Download Spain as Seen in the Theatre of London, 1588-1605

International Journal of Arts and Sciences
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Spain as Seen in the Theatre of London, 1588-1605: An
Exploration of Popular Sentiment
Edward Eaton, University of Nizwa, Oman
Abstract: A study of the literature of the period immediately after the Spanish Armada to
the end of the war in 1604 might well find many negative references to or books and
pamphlets about the Spanish and their 'crimes. However, scholars studying this literature
are guilty of supposing that any work of prose would have a wide audience. Books and
pamphlets during this period were written for a select audience of like-minded persons or
for those who had means or position; theatre was the only form of true mass
communication. Were I writing on WWII, I could find dozens, maybe scores, of anyiaxis propaganda films made during the war by the allies. Did the plays written in
England between 1588 and 1604 show the same sort of anti-Spanish sentiments? If so,
how were those sentiments expressed in theatrical scripts; if not, how were the Spanish
represented in theatrical scripts?
Keywords: English Theatre, Spain, Black Legend, Elizabethan Theatre
Introduction
On 9 May 1588, the Spanish Armada finally left the port of Lisbon and set sail for the
English Channel. On 31 July of the same year, the Spanish Captain-General of the Ocean
Sea, the Duke of Medina Sidonia, hoisted his banner as a signal to engage the enemy, and
The Lord Admiral of England, Charles Howard, sent his challenge to his Iberian enemy.
Thus began the first skirmish in what would later be characterized as one of the greatest
battles in naval history.
According to popular legend, the defeat of the Armada insured Dutch independence,
French emancipation from Spanish interventions, and a shifting of the balance of power
in Europe from Spain to England (Trevelyan 258). The Armada is seen as the watershed
of Elizabethan England. Whatever the long-term impact the defeat of the Armada had on
Europe and on England, the more immediate effect it had on England was to escalate
what had been some aid to the Dutch rebels and Drake's private war against Philip II into
open warfare that would last throughout the reign of Elizabeth. James I would end the
war in 1604. According to historical consensus, the war created anti-Spanish sentiments
which dominated public opinion throughout the period (Maltby 87).
In 1608 Francis Bacon wrote, "For up to that year [1588] there was no penalty of a
grievous kind imposed...upon popish subjects. But just then the ambitious and vast
design of Spain for the subjugation of the kingdom came gradually to light" (445). Even
International Journal of Arts and Sciences
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though any immediate threat from Spain was effectively ended by the defeat of the
Armada Louis B. Wright, in Middle Class Culture in Elizabethan England argues that for
years after the great naval victory there was great demand for ballads:
Descriptive of English valor against the Spaniards. The glory of the
Queen; the nobility of the struggle against Spain on the sea, in France, and
in the Netherlands.... Numerous titles of other anti-Spanish ballads now
lost are recorded in the Stationers Register (423).
However unspectacular the war might have been (Fluchere 39), it affected the English
economically because it interfered with profitable trade between Spanish and English
merchants (Croft 281-302) and raised constant rumors of invasion, especially in 1599
(Fluchere 39). And, indeed, it must have caused no little concern in England when Philip
III, in 1601, proposed his sister Isabel as the Catholic successor to the aging Protestant
Queen (Loftis 105-06).
A study of the literature of this period might well find many negative references to or
books and pamphlets about the Spanish and their 'crimes,' as William Maltby does in his
work, The Black Legend in England. However, scholars studying this literature are guilty
of supposing that any work of prose would have as wide an audience as a work of theatre.
Even if the average audience member might want to and be able to read a broadside, that
one sheet would cost half a penny compared to one penny for an afternoon at the theatre.
At somewhere around five dollars for that one page (see Forse 237 for a conversion rate),
it would be quite an extravagance even if he had access to such works, and broadsides,
cheep, single-sided publications, had a short life, often being tossed aside (Watt 25), used
for wrapping paper (Bennett 231), or other purposes.
