., p. 145).
38. Russignolo,bishopof.See no. 3.
39. Sannardus,chaplainofRobertofFlanders.It was to himthatRobertentrustedthe
arm ofSt GeorgewhichGerbaultofLille had stolen(supra,no. 20).
40. Simon,a chaplain.Raymond,ch. 13,loc.cit.,p. 265B.
41. William,bishop of Orange. There is an excellentbiographicalnote on William in
HEp., p. 411,n. 27.
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