Download Sourcebook p. 253-264

Source Book Readings
SB 50-64
Livy From the Founding of the City, Book 1
(Livy should not be hard to identify, because I think he was the only one in the
Sourcebook who wrote extensively on any of the subjects below in early Roman history.)
Preface
Introduction talks about Livy’s uncertainty as to whether he’ll be able to tell the history
of Rome adequately. He mentions how the known history of Rome has greatly increased
in quantity in more recent times, and how he intends to focus more on the facts of the
early years than the political turmoil of contemporary times. Livy says that ancient
history tends to be tainted by myth and legends of divinity, but he means to attach no
particular significance to this. Instead, he wants to study the life and moral of early
Rome, and how men established and enlarged the Roman Empire in order to explain the
current situation of greed and immorality.
The Founding of Rome
Livy writes that Aeneas and Antenor were spared death in the Trojan war by the Achivi
because they had long advocated peace and the return of Helen. Antenor sailed the
Adriatic with a group of followers and established a new district called Troy. Aeneas,
guided by fate, traveled from Macedonia to Sicily to Laurentum, where he and his people
settled, calling it Troy as well. King Latinus and the natives attacked Aeneas’s group
soon after it landed. One account says Latinus was defeated and made peace and alliance
with Aeneas, while the other said that the two leaders met before the fighting and Latinus
was so moved by Aeneas’s story that he pledged his friendship right there and the two
peoples lived happily together. Aeneas married Latinus’s daughter, Lavinia, and had a
son by her called Ascanius. Later, the Trojans and Latins were attacked by the Rutulians
by King Turnus, who had been betrothed to Lavinia before Aeneas’s arrival. Turnus lost
the battle, but Latinus was killed in the fighting. When Turnus left to gather
reinforcements form the Etruscans, Aeneas appealed to the Latins and took on their name
as a show of solidarity between the Trojans and Latins against all enemies. United,
Aeneas led his people to victory.
Romulus and Remus
Twin brothers Romulus and Remus wanted to establish a city near where they grew up.
They drew upon different local tribes and peoples (Albans and Latins) for their citizens.
However, their plans were interrupted by their greed and lust for power. Because they
were the same age, they decided they’d wait for a sign from their gods as to whom the
city would be named for. Remus, at the Aventine, was visited first by six vultures, but
Romulus, on Palatine hill, was then visited by twelve vultures. Each claimed that his sign
gave made him king. In the ensuing argument, Remus was killed, and the city (Rome)
was named for Romulus.
Hercules and Cacus
The first thing Romulus did as king was to fortify the Palatine. He made sacrificial
offerings to the gods according to the Alban customs, but followed different rituals in
homage to Hercules. This is because, as the story goes, Hercules was once in the area
driving his beautiful cattle near the Tiber River, when he fell asleep after eating and
drinking a lot. A local shepherd named Cacus say the cattle and made up his mind to
steal some of them. He cleverly lead the stolen cattle into their hiding place backwards,
which fooled Hercules for a time when he woke up and started his search, but one of the
cows mooed at the last minute, and Hercules dashed over, clubbed Cacus, and took his
cows back. The man who controlled the region in those days, Evander, heard of this and
recognized Hercules, whom he had been told was destined to be the god of the most
powerful nation on earth, and dedicated an altar on that spot.
The Sabine Women
Rome had become powerful enough to defend itself, but due to a lack of women, the city
was in danger of dying out after another generation. Romulus sent envoys out to
neighboring cities with requests for intermarriage, asserting that Rome would one day be
great and that they needn’t fear sending their people there. The envoys were met with
refusal everywhere they went. Romulus decided to hold games in honor of Neptune and
invited people from all over to attend and contribute to the celebrations. When the people
came, they were very impressed with the new city, especially the Sabines. Once
everyone was distracted by the games, the Roman men ran around and seized all the
young women. Needless to say, the festival ended and the parents were angry. Romulus
went amongst the maidens and tried to get them to calm down and accept their “dearest
privilege.” He promised that the men would be good husbands and compensate for the
women’s loss of home and family. Then the men wooed the women, explaining that they
acted as they did out of passion and love.
The Rape of Lucretia
The Roman king’s greed had left him impoverished, and he sought a source of wealth to
strengthen his treasury and appease the people, who were upset with him. He failed to
sack Ardea, so his men set up an encampment around the city and waited. The young
officers, including prince Sextus Tarquinius and Collatinus, consequently had some free
time, and they started talking about how great their wives were. Collatinus claimed his
wife Lucretia was by far the best. Then the men then decided to go home to their wives
and see for themselves which one reacted most favorably upon seeing them home from
battle unexpectedly. They found Lucretia dutifully occupied and full of womanly virtues,
and Collatinus was proven right, but Tarquiius, upon seeing her, had an evil desire to rape
Lucretia. Tarquinius went back a few days later and attacked Lucretia. The next day she
sent a letter to her father in Rome and husband to come quickly with a trusty friend.
When they arrived, she told them what happened and made them promise to seek revenge
and then killed herself. Collatinus’s friend Brutus removed the knife from Lucretia’s
chest and vowed to end the monarchy in Rome. Brutus then summoned public support
for a fight against the king and raised a small army to march against the camp at Ardea.
The Meaning of Rome to a Roman
Livy speech of Camillus in 390 B.C. when Romans debated moving to Veii after the sack
of Rome by the Gauls
Camillus points out that if the city had simply burnt down, the people would not just
leave for good. He appeals to them out of love of their homeland and warns they will be
homesick if they go. He also points out that the natural resources are still abundant
thanks to their location, and argues the location is meant for a city. Finally, Camillus
warns that it was Rome that was blessed by the gods, and if the people go elsewhere,
their luck will not follow.
Livy The Death of Cicero
Livy describes how Cicero left Rome as Antony approached, certain that he would be a
target. He fled to his villa in the countryside, and then finally to another house, from
which he planned to board a ship. However, the every time his ship tried to leave port,
the winds forced it back. Finally giving up, he returned to his villa to await death,
offering his neck when the soldiers came, and getting his head chopped off, as well as his
hands. The soldiers brought Cicero’s head back to Antony, who had it placed on the
rostra.
Livy also wrote an epitaph on Cicero, remarking that he was a good man, who lived to a
relatively long age and accomplished a great deal in spite of his misfortune.
Cicero’s views of Octavian, public and private
“Cicero was at first distrustful of Octavian and condescending toward one so young with
such large ambitions; but so great was his loathing for Antony that Cicero began to see
Octavian as the only hope for saving the Republic. Octavian for his part seems to have
astutely played up to Cicero, flattering his sense of importance and pretending to value
his advice.”
From Cicero’s private correspondence:
Letters written from Cicero to Atticus from April to November 44. Octavian comes to
stay with Cicero and seek his advice, convincing Cicero that he had the boy’s total
devotion. He is uncertain about Octavian’s youth, however, and worries about how he
might react if given power. Many of his doubts are fueled by the fact that Octavian’s
father was Caesar. Cicero goes on to write about Octavian’s work to raise armies and
make war with Antony, as well as detailing the frequent correspondence he receives from
Octavian asking for input and assistance. Cicero also receives a letter from Brutus, who
remarks that he fears Octavian.
From Cicero’s public “Phillipic” oration against Antony, delivered January 1st 43 B.C.:
In public, Cicero had nothing but praise for Octavian, proclaiming that the gods must
have chosen him as the savior of the republic. He willfully advocates honor and praise
for the young man while denouncing Antony and arguing that Octavian’s youth should
not be counted against him. Cicero vouches for Octavian again, saying he’s definitely
not like his father Caesar and that he wants only to restore the republic. He also calls on
the senate to grant Octavian Imperium.
Sourcebook Readings pp. 64-75
Cicero’s Correspondence With M. Brutus
In April of 43, Cicero writes to M. Brutus, speaking about the young Octavian who has
just become the heir of Julius Caesar. He sees that the boy is bright and has great
potential, but he desires to play a part in guiding the young patrician who has so much
going for him. Here we see that the legacy of Julius Caesar lives on in Octavius, but other
Roman leaders, particularly Catiline are concerned with the boy gaining too much power
too soon, and they are concerned that he will abuse this power and threaten the Republic
as his predecessor perhaps did.
A month later (in May of 43), M. Brutus replied to Cicero in offense to Octavius,
claiming that if the boy gains too much power with the support of those in the Senate
(namely Cicero), then he will continue to seek more power because he will think that he
has the Senators in his back pocket. Once again, we see that powerful Romans who are
trying to preserve tradition are fearful of how much power Octavius is going to have.
Sallust
Selections from On the Conspiracy of Cailine (43-42 BC)
Sallust gives a short history of Rome that is even more moralistic than Livy’s,
condemning avarice, personal ambition, etc. These vices increase, culminating in the
conspiracy of Cataline, a nobleman who is clever and skilled but very hungry for power.
The “Portrait of one of the conspirators, the lady Semporina” shows another decadent
person who is skilled and clever, but immodest and immoral. By contrast, Sallust praises
both Julius Caesar and Cato, though they were great for different reasons. (there’s a long
list, eg “Caesar was considered great because of his benefactions and lavish generosity,
Cato for the uprightness of his life.”)
Julius Caesar
The Civil War (45-44 BC)
This is autobiographical, but written in the third person. The selection we have describes
Caesar’s defeat of Pompey at Pharsalus (48 BC). It serves to portray Caesar as a
successful general, but a peace-loving one, no warmonger. It also shows his gratitude for
the bravery of his troops, and one in particular, named Crastinus.
Nicolaus of Damascus
Life of Augustus (late 20s BC)
An approving biography of Augustus by an advisor to King Herod of Judea. May have
been commissioned by Herod to gain Augustus’ favor. Much of our selection focuses on
his early life and emphasizes his close relationship with Julius Caesar and his decision of
how to respond to Caesar’s death and his adoption as Caesar’s son. He asks many
different people for advice and ultimately decides to heed the calls of the people, change
his name to Caesar, and make a play for power.
SourceBook 76-82:
Augustus' Res Gestae
This text is a huge list of all the good things that Augustus did for his people throughout
his lifetime (19-76). In this text, he emphasizes that he did not change traditional
practices extensively and carefully avoids non-constitutional offices so as not to fall into
the same trap his father did. More obviously, he constantly describes the honors that
*other* people gave him (ie-"The dictatorship was offered to me...") to show how much
everybody appreciated his work and he uses exact numbers/amounts to make his listing
more accurate and believable (for example, "About 500,000 Roman citizens were under
oath to me"). It is really easy to recognize this because it is in a boastful tone, all in the
first person, and describes acheivements.
SB 83-93
History of Rome by Velleius Paterculus
-Great praise for Augustus overall and written in third person in sections.
-Augustus’ family values displayed after death of uncle. Many friends to greet
Augustus upon return to Rome. Risk-taker with regard to assuming the Caesar name
despite parents’ pressure to not do so.
-Actium: Cleopatra = “fleeing queen” and Antony = “coward” who later commit
suicide. Augustus displayed clemency in victory. After returning to Rome, Augustus
crushed Lepidus’ assassination plot quickly preventing any type of civil war.
-Augustus’ rule = time of peace and prosperity. Revised Senate and refused
dictatorship despite pleas from Senate.
-Disgrace of Julia: she misused her power and fortune.
-Death of Augustus = “crisis” and “his divine soul yielded up to heaven.”
The Civil War by Lucan
-Civil war between Julius Caesar and Pompey a result of greed and desire for
power. Lucan criticizes the triumvirate by stating “Three united for ruin.”
-“Caesar could no longer endure a superior, nor Pompey an equal” – Lucan is
especially critical of Caesar, his despotic nature and his need to use violence.