Books and pamphlets during this period were written for a select audience of like-minded
persons or for those who had means or position. On the other hand, even though
playwrights tended to not question the opinions of the patrons and of the court, neither
would they intentionally disagree with them. The theatre was the only form of mass
communication. Even if it could not reach the mass audience that TV and film can today,
10-15% of the city of London was no mean feat (Gurr 59-72).
War has always been a popular subject to bring audiences into theatres. In this age of
spectacular films, war is a common theme. The Star Wars trilogy, Platoon, and Patton
are good examples. Wars and battle scenes were also great crowd pleasers in the
Elizabethan age. 1 Henry VI, Richard III, Macbeth, Henry V, 1 and 2 Tamburlaine, and
Titus Andronicus are good examples of the popularity of war on the Elizabethan stage.
Since war with Spain dragged on for almost twenty years were any popular sentiments
towards Spain or the Spanish reflected in the theatre. In this paper I will focus on plays
that appeared between the defeat of the Armada in 1588 and 1605, just after the Treaty of
London ended the war between England and Spain in 1604. As James H. Forse points
out in Art Imitates Business, "there is little doubt that the London theatre of Elizabeth's
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day cashed in on current events" (149). The value of this study will be to determine to
what extent the war with Spain was imposed on the average theatergoer.
An appropriate twentieth-century analogy might be the Allied treatment of Germans and
Japanese in films made during World War II. Many films were overtly anti-Axis
propaganda. Were I writing on WWII, I could find dozens, maybe scores, of propaganda
films made during the war by the allies. WWII was a war that involved almost every
aspect of our societies. Did the plays written in England between 1588 and 1604 show
the same sort of anti-Spanish sentiments? If so, how were those sentiments expressed in
theatrical scripts; if not, how were the Spanish represented in theatrical scripts?
Analysis of the Plays of the Period
Given that this is a paper about Elizabethan drama, Shakespeare would be an obvious
place to look first. John Bartlett's Complete Concordance of Shakespeare under "Spain,"
gives twelve references from eight plays. References that fall within the period studied in
this paper include:
Antipholus of Syracuse: Where Spain?
Dromio of Syracuse: Faith I saw it not; but I felt it hot in her breath.
Antipoholus of Syracuse: Where America, the Indies?
Dromio of Syracuse: O, sir, upon her nose, all o'er embellished with
rubies, carbuncles, sapphires, declining their rich aspect to the hot breath
of Spain, who sent whole armadas of carracks to be ballast at her nose.
(Comedy of Errors iii.2.133-141)
Biron: But is there no quick recreation granted?
King: Ay, that there is. Our court, you know, is haunted
With a refined traveler of Spain,
A man in all the world's new fashion planted,
That hath a mint of phrases in his brain....
This child of fancy, that Armado might,
for interim to our studies shall relate
In high-born words the worth of many a knight
From tawny Spain lost in the world's debate.
(Love's Labour's Lost i.1.159-171)
Chatillon: His [John's] marches are expedient to this town,
His forces strong, his soldiers confident.
With him along is come the Mother-Queen,
An Ate stirring him to blood and strife;
With her niece, the Lady Blanch of Spain....
(King John i.1.60-64)
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Citizen: That daughter there of Spain, the Lady Blanche,
Is Niece to England. (i.1.423)
Pistol: The fig of Spain. (Henry V iii.6.57)
Oxford: ...Great John of Gaunt,
Which did subdue the greatest part of Spain.
(3 Henry VI.III.iii.82)
There is one passing reference to Spain in Julius Caesar, and one to a "sword of Spain"
in Othello (v.2.253).
Under "Spanish" there are two citations that refer to Spanish swords, seen as excellent
weapons in this time—far from a slur of any kind. Under "Spaniard" there are five
references, only one of them seemingly negative: when Don Pedro says of Benedick that
he is like a "Spaniard from the hip up, no doublet" (Much Ado III.ii.36). Broadening the
search a little found three references from two plays for "Arragon" [sic], no references
under Castilian or Castile.
Love's Labour's Lost is the first of Shakespeare's plays to have a Spanish subject. The
play takes place in Navarre, but not a Navarre which is being used figuratively as a rope
in the international tug-of-war contest between France and Spain and which was, for a
time, a political center for Protestantism on the continent, but rather a Navarre that is
serene and even magical. Don Adriano de Armado is the Spaniard in the play. Although
his name echoes the Armada, he is a "refined Spanish traveler who is pompous and
affected" (Intro. to LLL 279). He is neither a threat to any individual nor a figure of
Spain's hegemonism—more Colonel Klink than Rudolf Hoess.
In Much Ado About Nothing, Don Pedro, Don John, Balthasar, Borachio and Conrade are
all Aragonese. While Don Pedro might be a bit too gullible and Don John a bit to
mischievous, they are not evil men and are easily upstaged by Benedick and Beatrice.
While the disagreements between Don Pedro and Don John may well reflect the conflict
between Philip II and his bastard half-brother, John of Austria, we are skating on the thin
ice of analogy if we pursue the topic any further, especially because it would be difficult
to determine if that conflict were known in England beyond government circles.
As for King John, I shall discuss that play later in the paper.
Other than the three previously-mentioned plays, however, none of the plays written by
Shakespeare before 1605 has Spanish characters in them. And Don Adriano de Armado
and Dromio's comments about his twin’s wife are the only clear allusions to the wars
with Spain in the Canon. And while some of the comments, such as Dromio's descriptive
of his "wife" may seem to be anti-Spanish to some readers, they are at best ambiguous.
The "hot breath of Spain" could be merely descriptive of the warm climate. And the
reference to "armada" might well be a reference to the Spanish treasure fleets from the
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Indies—an interpretation that makes more sense in the context of the speech. Other
comments, such as praising Spanish weapons are not anti-Spanish.
In the Henslowe Diaries, there are mentioned performances for 280 plays between 1592
and 1602. Of these, only eight of these have Spanish sounding subjects or titles: The
Spanish Tragedy, and Hieronimo are extant; Philip of Spain, Felmelanco, Spanish Fig,
Conquest of Spain, The Spanish Moor's Tragedy, and Barnardo and Fiametta are all
named, but are not extant (Carlson 82-4). That is, 2.8% of the plays that Henslowe
mentions have titles that would make a 20th- Century student think "Spain" or some
related related.
W. W. Greg's Bibliography to English Printed Drama yields a slightly better catch.
Between 1587 and 1605 we find published The Battle of Alcazar, Locrine, The Massacre
at Paris, Alphonsus King of Aragon, and A Larum for London, and If You Know Not Me
You Know Nobody (parts 1, Mary, and 2, Elizabeth). Ranier Pineas, in Tudor and Early
Stuart Anti-Catholic Drama, states that The Battle of Alcazar, The Massacre at Paris,
The Weakest Goeth to the Wall, and A Larum for London stand as plays that dwell on the
cruelty of the Spanish Catholic enemy (19).
Although George Peele's The Battle of Alcazar is ostensibly about the tragic battle
between the Portuguese and the Moors in 1578, the death of King Sebastien left the
country open to the Spanish conquest, which in turn, lost England its Iberian ally, and left
Spain on the Atlantic coast uncontested. W. W. Greg suggests that the play was first
produced sometime around Christmas of 1588, well after the defeat of the Armada
("Intro." to Battle v). There are not many contemporary references to the play, but it
apparently was popular for a year or so--Henslowe's diary entries show that it was
performed fourteen times by Strange's men between 20 Feb. 1591/2 and 20 Jan. 1592/3
(v). But to say that the play dwells on the cruelty of the Spanish is a bit of a stretch.