-Lucan is pro-Republican and criticizes the leaders of the Roman empire for not
settling for peace and prosperity but constantly seeking to expand and fight more wars
(fortune, greed, need for power and extravagance being ulterior motives for war).
p. 94-105
Tacitus: The Annals Book I (Note: if Tacitus is on the test, it will be from the Annals)
•starts with general Roman history since Brutus as first consul, quickly to Aug. as
princeps
•declares he will remain impartial in describing end of Aug’s reign
•says nobility accepts “slavery” under Augustus’ rule—sacrifice freedom for comfort
(theme), and “boldest spirits” died in battle or through proscriptions
•talks about Marcellus, Gaius and Lucius (and treachery of stepmother Livia) and
promise of these youths, but all die… comes down to Tiberius Nero, adopted as son of A.
•Agrippa Postumus banished, later killed by Tiberius and mom because he’s a threat to
Tib’s power
•few remained who remember anything but Aug’s rule [passage used on old test]
•Tiberius is experienced but Tacitus doesn’t like him much—nor his mom “with her
feminine lack of control”
•when Aug dying, talk of successors
•Tiberius first in power, defers something to Senate—warned against doing so (shows
lack of power)
•Debate over Aug: overlooked Lepidus/Antony but “organized state”—some say he let
people worship him too much, erected statues celebrating self etc.
•Tiberius shaky from start—Senate proposes adding “Son of Julia” to his title, but he
thinks connection with woman will lower his status (jealous of her too)… role of females
in the age—didn’t want her getting too much recognition, although the Senate praised her
How to recognize:
tries to be even-handed (vs. Suetonius who gives all the dirt, and Paterculus who sucks up
to him and portrays him as loving Tiberius and hearing his voice on his deathbed)
historical account in prose
Suetonius: The Assassination of Julius Caesar from Life of Julius Caesar
Csr. abused power—rightly killed
Took lots of honors
“provoked ill-will” – didn’t rise in respect of Senate once
Arrogant- people wonder if he aspired to Kingship, though he denied it
Senate finally come together to conspire vs. Csr.
Ides of March at Pompey’s meeting place
Supposedly lots of warning signs of what would happen
When he realized what was happening, Csr. pulled up his toga, covered his legs to die
more respectable death, possibly said “and you too, my son?” to Brutus
In his will, Csr. adopts Gaius Octavuis (Augustus) as his son
Suetonius generally gives all the dirt on people and lots of little seemingly insignificant
details—if he’s heard it, he reports it
Because it’s about Caesar probably won’t be on test, but could be, especially part about
adopting Augustus in his will
SB 106-122
Suetonius Life of Augustus
1. Family Octavii was supposedly pretty powerful in the city of Velitrae. A busy street was
named “Octavian.” An altar was built by “Octavius.” One successful leader was from the
Octavii family.
2. On his father’s side, Augustus came from a long family line of senators and municipal
town leaders (supposedly). His family was also wealthy. This is what most people believed,
and what Augustus wanted them to believe. Mark Antony said that Augustus’ paternal
ancestors were freedman and moneychangers.
3. The father of Augustus, also called Gaius Octavius was a successful leader. He may have
been a money changer, because he had so much of it. He was a good military leader, and
even Cicero admonished another senator and said that he should be more like Octavius.
4. Augustus was related to Pompey the Great on his mother’s side, but Mark Antony tried
to ridicule him too, saying that his maternal great-grandfather came from Africa and owned a
bakeshop.
5. Nothing very important here. Supposedly, an adulterer got of easy because he owned the
spot where Augustus was born, so the senators did indeed consecrate that part of his estate.
6. People still go to Augustus’ former nursery for purification and meditation. One man
tried to sleep there, but was thrown out and killed “by a mysterious force.”
7. Augustus was originally given the surname Thurinus, because his dad had a great victory
near Thurii. Mark Antony made fun of him for this. Later, Augustus took the name Gaius
Caesar. Even later, some Senators suggested he be named Romulus, but one said that he
should be called Augustus because it was a new and more honorable title.
8. Augustus’ dad died when Augustus was four. At 16, he received military honors at
Caesar’s African triumph (even though he did not fight). Then he went to Spain, where
Caesar was, where Caesar acknowledged Augustus’ potential. After Caesar was killed,
Augustus took over his estate, then helped rule the country with Antony and Lepidus, then
with only Antony, then by himself at the age of 44.
9. Suetonius says here that he will cover Augustus’ life by topic, not by chronology.
10. This chapter details the military campaigns shortly following the assassination of Julius
Caesar. One of these was the persecution of the assassins of Caesar. The other was an
attempted assassination by Augustus of Mark Antony. Obviously he failed and was found
out, but this lead to his forming an army to protect himself. He ran for the tribune of the
plebs, since one of them had died recently. He also sided with the nobles against Antony,
seeing in them a potential ally.
11. Here is detailed the suspicion that Augustus might have killed off then-consuls Hirtius
and Pansa in an attempt to take over the armies of Rome.
12. Augustus learned that Antony had the support of Lepidus, and the two were forming
good ties with other leaders. Augustus then split ties with the nobles. Other politicians were
thinking of ways to get rid of him, but he instead banished the nobles to get back on the
Senate’s good graces.
13. The triumvirate defeated the assassins at Philippi. Augustus was particularly cruel in
punishing the enemies of Caesar (various examples are here, if you are interested). Here is
also detailed the difficulty between awarding soldiers and appeasing landowners.
14. One Lucius Antonius tried to start a revolution, but was starved out and defeated by
Augustus.
15. Augustus conquered Perusia, and was again excessively cruel in his punishment. As one
example, he sacrificed 300 men to the Deified Julius.
16. Augustus started another war in Sicily against Sextus Pompey, which he eventually won.
One account (Mark Antony’s) said he was cowardly, and that his military victory was only
due to Agrippa. Other accounts say Augustus lead the fleet bravely, defying the storm which
was raging at the time. At this time, Marcus Lepidus, bolstered by victory and 20 legions,
tried to claim the “first place,” but Augustus stripped him of his legions and banished him to
Circei.
17. Here is when he broke of relations with Mark Antony, read all the stuff about Mark
Antony betraying Rome (wanting to be buried in Egypt, leaving his estate to his children by
Cleopatra, etc.). Antony was defeated at Actium and fled. Augustus caught up, and Antony
tried to reconcile their differences, but Augustus forced him to commit suicide. He wanted
Cleopatra alive, but she killed herself with an asp. He had them buried in the tomb they had
built, in Egypt. Augustus also killed young Antony, the elder of Fulvia’s sons, and also killed
the child of Cleopatra by Julius Caesar (INTERESTING!). He raised the rest of Antony’s
offspring as his own.
18. Augustus paid homage to the corpse of Alexander the Great, made Egypt into just a
province, and founded a city called Nicopolis near Actium in honor of the battle.
19. Here is detailed many revolutions and outbreaks with Augustus suppressed ahead of
time. The leaders were mainly unimportant.
20. Augustus lead only two foreign wars in person: at Dalmatia and with the Cantabrians.
The other wars he carried out through his generals.
21. Augustus fought against many invaders, and drove them all off. “But he never made
war on any nation without just and due cause, and he was so far from desiring to increase his
dominion or his military glory at any cost…” His main method of prevention was taking
women as hostages, and then selling them if the men did anything naughty. Such was the
fame of his moderation that ambassadors from India and even the Scythians sued for his
friendship.
22. Nothing important here.
23. He had two major defeats, those of Lollius and Varus, both in Germany. He was
supposedly greatly saddened by these losses.
24. Augustus demanded extreme discipline from his army, and was very strict in applying it.
Read this chapter for more details, although many details seem unimportant.
25. Augustus encouraged formal distance between soldiers and citizens. He gave prizes
generously, but more often valuable prizes than honorable ones. He never gave prizes to
those who had won victories themselves, since he said that they could give themselves
prizes. Augustus preferred caution to haste. “More haste, less speed.”
26. He received offices and honors before the usual age, and some of them for life. At one
time, when senators hesitated to grant him consulship, his centurion threatened them, and
they gave in.
27. Supposedly, Augustus was very cruel and arbitrary as a member of the triumvirate.
Many examples are here, for those who want it.
28. He twice thought of restoring the republic, the first time after the defeat of Antony, and
the second time in the weariness of the lingering illness. He definitely had good intentions
for the Roman empire, not least among them the beautifying of Rome itself with many
construction projects.
29. He built a lot.
30. He started a fire-prevention program by using night watchmen. He rebuildt roads.
31. Augustus assumed the title of potifex maximus after the death of Lepidus. He burned
many prophetic writings, only saving a few of them. He raised the status of many of his
priests. He started instituting many laws involving moral reform.
32. After the Civil War, there were lots of brigands. To stop this Augustus has soldiers
patrol the roads, and settled many lingering land disputes.
33. Augustus himself was the judge for many cases. In all of them, he was conscientious
and lenient.
34. He enacted a bunch of moral laws (on extravagance, adultery, chastity, bribery, marriage,
etc.).
35. He trimmed down the senate, since Antony had previously packed it with ill-suited
supporters. To each of these, he still allowed them the privileges of being senator, but
stripped them of power.
36. He instituted various political changes. Big among them was that the notes of senatorial
meetings were no longer to be published.
37. He encouraged more political participation, such as by renewing the office of censor,
increasing the number of praetors, and trying to have two other consuls (in addition to
himself) instead of just one. Interestingly enough, many people objected, so he went back to
having only one other consul.
38. He honored martial prowess. He encouraged the sons of senators to participate in
politics.
39. Nothing important here.
40. He reorganized community lines a low (think gerrymandering, but without the
corruption involved). He was wary of granting Roman citizenship to non-Romans, since he
thought that Roman blood was more “pure.”
41. He was generous. He gave away lots of money. In times of scarcity, he gave away food.
42. He did not donate just for popularity, since when people demanded un-promised goods,
he reprimanded them. When he had promised stuff, he delivered. He saw that his
donations of food were hurting the farmers, so afterward he paid more attention to helping
the farmers maintain their livelihoods.
43. He gave lots of public shows, four times in his own name and 23 times in the names of
others. The evidence from here closely parallels the evidence from the Res Gestae. Read for
more details about the specific games if you wish.
44. He began regulating the games. One was the division of seating (men could not sit with
women, women could hardly watch any games at all, senators go the first row, married men
got their own special section, etc.). Of special note is how he discouraged women from
attending the shows.
45. He honored actors, but made sure their conduct was good, or he had them punished
and often banished. Suetonius notes here that he may have professed such love for shows
since many people disliked Caesar for generally ignoring them, even when he was sitting in
the theatre.
46. He expanded Italy by 28 colonies.
47. Some more political reorganization.
48. He had good relations with both neighboring and conquered kingdoms.
49. He distributed military forces throughout the provinces, and regulated their pay.
50. Nothing of importance.
51. Augustus was supposedly lenient and moderate in many of his decisions. See here
for examples.
SB 123-138
Life of Augustus by Suetonius (52-101)
-Remember that Suetonius was writing biography and not history
-Stylistic point: note that Suetonius frequently uses “he did x” and “he did y” as
the formula for writing about Augustus.
-Suetonius progresses chronologically through Augustus’s birth until his
becoming Caesar’s adopted heir. Then he says he will take up Augustus’s life by themes
or topics. The themes are identified here in bold.
-Clemency and moderation: pardoned people; did not like it when people called
him “Lord,” called each Senator by name without a prompter.
-Admiration of the people: given the title Father of his Country; he said,
“Having attained my highest hopes, Fathers of the Senate, what more have I to ask of the
immortal gods than that I may retain this same unanimous approval of yours to the very
end of my life?” (58) The people raised money to make a statue to Musa, the physician
whose care helped A. recover from a dangerous illness
-Family/personal life: Scribonia- first wife; had daughter Julia; with Livia he
had no children, etc.
-Sex life/Sexual indiscretions: labeled as “effeminate” by Sextus Pompey;
homosexual relations? Committed adultery, Antony accuses him of “screwing” every
women in sight; gambling
-Temperance: In the rest of his life, he lived in moderation. “He disliked large
and sumptuous country palaces, actually razing to the ground the one which his
granddaughter Julia had built on a lavish scale.” (72); ate in moderation, had simple
funrniture.