Imagine the feats of mental and logical acrobatics the average theatergoer would have to
perform to conclude that because the Portuguese lost a battle to the Moors the Spanish
were cruel. In point of fact, there are no Spanish characters in the play at all.
The Weakest Goeth to the Wall, by Richard Olive is, like The Battle of Alcazar, a play
that has little to do with Spain. Although no one knows when it was first performed, the
Stationer's Register refers to a production by a company belonging to the Earl of Oxford
in 1601. The story is about a medieval civil war in France between the King and the
Duke of Anjou. Hernando, the Spanish character, is a mercenary come to the wars for
advancement (lines 521-529) and is enemy to Mercury, Duke d'Anjou (lines 1455-65),
the rebel.
Marlowe's Massacre at Paris, like the previous two plays, has little to do with Spain. It
is about the massacre of the Protestants in Paris and the assassination of Henri III.
Although near the end, the King refers to the King of Spain's great fleet deployed to
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threaten England, in the same breath he argues that the mastermind of the Armada was
the recently slain Duke de Guise—a Frenchman.
It is now a propos to look at King John. John Loftis argues that King John could well be
seen as a play that refers to the threat of Spain: "The presence among Shakespeare's
characters of King John's niece Blanche of Castile can remind us that the Spanish and
Catholic offensive against Protestant England included a dynastic claim to the throne"
(72-73), but one must point out that the real enemy in the play is France. One should be
wary when searching for analogies For example, Middleton's 1624 A Game at Chess,
although not using names goes into such great detail with the descriptions of Count
Gondomar, down to his famous anal fistula--the subject of the play can be seen as
nothing but the proposed Spanish Match. On the other hand, King John deals with
England's other enemies, France and France's more powerful ally, the Catholic Church.
While the question and problem of succession might well have been in the minds of the
English at the time, the interdynastic marriages and relationships of the early 13th century
would have been somewhat remote to the average theatergoer of the 1590s.
The Comical History of Alphonsus, King of Aragon presumably by Robert Greene, was
first printed in 1599, but no one knows when it was first performed; there are some who
argue that it was during the winter of 1588/89 (Greg "Intro." Alphonsus vii-viii). Should
the play have been first performed immediately following the Armada it would indeed be
ironic: Alphonsus is no Macbeth, he is the noble hero who must wrest his rightful title
from the usurping Flaminius.
The only other clearly topical plays dealing with English and Spanish relations are
Thomas Heyewood's 1 and 2 If You Know Not Me You Know Nobody otherwise known
as Mary I, and Elizabeth I. They were published in 1605 and could not have been
performed before 1604, as Elizabeth would have still been alive. Philip II is an important
character in MI, but, interestingly enough, he is far from being a bad guy, but rather a
supporter of Elizabeth. EI does end with a celebration for the defeat of the Armada as
Raleigh enters carrying the Spanish pennants.
So far it might seem odd that I have not made much mention to Thomas Kyd's Spanish
duology: The First Part of Hieronimo, and The Spanish Tragedy. The Spanish Tragedy
deals not with the war with Spain but rather with the Spanish annexation of Portugal in
1580. It was published in 1592 by Abel Jeffes (xiii), but educated guesses put the writing
of The Spanish Tragedy in 1586 and Hieronimo (published in 1605) in 1585 (178)—
outside the scope of my paper. However, The Spanish Tragedy was popular during the
1590s; it was quite possibly the most popular play of its time. Yet, even Maltby, who
seems so intent on finding anti-Spanish sentiment in England at any time and from any
source makes no textual or footnote references to Kyd's masterpiece.
Now I come to two plays that have undeniable anti-Spanish sentiments: The Three Lords
and Three Ladies of London, and A Larum for London. Robert Wilson's The Three Lords
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and Three Ladies of London was written in 1588 and entered into the Stationer's Register
on July 31, 1590 (Wilson xxiii). The cast of characters lists three Lords of Spain--Pride,
Ambition, and Tyranny--and their pages--Shame Treachery and Terror. This Morality
play can be considered as the first stage reference to the Armada, as well as the first
reenactment. Wilson's stage directions for the "battle" are as follow:
Enter first Shealty the Herald: then Pride, bearing his shield himself, his
ympreze, a Peacocke: the worde, Non parilli, His page Shame after him
with a launce, hauing appendent gilt, with this word in it, Sur le Ciel,
Ambition his ympreze, a blacke Horse saliant, with one hinder foote vpon
the Globe of the earth, one fore foote stretching towards the clouds, his
woorde, Non sufficit orbit: His page Treacherie after him, his pedent
Argent and Azure, an armed Arme catching at the Sun beames, the woorde
in it, Et glorian Phoebe. Last, Tyrannie, His ympreze, a naked Childe on a
speares point bleeding, his woorde, Pur sangue, His page, Terrour, his
pedent Gules, in it, a Tygers head out of a cloud, licking a bloody heart:
The woorde in it, Cura Cruor. March once about the stage, then stand in
the viewe of the Lords of London, who shall martch once towardes them,
and they giue back, then the Lords of London wheele about to their
standing, and th'other come againe into their places, then Pollicie sendes
Fealtie: their Heraldes coate must haue the armes of Spaine before, and a
burning ship behind. (lines 1536-1553)
When the English bois meet the other, cause them to put down the tops of
their lances, but they beare vp theirs. (1614-15)
Let the three Lordes passe towards the Spaniards, and the Spaniardes
make show of comming forward and sodainly depart. (1795-96)
They [the three Lords of London] hang vp their shieldes, and step out of
sight. The Spaniardes come and flourish their rapiers neer them, but touch
them not, & then hang vp theirs which the Lords of London perceiuing,
take their owne and batter theirs: The Spaniards making a litle showe of
rescue, do sodenly slippe away and come no more. (1803-07)
In the intervening lines, the Spaniards are referred to as tyrants and cowards several
times. Given the probable date of composition, this "masque" can stand for nothing but
the Armada. Yet, it is a relatively minor part of the play. The entrance described above
is their first. They are not seen again.
No one seems quite sure who wrote A Larum for London. It was printed in 1602 and was
supposedly performed by the Lord Chamberlain's men. Since it is not mentioned by
Henslowe, Greg presumes that it was performed between 1594 and 1600. Authorship has
been ascribed to Thomas Lodge and to a collaboration between Marlowe and
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Shakespeare. The Spanish are responsible for some reprehensible actions in this play. In
scene vi, two "rascall [sic] soldiers" are about to ravage Lady Champaigne when they are
stopped by Stump, the lame hero of the play. And Alva's order (scene vii) to "let ten
thousand more" (line 828) Antwerpians die in revenge for the three hundred Spaniards
who were killed in the battle is certainly a repulsive act. Yet, given that England was at
war with Spain at the time the play was being written, it is odd that Sancto Danila, the
Spanish captain, and General Alva are both capable of noble acts. In scene v, after
Champaine and d'Hauvrye are killed by the Spanish soldiers, Alva throws himself before
Count Egmont and charges his own men to desist from attacking the Count. And Danila,
in scene xv bemoans the fate of Antwerp and orders the soldiers not to defile the dead:
"Who toucheth them but in disgrace, my sword [s]hall lop his arme [sic] off...Their pride
was honourable, deserving love [r]ather than hate" (lines 1642-45). Maltby argues that A
Larum for London is a perfect example of anti-Spanish sentiment in English drama (5253), yet he ignores that these very characters are capable of truly honorable acts. Yet,
however noble Alva might act in the play, the title itself shows that the play is a warning
for England.