-Health: had birthmarks, callouses, and various illnesses; always cold and wore
heavy togas; liked to exercise
-Education: studied oratory and liberal studies; wrote prose, had an elegant style
of speaking; used favorite expressions when speaking, spelled phonetically instead of
sticking to rules, excelled in Greek studies
-Religion: superstitious, wore a sealskin, paid attention to his dreams; respected
some foreign traditions that were ancient and well-established but hated the rest; Omens
that occurred on the day of Augustus’s birth; divined the outcome of all of his wars
beforehand; his death and deification were also predictable; he died in the same room as
his father Octavious
-Written orders that A. left behind: “He gave orders that his daughter and
granddaughter Julia should not be put in his Mausoleum, if anything befell them. In one
of the three rolls he included directions for his funeral; in the second, an account of what
he had accomplished, which he desired to have cut upon bronze tablets and set up at the
entrance to the Mausoleum; in the third, a summary of the condition of the whole
empire.” (101)
SB 139-143
From Plutarch’s Life of Antony
-Covers the Battle of Actium
-Relatively sympathetic to Antony
-Lots of personal details about Antony
-Loyalty to friends, soldiers’ loyalty to him, love of Cleopatra, how Antony and
Cleopatra argued, how the waiting women persuaded them to talk/eat/sleep
together after fighting
SB 144-151
From Dio Cassius’ History of Rome
-Covers first the Senate’s and Augustus and Antony’s movements before war and the
causes and pretexts for war
-Goes into the battle of Actium
-“Dwells on the details of actual fighting to convey a sense of immediacy and
pathos”
In Defense of the Poet Archias, Cicero (SB pp. 152 – 154)
Summary: Cicero defends the Greek poet, Archias, to a Roman jury and points out the
intellectual and social value of Archias’ poetry. Cicero claims his devotion to the study of
literature, an intellectual pursuit that was not necessarily in high favor among Romans. In
defense, Cicero argues that the time he spends studying poetry and literary pursuits such
as Archias’ poetry actually serves the Roman public by making him a better speaker.
While others are “advancing their own personal affairs,” Cicero is honing his oratory
skills through literary study so that he may be “at the disposal of [his] friends whenever
prosecutions have placed them in danger.” Literature had taught Cicero the importance of
morality and decency in life. He claims that, aside from its social value, literature is the
most appropriate leisurely pursuit as it is enjoyable for all ages and places. Cicero also
claims that poets are motivated by their inherent talent, “a sort of divine spark,” that
bestows upon them a “holy” status that must be respected, as it is in other cultures.
Literature/ Poetry is a means of achieving everlasting glory and Cicero urges the jury to
consider extending the fame of Rome around the world – “… if our actions are
worldwide in their scope, we must desire that our glory and reputation extend as far as
our military might.” He notes that historians have accompanied great rulers on their
exploits so as to record achievements for posterity and so must Rome (and Cicero
himself) embrace poetry and poets like Archias to achieve immortal glory.
Key Features:
- enlightened traditionalist’s attitude toward poetry
- stresses the social value of Archias’ work – commemorate the achievements of
Rome (and of Cicero)
- rhetorical presentation of arguments in defense of Archias and poetry
Poems of Catullus (SB pp. 155 – 157)
Poem 29:
- blames Mamurra (decadent friend of Julius Caesar representative Caesar by
extension) for gluttonous, arrogant conquest of lands that once belonged to
“farthest Britain and to Long-haired Gaul”
- demands whether “cocksucker Romulus” will let such greed and lust for land
stand
- scorn of political sphere – indication of Catullus’ preference for personal poetry
rather than public-oriented rhetoric; characteristic of Neoteroi (“New Poets”)
Poem 93:
- does not care to please or know about Caesar – again, disrespect toward political
figure
Poem 95:
- defends and praises his colleague, Cinna’s poem, Smyrna
- compares Cinna’s personal poem (which took 9 harvests and 9 winters) to
Hortensius’ half a million lines of trash that took only a year to write
- the smaller, more personable poems will outlast “bloated” epic poems such as
those by Antimachus
- Cultivation of small poetic forms, scorn for "vulgar" subjects or genres (such as
historical epic); critical view of traditional hierarchy of genres, looking to later
and contemporary Greek ideas about poetry
- Poetry composed for its own sake is preferred
Poem 96:
- poem consoling Catullus’ friend, Calvus, about his wife, Quintilia’s death
- assures Calvus that his wife rejoiced in his love for her more than she lamented
her untimely death
- emotional depth of poem – focused on personal experience
- love = serious topic worthy of attention
Poem 3:
- the pet sparrow of Catullus’ sweetheart (Lesbia) has died, causing much grief to
her owner and Catullus by extension
-
Catullus curses the darkness of the underworld and death for consuming beautiful
things
Small-scale, personal theme; not large-scale, epic in nature
Poem 5:
- to Lesbia: “let us live, let us love”
- carpe diem attitude
- love is treated as a serious theme
Poem 32:
- imploring Ipsitilla to ready herself for an afternoon tryst – “nine consecutive
copulations”
Poem 49:
- praises Marcus Tullius (Cicero), “most eloquent of the descendants of Romulus”
- twisted compliment to Cicero with some modesty on Catullus’ part, who claims to
be “as much indeed the worst poet of all as you [Cicero] are the best advocate of
all”
Poem 50:
- Catullus commemorates a day of leisure and verse writing and the pain he feels at
his friend, Licinius’ departure
- Extreme enthusiasm and drama surrounds Catullus’ verse writing and Licinius’
“wit and pleasantry”
Aetia (“Causes”) by Callimachus (SB p. 158)
- champions refined, learned poetry that is not verbose: “love the clear sound of the
cicada, not the ass’s [] noise”
- “feed the animal for sacrifice to be as fat as possible, but, friend, keep your Muse
slender”
Hellenistic epigrams on Works of Art (SB p. 159)
Poseidippos of Pella:
On the statue of Philitas (another Hellenistic poet)
- highlights the realism of the statue: “size and appearance pursuing normal human
dimensions, mixing in nothing of the heroic in his image”
- emphasizes the age (“old man”) of the poet to imply gravitas
On a statue of a man cured of snakebite
- again, realism of the statue – “this remnant of a man, a mere bag of bones”
(nothing heroic)
Leonidas of Tarentum:
On a statue of a cow by the sculptor Myron
- realism of the cow straight from the herd
Antipater of Sidon:
The same cow, same realism
Cornelius Gallus (SB p. 160)
- exorbitantly praises Julius Caesar and his accomplishments for Rome
- decries Lycoris (pseudonym for Cytheris, mistress of Mark Antony) for her
“wickedness”
- palpable political undercurrent in poems
Virgil Eclogues (SB pp. 160 – 168)
Eclogue 6 (opening):
- instead of touting the glory of rulers and battles, Apollo-induced inspiration
motivated the poet to “dally in lightweight pastoral verse”
- detachment from the politics of current situation/ principate – dwells in pastoral
scenes and personal friendship – “no page could charm Apollo more than a page
inscribed to Varus (friend of Virgil)”
Eclogue 1:
- dialogue between 2 shepherds, Tityrus (usually seen as Virgil himself) and
Meliboeus
- personal experience transmuted into stylized form, blending of biographical and
poetic elements
- the political reality in the poem: while Meliboeus is compelled to flee his native
land because of civil dissension, Tityrus can compose poetry and enjoy the leisure
granted him by a god (Virgil’s estate restored by Octavian)
- the "loser" Meliboeus given at least as much sympathy as the "winner" Tityrus
- glorifies Rome – symbol of freedom, city that towers over all others
- Polite refusal to provide traditional forms of poetic celebration
Eclogue 4:
- puts aside pastoral leisure and discusses theme “worthy of a consul” (Asinius
Pollio)
- prophesies the birth of a boy who will be born into greatness (perhaps referring to
the birth of what turned out to be a girl to Scribonia, Octavian’s first wife; or the
offspring between Octavia and Marc Antony – symbol of reconciliation; or
Pollio’s son – Pollio himself sought to reconcile Octavian and Marc Antony)
- Lucina, goddess who presides over birth
Eclogue 9:
- dialogue between Lycidas and Moeris
- Moeris’ farm has been taken over by an outsider – poetry stands no chance
against the arms of war
- Similar to first Eclogue - more pessimistic counterweight to 1
- allusion to Caesar’s comet
Eclogue 10:
- tribute to Gallus, Virgil’s friend and fellow poet
- love- poem with pastoral themes about Lycoris
Sourcebook 169-181
Virgil, Georgics:
This is Virgil’s earlier didactic poetry (after his pastoral Eclogues) which still focuses on
nature, and puts events in a broader context. Virgil praises the countryside as a poetic
and moral norm for the good life. This is an example of didactic poetry, which was
borrowed from the Greeks; the poet is the moral teacher, and speaks with authority on
what is best and worthwhile in life.
1.1-42: Virgil uses a lot of pastoral imagery (soil, vines, cattle, flock, bees, etc.) to
wonder at how the gods and nature bring forth abundance and make the farmer’s life
honorable. Then it begins talking about Caesar, wondering how his character will turn
out to be; how he will be worshiped, how his ambitions will be. He hopes Caesar will not
succumb to his ambition to rule, and asks that he may be overlooked with other rustics
and avoid the turmoil and chaos of war.
1.463-512: Virgil writes about the echoes of war scenes going through the countryside,
personifying the horror and bloodshed of warfare. This is meant to represent the struggle
for control between Brutus and Cassius and Octavian and Antony immediately after
Caesar’s assassination. Virgil laments the bloodshed of Roman ranks fighting amongst
themselves. He wonders at how “right and wrong are jumbled” in war, and is sad that
poughs have been abandoned for arms.
2.490-542: Virgil professes his loyalty to poetry and farming, as the true sources of
happiness. He rejects the political life and civil war, laments bloodshed and suffering,
and wishes for a nostalgic age of simplicity and peace.
3.1-48: Virgil recounts how many poets have already written about everything, but
wishes for his own fame someday through the glorious and incredible poetic account of
Caesar’s glory. This promise was eventually fulfilled with the Aeneid.
4.559-566: Virgil humbly describes his own peaceful existence as poet (playing with
pastoral poetry and in youth bold) while Caesar is thundering around dispensing justice.
Horace, Epode 1: This poem is about his friend/patron Maecenas, who is to go off to
Actium to fight with Caesar. Horace laments his leaving, offers his own (peace-loving
and weak) service, and hopes his friend will return. His motivation is to win favor, not to
gain riches.
Epode 7: In response to renewed civil war between Antony and Octavian, this poem is
anguished; Horace rages against the senseless bloodshed of Romans against each other.
He mourns for the future or Rome.
Epode 16: Horace is angry that Rome, which survived so many babarian invasions, will
finally succumb to its own hand (civil war). He would rather flee to the ocean, and
escape the turmoil, than watch mighty Rome fall.
Sourcebook 182-195
Horace Satires
Horace’s Satires all bear the common thread of idealizing country life over city or civic
life. The country life he speaks of he has experienced through the generosity of
Maecenas, a patron and political advisor of Augustus who provided Horace land and a
house in the country.
Book I, Satire 5
From Horace’s first book of Satires, published in 25 BC, he describes his travels from
Rome to Brundisium. He was traveling as a companion in the suite of his noble patrons,
on an embassy to arrange terms between Octavian and Mark Antony. There is nothing
salient about this piece, although the mention of his dirty dream may catch you by
surprise. It basically describes travels with his companions and the lavish feasting they
did on their way.