Given the inconsistent treatment of Spain in the plays selected for this paper it becomes
hard to agree with Maltby when he states that the Armada confirmed "Spain's criminal
ambition" and "provided the [English] government... with a new unparalleled opportunity
to muster public opinion against the enemy" (77). While Armado might well be a bit of a
Miles Gloriosus, he is otherwise inoffensive. Don Pedro is one of the good guys. Alva,
Danila and Philip II are almost too noble for words. Kyd's plays have both tragic villains
and tragic heroes who are Spanish. Even more surprising, The Lord Admiral's Men fail
to produce any Armada plays during the period following the battle. This alone is odd-what servant would not wish to praise his master's greatest victory unless there were
some feeling that no one would care.
A Larum for London might have as a thesis that the Spanish were cruel victors, this is not
a play about Spain being at war with England. Of the other plays used by scholars to
prove anti-Spanish sentiments in England, The Massacre at Paris is clearly anti-French
Catholic and Weakest is again about France. Just taking Shakespeare's works into
account one sees England at war with France or with its own various nobles, but not with
Spain. Indeed, only EI and Three Lords and Ladies of London refer to wars between
England and Spain or the Armada. There is evidence of one other play about the war
with Spain. On 26 October 1599 Rowland Whyte wrote from London to Sir Robert
Sydney:
Two days ago, the overthrow of Turnholt [Turnhout] was acted upon a
stage, and all your names used that were at it; especially Sir Fra. Veres,
and he that played that part got a beard resembling his, and a watchet Satin
Doublet, with Hose trimmed with silver lace. You was also introduced,
killing, slaying, and overthrowing the Spaniards, and honorable mention
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made of your service, in seconding Sir Francis Vere, being engaged. (in
Bentley 189)
But the name of the play, the author, and the company are unknown.
As stated earlier, the war with Spain was unspectacular at best. The Armada, the siege of
Ostend and the sack of Cadiz were the only notable military achievements during the 17year period. A. J. Hoenselaars argues that the victory over the Armada boosted the
patriotic spirit of the English and served as the acorn from which the History play grew
(27). Yet, John Bale wrote King Johan in 1538 as a play that praised the patriotic spirit
and attacked Catholicism. Holinshed's Chronicles and the works of Polydor Vergil and
Edward Hall also come long before the Armada. And the argument that the History play
became popular because of the Armada is little more than post hoc ergo propter hoc.
Conclusions
Whatever the pro- or anti-Spanish sentiments held by the theatre going public were, they
were not overwhelmingly formed by the plays they saw. Indeed, the plays are not any
more anti-Spanish than they are anti-foreign. Had the Spanish been perceived as great
and evil an enemy as the Allies saw the Germans and the Japanese during World War II it
would have been unlikely that the noble Spanish characters that we see in MI, and A
Larum for London could have been presented on the stage. The theatre of this time was a
commercial enterprise that catered to popular opinion and sentiment. The presence of
cruel Spaniards in some of the plays is used by some scholars as proof that the theatre
was anti-Spain because that is what the scholars are looking for. It is hard to believe an
audience that saw the Spanish as guilty of "greed, tyranny...ambition...cowardice and
incompetence" (Maltby 77) would tolerate Spain's two greatest leaders to be portrayed as
noble and compassionate. The presence of noble Spaniards, even of a sympathetic Alva
and Philip II, show that the accepted opinion of the Spanish was at best ambivalent. Even
though the English were at war with Spain from 1588 to 1604, in the plays of the period,
England's enemy is more likely to be France than anyone else.
Therefore, I must conclude further that however politically or religiously important the
war with Spain might have been to the Court of England, the evidence found in the plays
published during this time clearly shows that the theatre-going public held no great
interest in Spain, and when it did concern itself with things Spanish, it held no inherently
or overwhelmingly negative view of the Spanish. Even if Maltby is correct in saying that
had it not been for the Armada, "the Black Legend in England might well have been
stillborn" (76), whatever blow started the infant breathing does not seem to have been
struck in (or by) the theatre between 1588 and 1605.
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