Satires 2.6
This peace is much denser and filled with images of pastoral bliss. Horace rejects city
life, rejoicing in the fact that he can “leave the rat race far behind.” He opens with 2-3
paragraphs of gratitude in which he thanks the gods (stand ins for Maecenas, perhaps) for
what he has received. He is apparently referring to the bequest he has received from
Maecenas (“I prayed for this, a bit or land, not big…”) and likely refers to Maecenas
when praying to “my best god-friend and chief protector”.
Horace goes on to describe how life works in Rome, the frenetic and crowded nature of
the courts in which he must be a witness. He has no desire to battle the crowds. On the
other hand, when a voice tellingly states “You’ll shove the world aside if it’s Maecenas
you must get to, if he’s the one inside your head!” He assents.
Horace speaks of his relationship with Maecenas, describing himself as a kind of lapdog.
“even now I’m just the one he takes on carriage-trips, the one he trusts to tell “What time
is it” of “Can the Thracian give the Arab a good fight inside the ring?...And other
treasures safe to drop into a leaky ear.”
Next he laments his time away from his country home. “My countryside…when can I see
your face again? When can I leave this day-to-day fatigue, forget it like a dream, and
spend my time with ancient books, in sleep, in lazing days? ”
Horace is emphasizing the value of a life of serenity, describing his removal from the city
as an estrangement from its corrupt values and materialism. He is described
philosophizing with his friends about “good itself” and “whether we make our friends for
our own gain.”
The best part of the Satire, I think, is when he tells the story of the country mouse and
city mouse. After the country mouse gives the city mouse the best treatment he can
afford, himself eating grasses while he gives his guest the tasty morsels, the two go into
the palace where the city life dwells. In the city mouse’s home, they feed on scraps from
last night’s banquet and recline on “ivory couches.” But in flash, they are noisily pursued
by humans trying to catch them, clamoring in a scene that scares the mice to death. The
country mouse then concludes “this life is not for me: my woods and den are safe from
traps like this—I’ll please myself with vetch, however crude.”
Selections from Horace’s Odes
I.1  MENTIONED IN LECTURE
Horace is addressing Maecenas, goes through what various people set as their goals in
life: athletic greatness, political ambition, soldier’s life, the hunter’s catch, etcBut states clearly his goal as a poet: the lofty aim of having his poem put with those of
the Grecian masters, to become a CANONICAL poet, perhaps literally in the library at
the Temple of Apollo“As for me, the prize for poets, the crown of ivy, makes me one with the gods…I am far
from the crowd…”
“And should you rank my songs with the masters’, I shall walk tall, my head will touch
stars.”
I.4
Follows transition from winter to “spring”, seems to be in the theme of carpe diem, love
while you can“all of life is only a little, no long-term plans are allowed. Soon night and halfremembered shapes and drab”
I.5
An odd poem…I think Horace is referring to Pyrrha of the story Deucalion and Pyrrha,
but there is no mention of creation or the flood. Overall, if seems to be proclaiming the
superficiality and deceptive nature of love.
“Poor lover! Times untold he will lament your light capricious loyalties”
“Woe to those innocents you dazzle!”
I.6  MENTIONED IN LECTURE
States his non-intention to become an epic poet- love and life’s enjoyments are his
subjects“No epic grandeur, Agrippa, will I attempt…Achilles’ moods and tantrums…are too lofty
subjects for me.”
I.9
Basic message: have more fun and don’t worry about anything. All is fated and in the
hands of the Gods.
“Pour the four year vintage out with a freer hand…Leave all the rest to the gods.”
“Let be what comes tomorrow, reckoning pure gain from whatever gift of days your
fortune yields, and in youth be not disdainful of love and all its sweetness.”
I.11  MENTIONED IN LECTURE
Embodies the idea of carpe diem (in fact, is the source of that oft-quoted phrase)- it is one
of the shortest of Horace’s poems short and sweet, like life- thus, it conveys its
message in both form and content Don’t put off pleasure in life, enjoy it now!
Poem is both a philosophy and a seduction tool: in it, he is directly addressing a woman
in a way convincing her to yield to Horace’s advances (life is short, let’s get it on)
“Don’t ask, Leuconoe’s [woman’s name]—we’re not supposed to know—what end the
gods have set for me, for you, and don’t go trying out astrologers’ calculations. Better by
far to ensure whatever comes…
“be sensible, filter your wine and drink it.”
“While we talk, jealous time has already fled. PLUCK THIS DAY, and put not trust in
the one that’s yet to come.
III.1
Could be taken as a artist’s view on the world, since it expresses a very non-materialistic
message and begins with Horace declaring himself “a priest of the Muses” who chants
“for young men and maidens poems that have never been heard before.” His message is a
very interesting take on the pastoral ideal that basically states that greed will do nothing
for you or will undo you, palaces never warmed anyone’s heart or relieved them from his
troubles, anxiety and danger will reach you wherever you are, so why should I give up
my pastoral ideal? Meanwhile, while you build your palaces, you infringe upon nature
and do it an injustice. “The fish feel the waters shrink as the pilings of stone are laid in
the depths…toss rubble in under the eyes of the master who loathes the land.”
 not only is materialism ideologically opposed to the pastoral ideal, but its execution
actually physically destroys the pasture.
Why should I pursue wealth and material goods? On the other hand, “the man who longs
for just enough is never disturbed by the turbulent ocean, not by the storm’s wild attack.”
III.6 MENTIONED IN LECTURE
Could be titled “The Moral Decline of Rome”- decries the impiety of Romans who have
let the temples and images of gods to become “filthy with blackening smoke” (interesting
pitting of piety against non-pastoralism and urban-development- Rome is SUFFERING
FOR IMPIETY: “neglected, the gods have brought many sorrows to suffering Italy”- the
corruption has begun with the family unit and flowed out from there:
“Breeder of vices, our age has polluted first marriage vows and the children and the
home: from this spring, a river of ruin has flooded our country and our people.” The
young wife scours her husband’s parties for young lovers and indiscriminately commits
adultery, in an overt fashion: “She hastily gives forbidden thrills when the lights go
out…her husband there and knowing it.”
From parents like these, ignoble generations of Romans are born, far from the heroic
citizens of the past. From this we get the message that perhaps it is time, which corrupts
all things, that also corrupts the morals and values of the Roman people- thesis: TIME
LEADS TO DEGENERATION OF ALL THINGS, INCLUDING SCRUPLES AND
GOODNESS-
“What does time’s decaying leave undiminished? Our parent’s age, worse that their
parents’ brought forth us, who are still worse, who soon will breed descendants even
more degenerate.”
III.13
This is an ode to a spring, the Fountain of Bandusia, which “sets free the wearied oxen
from under plough, and flocks from long days’ wandering.” It’s a reiteration of the
pastoral ideal focusing on one specific entity of nature, the fountain.
III.30 MENTIONED IN LECTURE
“My memorial is done: it will outlast bronze, it is taller that the Pyramids’ royal
mounds, and not rain and corrosion, not raging Northwind can tear it down.”
This is the statement of multiple ideas and recurring themes in the course: 1) my poetry is
a monument, like an architectural one or greater/more lasting 2) my poetry is immortal
and, therefore, so am I 3) my poetry is empowering and will spread my fame beyond all
generationsThese themes tie in to Ovid’s mention of a similar immortality at the end of the
Metamorphoses or Virgil’s recognition of the Aeneid as a powerful memorial to
Marcellus, mentioned in book 6. This idea of LITERATURE AS MONUMENT runs
through all three of these pieces.
IV.7
This poem moves from pastoral idealization to an emphasis on the shortness of life and
inevitability/power of death- no man can be saved from death by his wealth or earthly
powers, no measure of those things can bring a man back to life-he mentions great men
who have passed away as if to say that if they greats die, then we certainly do“we go down where good Aeneas is gone, with lordly Tullus and Ancus, we lapse to dust
and shade. Who knows if the lofty gods will add a span of tomorrow to what is summed
today?”
“Not birth, nor eloquent tongue, my friend, nor upright mind will bear you back to us.”
 notice the mention of oratory, “eloquent tongue” as one of the major things a person
could have going for them-
Horace, Odes Book 2
-encapsulates the regret behind Pyrrhic victory- “Our fields are rich with Roman Corpses;
not one lacks graves to speak against our impious battles. Even Parthia can hear the ruin
of the West”Leads into a sense of that being sick of war only leads you back into the pastoral ideal,
seize this day and try to have some fun themes“In my laurel’s shade stretch out the bones that long campaigns have made weary. Your
wine’s been waiting for years: no hesitating! Fill up the polished goblets to the top with
memory-drowning Massic.”
p. 196-209
Horace: Epistles, 1.3
Horace took up this new style of verse letters to friends after writing Books 1-3 of Odes.
There are not as poetically advanced as the Odes, but they are philosophical in nature so
they were still considered a worthy pursuit. The general theme is friendship, as
demonstrated by this letter to Julius Flores. Horace questions Florus about Claudius’
pursuits and his own ventures. He also manages to sneak in a couple lines about how
composing poetry is the worthiest pursuit.
Propertius, Elegies (example of third generation of poets during Augustus’ lifetime)
I.6 To Tullus
“I was not born for praise, not born to carry arms:
love’s is the warfare fate would have me bear”
Deals with the domina Cynthia. About the speaker as a lover rather than a warrior, the
very theme of the the third generation of poets, who became militarity disengaged in
order to write themselves as enslaved by a woman (very un-Roman in the lack of political
engagement of the man, military service at the heart of Roman autoritas). Tells Tullus
“it’s my clinging mistress’s words that hold me back [from war]”
I.21 On Gallus
I.22 The poet’s birthplace
These two poems which deal critically with Rome's civil wars. In one poem, the speaker is a dying soldier
speaking to a fellow soldier who is about to escape, telling him to let his (the escaping soldier's) sister that
Gallus (the dying solider) has been killed by "some unknown hand." In the second poem, the speaker
mourns his family: "you left my kinsman's scattered limbs to lie and rot / you spare no soil to hide the
wretch's bones." The speaker is speaking to a friend, but a friend who has become an enemy in war it
seems.
II 15 – A Glorious Night (190-191)
- This a Propertius Love Elegy that Tarrant called his “most overt both in sexual
and political terms”
o It begins by him getting it on in a bed with, we assume, his mistress
Cynthia.
o He goes on to answer his own question: “What good it is to waste love’s
pleasure in blind groping”
 He includes a very important response referencing Actium:
 “Now if everyone longed to pass their lives this ways, and
lie/ with limbs weighed down by drafts of unmixed wine,/
there’d be no wounding swords, no mighty battleships,/ our
bones would be tossed in Actium’s sea”
o This is the “alternative lifestyle” that he proposes,
which would prevent any suffering on the part of
Rome.
Propertius 3.3
Whimsical handling of Callimechean “poetic initiation” theme. Suggests Propertius is
able to play with the poetic conventions to which he subscribes. “What’s such a stream
to you, you silly fool? Who said/you should take a stab at epic songs?” It is obvious that
the elegiac form is counter to that of an epic, similar image as the road less traveled by,
he wants to write elegy, rather than subscribe to previous conventions and the cursus
honorum of poetry.
*note the elegiac couplet, makes such poems easy to identify
Propertius 4.3
From Propertius’ last book, a new departure showing desire to write in a more ambitious
form, combining Roman content and callimichean style. In this poem Roman military
themes are domesticated and eroticized n letter of wife to absent soldier husband (“if I
can call you mine, you are so often gone”) The poem ends: “A GIRL IS GRATEFUL
FOR HER HUSBAND’S SAFE RETURN”
Tibullus, Elegies
About how you can be rich if you battle for it, but he would rather be poor and relaxed
and inactive. He is the frail, helpless, dreamy ever-yearning lover for domina Delia
(“What pleasure lying there to hear the wind/and hold a mistress close in soft embrace”
“O perish all the gold, every emerald in the world/sooner than any girl weep at my
voyaging”). This elegy puts Tibullus’ patron M. Valerius Messalla as the antirole model
of the poet, conquering hero vs. enslaved lover. Also idealizes countryside, “hold vast
acres of uncultivated land.”
Sulpicia
Her six poems preserved in the book of M. Vallerius Messalla Corvinus. Like third
generation poets, she writes of an elicit affair, except her is with a man, Cerinthus. These
poems are short like Cataluus more than Propertius or Tibullus. Very obvious to identify
because they are short and from the perspective of a woman.
Ovid, Amores (light poems at the beginning of Ovid’s career)
I.5
Love elegy about domina Corinna, they have sex in the afternoon. “she fought as if she
wished to lose, before too long I won with her consent.” Although this does not paint a
clear picture of the enslaved man that is at the heart of much love elegy, it is clear the
power that the woman has over the man. Tarrant calls it, “a coolly calculated afternoon
encounter with his mistress Corinna” Example of Ovid’s cool treatment of the elegy,
almost mocking it, unromantic detatchment.
I.9
An insanely logical proof that every lover is a soldier. “All lovers are soldiers and serve
in Cupid’s camp.” Example of his twist on the basic elegies of Tibullus and Propertius.
Also very overt in its un-Roman stance of the elegiac poet as a lover rather than a fighter.
Source Book p 225-238
Ovid Ars Amatoria Book III
This part of the Ars Amatoria describes how women can attract men, and that love needs
“art” to survive. To get men, women should make themselves look pretty (clothing,
makeup, etc); be well-read and talented; have elegance and taste; don’t get drunk; don’t
trust other girls; cheat on your husband as long as he doesn’t know; and last but not least,
look attractive during sex and if you have to fake, then fake really well.
Main idea: this is Ovid’s controversial book that parodies men, women, and sex. Possible
quotes from Book III would be anything that sounds like advice to women about how to
catch a man.
SB p. 239-252
Ovid’s Fasti, Books 1, 4 and 5 (SB 239)
Prof. Tarrant gives this overview: Fasti is “an aetiological poem on the Roman Calendar,
originally planned to comprise 12 books (one for each month) and written (apparently)
more or less contemporaneously with the Metamorphoses; like the latter, the work was
left incomplete when Ovid went into exile, though parts were subsequently revised. Only
books 1-6 (Jan.-June) survive. Often characterized as Ovid’s least successful work, Fasti
represents Ovid’s only attempt to write a truly ‘Augustan’ poem: Roman historical and
antiquarian themes are here adorned with Hellenistic learning and contemporary allusions
glorifying the pax Augusta.”
-
-
Fasti is easily identifiable because of its emphasis on dates, rituals, and astrological
symbols, especially because the Sourcbook only contains the first bit of January (bk
1) and most of April and May (bks 4 and 5). Titles within books are “23 April” “25
April” etc.
Lines of latin poetry are long and regular, taking up exactly two lines of English text
each.
Ovid gives this line of explanation in his introduction: “Let Augustus’ arms be a
theme for others, mine is Augustus’ altars/and the days he added to the ritual year.”
Biggest story occurs on 21 April, when Ovid first describes the festival of Pales
(kindly Pales, indulge me as I sing of your pastoral rites) with details of ritual
sacrifices (“the fumigant will be blood of horse and ash of calf;/the third ingredient is
a tough bean’s empty stalk”) and then with accompanying prayers (“may I milk full
udders, may I make a profit on cheese”). Ovid then meditates on the origins of the
festival, telling a story by which Romulus took control of Rome not by killing his
brother but by augury. Remus jumped over the walls to demonstrate their
ineffectiveness and was accidently killed. Romulus’s mourning for him founded the
festival, and “a city arose (who could have believed this prediction?)/destined to
trample the world in conquest.” That is about the furthest Ovid ever strays from
listing dates and rituals in this poem.
Ovid, Tristia (“sorrowful poems”) (SB 249)
The sourcebook gives only the first poem of the five Tristia books, written from the
beginning of Ovid’s exile. The books are addressed to the emperor, Ovid’s wife, and
other (unnamed) people. Details of the only poem we are responsible for are as follows:
The poem is addressed to the book of poetry itself (first line: “Little book, you will go
to the city without me”)
- Ovid instructs his book to be “careful” and “timid” in the city, in a sort of obeisance
to Augustus, and tells it to distance itself from his other works. He is essentially
begging forgiveness from Augustus and the gods in an extremely humble manner, in
the introduction to a bunch of poems that expound the miseries of life in exile.
Again, an easily recognizable and fairly self-explanatory poem.
The Elder Seneca, Declamations, A. Controversia 1.7, The Tyrannicide the Pirates Let
Go. (a.k.a., Children must support their parents, or be imprisoned)
-
This is an example of the type of assignment Roman schoolboys would have had, in
which students are given the facts of a legal dispute and have to speak arguing one side or
the other. The Elder Seneca gives us both the problem and a detailed example of how it
would have been debated. The problem is short enough that I will transcribe it here:
“A man killed one of his brothers, a tyrant. He caught the other brother in adultery
and killed him despite the pleas of his father. Captured by pirates, he wrote to his father
asking about a ransom. The father wrote a letter to the pirates, saying that he would give
them double if they cut off his son’s hands. The pirates let him go. The father is now in
need; the son is not supporting him.”
The debate goes on for two an a half pages, exhibiting some fine Roman rhetoric, but it
again is easily recognized by frequent references to the original problem.
Sourcebook p. 253-264
Seneca: Declamation B. Suasoria Antony Promises to Spare Cicero’s Life if he Burns his
Writings: Cicero Deliberates whether to do so. (SB 253-4)

(This is an example of a type of rhetorical exercise taught during Augustan times.
This selection excerpts the advice two students offered to Cicero)
o First Student:
 You will not be able to put up with Antony, giving in to him this
time will only mean he’ll find another excuse to kill you later.
 Giving in to Antony would be the ultimate defeat—it would mean
disavowing your genius and your past, which are the two things
Antony can’t take away from you, only you can surrender to him.
 Although under Caesar—a just ruler—it’s worth staying alive, but
why live just to be a slave to Antony’s cruel despotism?
o Second Student:
 Don’t disavow your past wisdom and achievements, after all
you’ve done! If you’re killed, you’ll be buried alongside the
greatest men of Rome.
 Pardon would be equivalent of “purchasing the life of one man at
the cost of a public loss.”
 Death is inevitable and natural, you said so yourself: “For to die is
the end set by nature, not a punishment”
 Claim your freedom, die, and make Antony guiltier.
Augustus in Heaven, (Satire by Seneca the younger after the death of Claudius—54 A.D.)
(SB 256-7)
 Scene is an assembly of Gods on Olympus, Augustus among them. They debate
whether to let in Claudius, who was nominated by Hercules to be a god.
o Deliberation similar to the Roman Senate
o First opinion was spoke by Janus: Once being a god was a great thing, but
now it’s cheapened because it’s been handed out to too many. Solution is
to ban mortals from becoming Gods.
o Diespiter spoke next- Claudius is related to Augustus by blood, therefore
he should be deified. He’s wiser than all the mortals, and should be let in
to challenge Romulus to a turnip eating contest (allusion to a satiric
description of deified Romulus)
o Augustus then spoke: I didn’t stop civil wars just so Claudius could go
executing people without a just trial, especially when they are MY
descendents. This is not worthy of entrance into the Gods. Who will
worship him, anyways?!! Claudius should be punished according to due
process of law for those he killed, and should be kicked out of Olympus
and heaven.
o Gods vote to kick out Claudius
A Roman Funeral Eulogy (The “Eulogy of Turia”) (SB 258-60)
 Funeral Eulogy written by Consul Lucretius Vespillo for his wife, who saved him
during the proscriptions of 42 BC.
o Praises her piety following the murder of her family because she
relentlessly pursued the guilty and brought them to justice
o Our marriage was unique- long, ended by death, not divorce.
o He praises her virtues as a wife: modesty, deference, affability,
“attendance to your weaving” religion, elegance and simplicity.
o She had a big inheritance, he thanks her for letting him manage it
 Helped her female daughters and nieces get married by paying for
their dowries
 Helped him escape by selling her jewels, hid him in the roof of her
bedroom—a very brave and dangerous thing to do.
o After rescuing him, she endured the taunts of Marcus Lepidus, when she
asked him to “rehabilitate” the reputation of her husband who was then
revealed as the man who tried to kill her husband.
o After the restoration of the Republic, she was too old to bear kids, offered
to leave her husband so that he could marry a younger woman, he refused,
and adopted a daughter after the death of his wife.
Texts Illustrating Roman Religious Ideas (Lecture XXI) (SB 262)
 Elder Cato, On Agriculture, 141 BC
o To purify land, pray to Janus and Jupiter with wine, ask for Father Mars to
have mercy and ward off destruction of land and permit a good harvest.
Then sacrifice a few livestock to Mars.
 Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods
o To figure out nature of gods, first must determine if they exist
o Difficult to know whether or not they exist for sure
o Although as a high priest (pontifex), it would make it very nice to know
gods exist, he can’t help but wonder sometimes that there are no gods at
all.
 Cicero, In defense of Flaccus, 59 BC
o Each state has own religious practices, Rome has its own
o Jerusalem and the Jews have always been at odds with Roman religion
o Now that the Jews have rebelled and been crushed, the gods have shown
that they do not favor the Jews.
 Acts of the Apostles (from the Bible)
o (Delivered as a rabble-roulsing speech by Demetrius, a silversmith) He’s
angry at St. Paul, who denounces the Gods he makes as false idols because
they are made by hand.
o This threatens his livelihood as a silversmith, and also disrespects Diana
and diminishes her prestige in Asia and the rest of the world.
 An appeal to Isis: from Apuleius’s novel, The Golden Ass (160-80 AD) compare
to similar scenes in Ovid’s Metamorphoses in Book 9 (p. 229-233)
o queen of heaven, whoever you may be, Ceres, Venus, Diana, Proserpina,
whoever, protect me, and strengthen me in the face of my fallen fortune.
o Isis Replies: I have answered your prayers. I am the mother of all
universe. My one person manifests all gods and goddesses. I will save
you, lead you to heaven, where you will worship me alone.
o (Shows significance of Isis-worship as a threat to state religion of Rome)
AN Epigram of Augustus on Fulvia (SB 263)


Written by Martial in 100 AD, he replies to an imagined reader shocked by
Martial’s use of profanity.
Martial, in response to the “Grim censor of ‘bad language’” quotes an epigram of
Octavian written in 41 BC
o Octavian pretends that Fulvia (wife of Antony) is angry at Antony for an
affair he’s having and asks Octavian to have an affair with her for revenge.
“His Fulvia in spite, wants me to fight”
o Octavian’s not a big fan of the idea: “It’s fuck or fight! She says. Well,
even more/ Than life to me’s my precious cock. To war!”
Invective from the Siege of Perugia (SB 263)

Inscriptions on lead sling bullets left over from Siege of Perugia in which
Octavian trapped Fulvia, Antony’s wife inside.
o “Yo, cocksucker Octavian!” “Destination: Fulvia’s Cunt” “Hey fulvia and
baldy Lucious: open wide behind, I’m comin’ in!”
o Significance: Romans were vulgar sons o’ Bitches
Anecdotes of Julia (SB 263-4)

Stories about Julia told in 5th centuryAD
o She was 37 when she disgraced herself. Dual aspect of her character: both
learned and studious, with good will, and at the same time, lived fast and
loose with companions and parties. Augustus tried to think of her as free
spirited but innocent, noting that he had 2 spoiled daughters: The Republic
and Julia.
o Julia wears a sexy dress one day, and a modest one the next when seeing
Augustus, noting that “today I dressed for my father’s eyes, but yesterday
for my husband’s”
o She didn’t like Augustus’s plain life, noting “he forgets he’s Caesar, but I
remember I’m Caesar’s daughter”
Sourcebook p. 265-279
The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire
By Edward Gibbon

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Every barrier of the Roman constitution had been leveled by the vast ambition of the
dictator
While Augustus professed himself as the father of his country, he destroyed the
independence of the Senate, creating a state where the legislative power is nominated
by the executive
It was dangerous to trust the sincerity of Augustus, but to distrust it was still more
dangerous


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
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It was constitutional for the general of the Roman armies to receive and exercise an
authority almost despotic over the soldiers, the enemies, and the subjects of the
republic
It was customary for the Senate to blend the ceremonies of a good emperor’s
apotheosis with his funeral
The death of Julius Caesar was ever before his eyes, as although he crafted an image
of liberty for the people, he lavished wealth and honors on his favored friends, some
of whom where the eventual conspirators
The period in history which brought the most happiness and prosperity for the human
race was from the death of Domitian to the accession of Commodus
It is almost superfluous to enumerate the unworthy successors of Augustus: the dark
and unrelenting Tiberius, the furious Caligula, the stupid Claudius, the profligate and
cruel Nero, the beastly Vitellus, and the timid inhuman Domitian are condemned to
everlasting infamy
Despite the knowledge and free spirit of the Romans, when tyrants ruined the Roman
legacy, the extent of their empire left them no place of refuge
Sourcebook, pp 280-295
Princeps is a pretty jargon-heavy historical account of Octavian’s power and the transfer
of power after Octavian. Basically, the notion that he was “giving up” his power after his
consulship was only true in name. The public and senate wanted to keep him as emperor
and at their service, but he thought it time to step down. “Romulus” was considered as a
title to honor him with, but that connoted kingship, absolute power, and murder as well as
the founding of Rome. So that name was tossed out in favor of Augustus.
Romans had a special affinity to authority, precedence, transition – mos maiorum for
short. Thus, they weren’t very amenable to change. Thus, Augustus would accept no
position that seemed in contradiction to “mos maioru.”
Augustus was different than Pompeius Magnus, a power hungry, quasi-dictatorial leader
in Rome who had been consul three times until 52 BC, even without a colleague at times.
A. was more aware of keeping appearances, and would not do anything to remind people
of earlier dictators of that sort.
The power of Augustus led writers of the time to avoid saying anything negative about
his “father,” Julius Caesar.
Augustus’ power after and in between his consulships was mainly in the form of
auctoritas – influence that by custom belonged to senior statesman or principes, of which
A. was the greatest.
Some of Rome’s provinces – Asia and Africa - were so large, they were ruled by
proconsuls who had consular rank in government. A. made it a point that novi homines
got experience in government- they could work their way up to proconsul pretty quickly.
Those who shared the consulship with A. over the years played a much smaller role in the
government and decisions than A. did.
An Interpretation of the Aeneid is a paper about how the Aeneid is a truly Roman epic.
It is “instinct with a Roman sensibility.” Aeneas shows pietas – an awareness and
acceptance of his “laborious” fate of going to Italy. Aeneas is not your typical Greek
adventurer- he takes on his mission out of duty. He is not personally happy with his
mission, but recognizes himself as an instrument of fate. He shows less passion than
Greek heroes. The Aeneid is moving because it shows us loneliness, suffering and
defeat. Aeneas finally wins and founds Rome, but at a huge cost to himself- he loses all
personal attachments except to his son. The poem ends with no sense of triumph, but
instead awareness that Aeneas has fulfilled his destiny.
Virgil’s version of Roman history via the Aeneid is not propaganda (it doesn’t list what
Rome achieved) nor sentimental (the cost of such achievement is not focused on either.)
Virgil rather reflects an overall sense of Pyrrhic victory of the human spirit which has
defined Rome and Romans. The ending is not optimistic but rather somber, with a
memorial of A’s nephew Marcellus.
p. 296-305: Poetry and Power: Virgil's poetry in contemporary context.
Virgil was very closely connected with political figures (Augustus, Maecenas) and his
poetry is political, though it maintains a certain distance from realities that give them
ambivalent or multivocal viewpoints.
Beginnings of Roman poetry was political, though the new poets (esp. Catullus)
challenged that to make a new personal, refined poetry. Virgil started off as a new poet,
though he moved on to write the Aeneid.
Eclogues: Poems allude to Caesar's assassination and deification (5), to land
confiscations after Philippi (1, 9), to the pact of Brundisium (4), but each is transformed
into pastoral terms that soften and distance them. Also, there's no strong indication of
partisanship (Octavian vs. Antony), and good and bad viewpoints are equally represented.
There is no linear "plot" in the arrangements of the poems, so different readings can exist.
Georgics: Even harder to write because partisanship was "required" during the 30s, time
of the civil war between Octavian and Antony. He avoids the recent past. (1) and (3)
picture Octavian as a god-to-be, but the overall mood is still colored by uncertainty.
Octavian is all-powerful, but how will he use that power? These are poems about
farming, but the earth is sometimes abundant and other times futile--negative and positive
coexist. Makes a promise to write about Octavian, but them defers this to the Aeneid.
Aeneid: At 3 points, there are prophetic visions that reveal events in the recent past or
present of Virgil's time. This allows for connections to be made between the heroic and
Augustan spheres. But, all three prophecies are told not by him (the author) but by others
(Jupiter, Anchises, Vulcan). Aeneas is also a character independent of Augustus (Dido
links him to Antony and Cleopatra).
The last 6 books on the war betwen the Trojans and the Latins are supposedly references
to the Iliad of Homer, but they also tell of a civil war (like the ones Rome went through
during the late Republic.) There is no feeling of triumph in these battles and there's a
revulsion at war that should never have happened. Losses on both sides are treated with
sympathy, and Aeneas's killing of Turnus is quite savage and a depressing ending.
Pyrrhic victory--sense of quiet despair and lack of faith in Rome's future? Either way,
poem is ambivalent.
So basically, Virgil does praise Augustus a lot and is close to him. However, he is not a
"client" and had freedom in expressing his support in the way he wanted (non-panegyric).
His contemporaries at that time were also very uncertain about Rome's future, so it's
natural that these aspects come out in his poems. As to how Virgil is read in modern day,
it depends on how Augustus is portrayed--an enlightened ruler or a despotic tyrant.
p 306-320
The Emperor in the Roman World (31BC – 337AD)
By Fergus Miller
Chapter 5
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Cornelius Fronto makes one of the few attempts which survive in the literature to define some of
the duties and functions of the emperor:
o “Therefore consider whether in this second category of duties the study of eloquence
should be included. For the duties of emperors are: to urge necessary steps in the senate;
to address the people on very many matters in public meetings; to correct the injustices of
the law; to send letters to all parts of the globe; to bring compulsion to bear on kings of
foreign nations; to repress by their edicts the faults of the provincials, give praise to good
actions, quell the seditious and terrify the fierce ones. All these are assuredly things to be
achieved by words and letters. Will you therefore not practice a skill which you can see
will be of great service to you on so many and such important occasions?”
Eloquentia is seen as something practices by the emperor himself.
There is the expectation that the eloquentia of the emperor should be his own.
This is why it is often pointed out that Nero had many of his speeches written by Seneca.
From Nero onward, many emperors began to have their speeches written by others.
o Constantine was a notable exception.
Emperors were judged partly on their ability to give orations, as a result of upper-class educational
emphasis on oratory.
Imperial pronouncements could take the forms of an edictum, subscription, or constitutio. Miller
does not define these terms.
Provincial governors often wrote to the emperor to inquire about judicial matters, and they would
take no action until hearing back from him.
The emperor’s public roles were of the utmost importance.
o Business began before dawn and only lasted part of the day.
o He received libelli (embassies).
o Major festivals were important opportunities for the emperor, for they provided the major
context for his most direct interactions with the public.
The reception of embassies and handling of correspondence was closely linked.
o Embassy appears before emperor  emperor issues his ruling  follow-up letter to the
city.
Handling correspondence was an overwhelming job in and of itself.
For an emperor to write a complete letter with his own hand it had either to belong in the context
of an entirely private correspondence, to be a deliberate indication of special goodwill or favor, or
a formal diplomatic act.
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If persons who were not senators or equestrian officials could write letters to the emperors or
receive letters from them, that was a rare and signal honor, which they would often advertise either
verbally of on inscriptions.
Embassies were expected to make suitable orations before the emperor, after finally receiving a
hearing before him.
Cognitiones = emperor’s legal hearings
o Ex. when there is a dispute between embassies
It was the convention, at least into the later second century, that emperors ought at least to be able
to compose their own letters and edicts, as they should their own speeches.
But it was not the normal practice for an emperor to write a complete official correspondence in
his own hand.
Emperors would sometimes ‘subscribe’ a letter by adding at the end not a signature, but a
greeting.
It is thus quite clear that the emperor was both in principle and in practice involved in the
production of imperial letters.
The question cannot rest there, however, for the emperor did not work in isolation, and those who
surrounded him cannot but have had some influence on the content and composition of his letters.
We do not hear of imperial ‘secretaries’ of free birth concerned with pronouncements in Greek
until the reign of Claudius; and in neither of the two cases is the man’s title entirely clear.
Letter-writing has a close connection with rhetoric, and correct classical vocabulary is importance
in both.
Legal sources occasionally indicate that imperial letters to Greek cities or provincial councils were
written in Greek, or quote from rescripts in Greek.
From the very beginning, the giving of justice was an essential element in the role played by the
emperors. This was essentially routine.
Source Book (pg 321-340)
Between Republic and Empire: Interpretations of Augustus and His Principate
Summary:
During the Age of Augustus, there was some evidence of opposition to Augustus found
through the works of individuals like V. Paterculus, Pliny the Elder, Tacitus, Suetonius,
and Dio Cassius. This opposition manifested itself in two forms: political and
intellectual. On the political side were those whose family glory had been denied (M.
Lepidus), those whose ambitions were unacceptable (Gallus and Crassus), and those
whose opposition was indicative of the power struggles (Palastrevolution – struggle to
control and influence succession and all connected with it) within the imperial family and
were later denounced (the elder and younger Julia). Additionally, the Senate resisted
Augustus in regards to his purges (decreasing size of Senate), assumption of
extraordinary offices by Augustus or his associated, and resisted any legislation that
negatively affected social or financial privileges of the senators. On the intellectual side
were detractors like orators and historians who constituted both the intellectual and
political forces in the Augustan Age (participated in active historiography). Most
prominent example of individual who was involved in oratory, closely connected to
republican and senatorial traditions, and had social prominence was Asinius Pollio. Yet,
although some evidence of opposition to Augustus, it was grounded in very little actual
historical evidence and more on speculation. So, why was there very little resistance to
Augustus? Because everyone appreciated peace and were tired after years of civil strife,
situations of many nobility improved with Augustus, obvious that Augustus was tackling
and solving sources of dissatisfaction, and rivalries re-emerged among Senators so
difficult to form a united opposition to Augustus.
Identify:
Talks about potential sources of opposition to Augustus and then later says that there
wasn’t a lot of information to support this. Ends with reasons why no one really opposed
Augustus.
Source Book (342-349)—Simon Price Rituals and Power
Question: Why was the Roman Emperor treated like a god in the Greek cults of the
Roman Empire in Asia Minor?
Answer: The imperial cult enabled Greek provinces to concretely define their relationship
to the emperor in the familiar terms of religious traditions. Religion, just as much as
politics, was concerned with power. As such, it provided an apt medium with which to
make sense of the foreign (Roman) rule that dominated in Greek societies.
 Price contends that with the emergence of Christianity within the Roman Empire,
the problem has been misinterpreted as a distinction between religion and politics
that led to the cult being reduced to a form of political honors
 Drawing on anthropological studies, Price examines how the Greek cults
associated the Emperor with their subjection to the external power of Rome
 He initially summarizes the extent to which the cult was deeply rooted in Greek
cities in the rituals of temples, images and sacrifices
 He emphasizes that the incorporation of the emperor into the traditional religious
system was blatant (i.e. festivals, temples, sacrifices)
 Yet he contends that this incorporation was facilitated by Greek polytheism and
anthropomorphism
 For Price, the significance of the imperial cult is dependent on its relationship to
not only traditional Greek religious system but also to the Greek political system
 Using comparative material from Africa and Cambodia, Price claims that religion,
just as much as politics, is concerned with power
 The imperial cult essentially created a relationship between subject and ruler
 Hence, the system of ritual was carefully structured to diagram the relationship of
power between the gods and the emperor, and subsequently, the emperor and his
subjects
 Divine ritual enabled Greek provinces to construct a tangible reality of the Roman
empire and the emperor who presided above them
S.B. pp 350-365: Religions of Rome
- This is a secondary source, thus NO passage from this will come up. But info
contained may be useful for the essay
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Early Empire emaphsizes the importance of Roman religious traditions; e.g.
books on religious law began to be published 2nd cent. B.C. (prev. reserved only
for the priestly colleges)
Horace (in 20s B.C.) associates decline/troubles in Rome w/ religious neglect
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The name Augustus taken from an epithet meaning “consecrated by augures” – to
show favor of the gods as well as auspicy for the founding of a better Rome
The Lares = “household gods” = but better described as ancient deities, seen by
some writers as the deified spirits of the dead.
Augustus held position of priesthood only in Rome itself. Gradually accumulated
membership of all 4 major priestly colleges as pontifex, augur, quindecimvir
sacris faciundis, and septemvir epulonum (in Republic, extremely unusual for
anyone to hold more than 1 major priest hood. Augustus breaks this)
Augustus begins tradition of accumulating priestly offices for the emperors
Augustus’ image as priest (w/ veiled toga and lituus, the ceremonial staff)
He uses the positions to introduce religious reform; from 12B.C. for the first time,
Roman religion had a head.
Priesthoods were prestigious and held for life: they were eagerly sought. BUT
restrictions (laws mandating actions like a limits on # of days allowed outside
Rome) made it somewhat less attractive  Augustus relaxes some of the laws.
Also Vestal Virgins get special privileges (i.e. special theater seats) to make the
position more attractive.
– Sourcebook Reading pg. 366-380, “The Replacing of Roman Religion”
 This article focuses on “the restructuring of the religious system around the
person of the emperor” and describes several ways that Augustus and others
manipulated religious traditions and skewed the religious views to focus on the
emperor.
 Augustus built/restored approximately 100 temples during his rule, notably the
Temple of Apollo on the Palatine and the Temple of Mars the Avenger. Both of
these temples created associations between Augustus/his achievements and these
gods, drawing Augustus closer to his relationship with the gods and closer to his
own divine status.
 Augustus changed the traditions associated with the “Saecular games” to include
more rituals that were religious and related to the emperor. These traditions were
adopted and provided a model for subsequent celebrations.
 During his lifetime, Augustus’ numen, or divine power, was worshipped in Rome,
but he himself was not worshipped or considered divine.
 The standards set forth by Augustus – and the way he created divine associations
but not divine assumptions – were used as the model to judge his successors’
actions, and over-assumption of divine status (as for Caligula and Commodus)
was not appreciated.
Sourcebook pp 381-397
“Roman Marriage: Iusti Coniuges From the Time of Cicero to the
Time of Ulpian”
Treggiari agrees with Williams who in 1958 defined the Roman ideals of a wife’s
conduct as “faithfulness to one man [her husband, presumably]… obedience to a
husband… and the marriage-bond conceived of as eternal”. A wife should be morigera in
the words of Plautus and Catullus: dutifully submissive to her husband.
Treggiari infers what husbands valued in their wives by surveying the epitaphs they
typically had written on their wives tombstones. She concludes: “The most striking result
is that while generally deserving (bene merens) or moral (sanctissima or optima) conduct
is stressed for wives, the affection which they inspire or in which they are held
(carissima, dulcissima) is more important than specific virtues such as chastity or
faithfulness.”
I.
Virtues related to sexual fidelity
Chastity in women (adj: castissima, pudica) was highly valued in the sense of
abstaining from pre-marital sexual relations and adultry
Chastity was a requisite of good reputation for a woman, but the chastity of his wife
did not reflect either way on the reputation of the husband as it does in many other
cultures
Univirae, women who only married one husband (ie, did not remarry after divorce or
in windowhood) were particularly hihgly regarded (ex: Only univirae could sacrifice
to the goddess Pudicitia or be pronubae at weddings.)
Monogamy on the part of women was also valued. Ex: Catullus laments that Lesbia was
“not content with Catullus alone”
For men, things were a little different. While a man was considered fortunate to have one
wife in his lifetime, he was generally expected (and unless he already had enough hiers,
demanded by Augustan legislation) to remarry in the case of divorce or his wife’s death.
Moreover, monogamy for men was not a high priority, and it was rare that a man was
praised for his fidelity.
In practice, however, Roman society expected widows and female divorcees to remarry,
and this was even the common practice among Augustus’ family.
II Faith (fides)
While fides includes sexual fidelity, it also encompasses the broader reciprocal loyalty
and trust meant to exist between wives and husbands. It paralled the generally premium
placed by Romans on such reciprocal loyalties, as between patrons and clients or patrons
and freedmen. Ex: magnanimity shown by Scipio Africanus’ wife Aemilia when the
former had an affair with the latter’s maid.
This was in part because of the “economic interdependence of husband and wife”: the
wife was guardian of the husband’s property, including his house and sometimes even his
business interests, and the husband kept the wife’s dowry in trust for her and their
children.
III Respect and Cooperation
“Obsequium was owed by son to parent or freedman to patron, but was thought
particularly appropriate to a wife.”
“Co-operation rather than obedience seems to be the key meaning [of obsequium] in
usage.”
“A wife who accomodated herself to her husband’s wishes was not simply obeying:
her attitude might be mre subtle, reasoned, and gracious, and the ‘superior’ party in a
relationship might also permit himself to practice obsequium without obsequiousness
and loss of face.”
Although rare, the term was occasionally applied to a good husband showing
obsequium to his wife. Plautus even describes Jupiter as being obsequens to Alcmena
in bed.
IV Kindness
Affection/kindness/sweetness and dutifulness to one’s spouse was valued in both
wives and husbands.
“Comitas [couteousness, kindness, obligingness] relieved what might otherwise be
the excessive austerity of a virtuous wife… But the line between affability and
dangerous charm might be difficult to draw.” Ex: Tacitus criticies Livia for being
“more gracious than women in the old days thought proper”.
V Husbands and Wives in the Inscriptions
Women were praised for virtues in the home, like thrift and industry (of the latter
spinning wool and sewing was an example and symbol), while men were honored for
deeds and conduct outside of the home.
The affection and even romance of the ideal Romn marriage was reflected in: epitaphs
lamenting that the husband and wife were separated by one’s death and expressing the
hope that death would come soon to the surviving partner; the more frequent emphasis on
affection, love and concordance than on the deceased spouse’s virtuous behavior; the
highly personalized content of the epitaphs (ex: the husband who spelt out his wives
names in the initials of the dozen lines of a poem or the wife who noted that prayed that
she and her husband would be reunited in her dreams).
Treggiari’s “hypotheses” about the inscriptions:
1. The reader of the inscription “was expected to accept as normal and desirable
… a particularly close relationship between husband and wife”.
2. Descriptions of marital relations are vague, but when descriptive focus on
wife’s conduct toward family and husband’s place among his peers.
3. “Although some epithets suggest the subordinate status of the wife, these are
balanced by similar usage about husbands. Most of the qualities praised are
reciprocal. Wives are often though of as partners (sociae), which might but
need not imply equality, and (like the occasional husband) as compares,
which must imply equality, at least of love and effort.”
4. Focus not just on spouse’s morals but the love they shared and which inspired
the surviving spouse to commemorate the other.
5. Both sexes expressed “passionate gried and romantic love”.
6. “Faithfulness to death was an accepted ideal” but attitudes toward remarriage
are mixed: when survivors have not remarried they often express revulsion at
the idea of marrying another; in other cases, when the deceased partner had
been previousy married, he/she is praised for devotion shown to their second
spouse.
Williams idea of of monogamous union until the death of one spouse is in evidence as
is the idea of wifely subordination yet the latter “is modified by ideas about
reciprocity and an almost equal partnership of husband and wife.”
VI Partnership (Societas)
Wives shared in their husband’s property, the fortune and setbacks of the family, her
husband’s social status and even, to some extent, his political power.
VII Agreement
Harmony and concordance – based on a foundation of mutual affection, deference
and consideration – was the ideal of marriage. Suetonius makes much signifiigance of
Tiberius increasingly refusing to share a bed with Julia, in contrast to their early
harmony. Tacitus claims that because his in-laws Domitia Decidiana and Agricola
always put eachother’s interests before their own, their marriage was harmonius.
VIII Romantic Feelings
Plutarch’s Amatorius is a defense of romantic marriage.
The tombstone inscriptions seem to point to such hallmarks of romantic love as
idealization of one’s partner, the desire for lifelong love, and the importance of the
couple’s sexual relationship.
IX Husbands and Wives in Literature
The 24 letters we have written by Cicero to his wife Terentia are “full of affectionate
praise and often discussing practical matters, on which she was to make up her own
mind”.
In four of these letters written in 58 BC immediately before he left Italy and went into
exile, Cicero variously inquires about how Terentia has been watching over their
finances and laments that he can not write as frequently as he would like because he
becomes upset when he writes to her. He says at one point: “One thing I do know, if I
have you I won’t feel that everything is over for me” and calls her “my light, my
longing”. Treggiari notes that Cicero uses the first person singular almost exclusively
when taking blame, but otherwise uses the first-person plural to discuss their common
plight.
3 letters from Augustus to Livia survive, quoted by Suetonius. They are also
affectionate and make frequent use of the first-person plural. Notably, Augustus is
consulting with Livia in these letters on her opinion concerning whether or not their
grandson Claudius is to have a public career.
In his epistles to his wife from exile (intended for publication) Ovid refers to her as
“his light, his excellent or dear or dutiful or loving wife,” laments being deprived of
her, and says that he thinks of her daily.
Similar stuff on Pliny’s letters to and about his wife.
In a verse letter to his wife, Statius praises her faithfulness to and concern for him and
says that she was his first love and that he is bound to her forever. He even rejoices
that she has “broken him in like a horse”.
Treggiari comments: “It is impossible in any of these letters from husbands to wives
to find the domineering tone that Rome’s original patriarchal institutions might lead
us to expect.”
Literary examples: a fictional letter by Propertius from a wife to her soldier husband
promising chastity to make his hardhsips worthwhile. Lucan dramatizes the parting of
Pompey and his wife Cornelia when the former departed for the battle of Pharsalus.
Cornelia becomes frenzied and twice faints.
Rhetoriticians noted the intense love of newlyweds and argued that husbands and wives
who love eachother from the beginning have a better chance of a lasting marriage then
couples forced to marry eachother.
Also the desire for permance: Catullus wanted his affair with Lesbia to be perpetuum and
Cicero wanted to die in his wife’s arms.
Growing individualism in the 1st century BC may be responsible for the increasing
emphasis on romance in marriage.
“The essential Roman theme was that marriage was perpetual until death. It demanded
loyalty, sexual fideltity (at lesat from the wife), respect, and consideration for each other.
The well-spring of these was love.”
“In conclusion, Rome’s particular (though not entirey original) contribution to the
ideology of marriage was the idea of the wife’s faithfulness to one man, the eternity
of the bond, and the partnership of the couple. Subordination of the wife, I would
argue, was not essential or important by the time of Cicero.”
SB 398 – 408: Sexual Morality
-
Double standard: It was acceptable for men partake in premarital intercourse, and
even extramarital relations, but the same did not apply to women. The Roman
nobility of the late Republic tolerated a degree of sexual license for married men.
- Women, especially those of the upper-class, were expected to maintain their
virginity until marriage, and avoid extramarital relationships following marriage.
(Aside: Lucretia seen as the ideal woman, because she wanted to commit suicide
in order to set the appropriate example).
The affairs with mistresses were the subjects of poetry by Ovid, Propertius and Catullus.
Source Book p 409-425
The Roman Mother by Susanne Dixon (SB pg. 409-419)
*exploring the effect the Augustan marriage laws had on the reality of the
Roman mother in the Augustan period and beyond*
Key Term
ius liberorum- Augustus’s marriage laws, details of which are debated, but the
basic effect/goal of them is clear: as it relates to the place of women in
Rome, it punished those with no children (made it hard for them to inherit
possessions, and placed them under continual tutelage, etc.) and awarded those
with children according to the number of kids they had(the more the better,
full rights given to women with four children or more)
MAIN POINT :
1. Traditional notion of motherhood continued— Motherhood, in Augustan period
and afterward, was celebrated as it had always been— mothers received prestige
and maternal fulfillment—with the added incentive of recognition from the
emperor through the right of ius liberorum. Women in the emperor’s house were
still celebrated for their role as mothers of present emporers and heirs—“In
other words, the women of the ruling houses served as reminders of dynastic
continuity and of an emperor’s pietas.”(416)
2. Augustan marriage legislation’s effect—while it did not increase the
“birthrate of the senatorial and equestrian class”(416), and may not have had
any effect of the occurrence of adultery, the “ideals of conjugal love and
(nuclear) family life seem to have been adopted within the upper classes” maybe
in response to Augustus’ insistence on these ideals, and maybe just as a
natural continuance of these traditional ideals.
3. FINALLY, “for most women, motherhood probably remained a significant
aspiration and experience regardless of whether it was enforced by the ius
liberorum.
Basically, she’s saying that the Augustan legislation was a bit iffy—because
some were able to gain the right of ius liberorum because of their prestige and
influence, while others (like freedwomen, who probably needed ius liberorum
most) found it difficult to acquire, and still others fulfilled the
requirements for ius liberorum and did not claim it. So the sum effect of ius
liberorm on the role of the Roman mother is negligible—the changes that
occurred in the notions toward Roman motherhood, or rather the continuing of
the ideals of Roman motherhood as it were, could be just that—a continuing
growth of traditional ideals as it could be a result of Augustus’ legislation.
The Ara Pacis Augustae
This article highlights interesting and important points to keep in mind when
looking at the ara pacis (a.p.) :
*”The primary message of the altar [is] that peace leads to growth and
rebirth.”(421, author’s opinion)*
*the north and south walls are processions both leading to the west end
*counterpart to the ara pacis in greek world is the Parthenon:
-parthenon has a general procession, whereas ara pacis has a religious
procession
-->illustrates “Roman desire for specificity, similar to the earlier taste for
verisitic portraiture.”
-a.p. is in a “consciously classicizing style that emulates that of the
Parthenon frieze”(421)
*augustus is leading in a religious act—debated whether it is sacrifice, or
augural ceremony—and, “otherwise, augustus is not singled out but represented
as first among equals”
*the whole family is there---augustus, agrippa, livia, drusus, etc.
-“never before in a state relief have men been depicted with their wives and
children.”
-children are there to advertise heirs, and to illustrate importance of
children to Augustus—had marriage legislation to promote prod. Of children
*west and east sides—scenes—
1. aeneas making a sacrifice to penates—“aeneas’ presence suggests augustus’
divine descent”; “aeneas is in roughly the same position as augustus”;
association between aeneas’s son iulus, and augustus’ sons
2. mars with romulus and remus—badly damaged, but can tell it’s mars by his
shield, and he “symbolizes the war by which Augustus brought peace to Rome”
3. “earth/italy/venus/pax/ilia(debated) as a matronly woman with 2 babies
surrounded by symbols of fertility and growth…peace brigns properity and time
for planting and harvesting and the security to raise children and plan for the
future through the peace brought to italy by augustus.”
4. goddess Roma w/ honos, and virtus – serve “to welcome the arrival to Rome of
the victorious emperor, namely Augustus.”
*author then goes on to talk in detail about the significance of the a.p. in
terms of how it was set up, and underlying message of links between male
characters—perhaps too detailed for this outline, but is interesting and could
be helpful—it’s on pages 424 to 425, if you want to look at it
SB:426-444
Cult and sculpture: sacrifice in the ara pacis augustae.
Article explores the sacrificial implications of an important site for sacrificial cult in
Rome. Sacrificial ritual not only defined the relation of Romans to their gods, but also
established the hierarchy of social relations. The interpretation that the Ara Pacis is
merely recording a procession in history (namely the procession at the dedication of the
altar) is too simplistic (according to the author). As Zanker says: the sculpture elevates
the scene beyond historical occasion into a timeless sphere; not all figures depicted
were actually in Rome on the day of dedication. Significantly, only the most
important men have portrait features, while the rest have idealized faces that
conceal their individual identity. While the author agrees with Zanker, he makes the
argument that the Ara Pacis (when viewed by Roman people) created a cultural dialogue
with ancient viewers. Roman viewers did not simply see images of a sacrifice that onc
happened; it was a cultural process in which they themselves became involved. This was
a process which included the sacrifice Aeneas made long ago, the sacrifice Augustus
and the Senate made when the altar was dedicated, the sacrifice that emperor and
people would be making every year, and a sacrifice that the viewer himself might
have participated in (in the past and in the future). There is a deep paradox: while
sacrifice held out a promise of divine blessing and fruitfulness and life, it simultaneously
denied/undermined these benefits by the death and blood-spilling and skills through
which man approached god.
Author emphasizes the nature and importance of viewing in the understanding of the
images on the Ara Pacis.
I. Topography, politics and sacrifice
Theme of sacrifice very closely related to the Roman state cult. Ara Pacis located in
relation to the gigantic solarium of Augustus; during the Autumn Equinox, which was
also Augustus' s birthday, the shadow of the obelisk went in the Altar of Peace. Cannot
separate Ara Pacis from the context of the Horologium and the whole Campus Martius
(including the Mausoleum and Ustrinum of Augustus). Wondering what the heck all
these words mean? see: http://www-scf.usc.edu/~cipolla/campus.htm
Ara Pacis, prime site of sacrificial cult, always bore the visual and symbolic reminder that
its sacrifice had a socio-political orientation. Like the imagery of other Augustan altars,
the reliefs represented Aeneas, Mars with the twins, Italia, and Roma all point to myths
propagated under the Principate. Also, Ara Pacis did not have a statue of the deity the
sacrifice was to be directed towards; therefore, deity was left ambiguous. Could have
been Pax herself, Mars (patron deity of the Campus Martius), and Augustus himself.
II. The altar scene
Aeneas pouring libations to the Penates, being located on the outside wall of the altar (at
the entrance), not only represents the original sacrifice, but also represents on the outside
the sacrificial act which occurs in the inside. The original sacrifice represents the origin
of the city which the altar's sacrifices uphold and the origin of the ancestry of Augustus
who, on his own account, restored the nation (RGI), the city (RG19-20), and was voted
this very altar by the city and nation in gratitude (RG12). Marks not only the 'origin' but
also the present -- the eternal repetition of sacred action within this particular space. The
relief never actually represents what is happening nor where it is happening; its reference
is to the kind of act is portrays, but there is always a gap (temporal and spatial) between
image and what it refers to. The theme of "deferral" is emphasized in the sow being
living, so it is a pre-sacrifice -- represents the perpetual incompleteness of sacrificial
action.
III. The sacrificial processions
The processions on the long sides of the exterior walls are interrupted by the panels of
Aeneas and Mars with Romulus and Remus. Feeling of discontinuity... Also, the frieze
itself is ambiguous and is open to participants' interpretation, and parts of the frieze are
lost (creating gaps)... these gaps and discontinuities are completed in the action of
sacrifice. (weird, weird interpretation by the author). The notion of the gap -- of the loss
of what is one's own as the guarantee of the preservation of one's own -- is built into the
ideology of sacrifice.
IV. Sacrifice and death
Death is everywhere in the Ara Pacis -- skulls of dead cows, garlands are images of
paterae or sacrifical vessels; also vines etc. show the fruitfulness of life bought at the
ritual cost of death (Italia scene). The garlands hang from the skulls -- visual pun for the
garlands depending on the skulls. Also -- live cows, skull of cows, etc, is a visual
metaphor for the reciprocity of sacrifice.
Horace writes in Carmen Saeculare: "Whatever he of Ancises' and Venus' pure blood (a
warrior hearetofore, now lenient to the fallen foe) entreats of you with white bulls, grant
him his prayers." The image of blood -- which echoes references to war the sacrificial
slaughter, is transferred to the Princeps upon whom the success of these acts depends; to
be Augustus is an act of blood (in both the kin and carnage senses of the word), and upon
the Augustan blood of divine progeniture, war, and sacrifice rests the image of the golden
age of Augustan plenty.
Also from Horace: "Now Fatih, and Peace, and Honor, and pristine Modesty, and
Manhood neglected, dare to return, and blessed Plenty appears with her laden horn."
Augustan plenty rests on the fact of death.
V. Concluding remarks
Author says that Zanker too much focuses on everything from the Augustan period as
being Augustan propaganda. Yet author says that the Ara Pacis is very ambivalent and
contradictory (not straightforwardly propagandic). Was the Principate as overwhelming
an ideological phenomenon as Zanker's thesis suggests? Author: the prime position of
sacrifice in Roman religious ideology provided the dynamic which gave the imperial
image its power, but that the gaps, deferral and ambivalences implicit in Roman sacrifice
had the potential to undermine the imperial image from within.
Page 445-448
Modern poems about Augustus' period.
Anna Akhmatova: Cleopatra.
This short poem describes Cleopatra's desperate love for Antony. Interestingly, it shows
that she is in great despair but emphasized her composure at the same time ("no trembling
of the hand"). To recognize, one might notice that it is written in verse and describes
events in the past tense. The contrast between strength and love is probably unique to this
poem as well.
C.P. Cafavy: In a Township of Asia Minor.
This somewhat funny poem describes how no one really cared who would be the victor in
the battle of Actium. The author says that whatever poetry is written to congratulate one
party can be quickly changed to congratulate the other, depending on the outcome of the
war. He uses irony and repetition here, as he states "To the victor, the most glorious,
unsurpassed in all acts of war, etc..." and says it will "fit beautifully" if you just replace
the names to fit the outcome. The same poetry can be written to fit either victor--no one
will notice or care. Another way to recognize this is to notice that he uses quotes within
the poem as if it were another poem being edited.
Ezra Pound.
Top: This is pretty funny. It describes the "gulf" between Homer and Virgil. It's in the
form of a conversation, in which a student of Virgil can't even tell that Aeneas is the hero,
but thinks instead that he is a priest. (from a book written by Pound)
Bottom: This is a short ranking of a bunch of Roman writers and states what Pound
thinks of them. It can be recognized by the short, choppy sentences and listing of their
qualities. For example: "Catullus [matters] most. Martial somewhat... Virgil is a secondrater..." etc. (from a personal letter).
W.H. Auden: Secondary Epic.
Here is another guy who wasn't impressed by Virgil. In this poem, he is talking TO Virgil
(a good way to recognize) and telling him why his poetry is a failure. He describes first
his rhetorical use of fortune tellers to tell the future (like how the shield made for Aeneas
had the future of Rome written on it from Aeneas' time through Caesar and Augustus).
He uses this foresight technique somewhat frequently in his writing, and this author
writes that "hidsight as foresight makes no sense". He asks why he didn't tell the rest of
history, through to the 1900s, for example, and why didn't Aeneas ask "What next?". He
says that Anchises was not convicing, because since he had such foresight, why would be
stop telling the future at Augustus? Bascially, he says that this technique of using history
as future was a pretty bad idea. He repeats "No, Virgil, No" two times and ask questions
throughout the poem.