Download 2. Resources from Latin American Organisations

DECEMBER • 2008
Bibliography No. 21
Twenty Key Resources in Spanish on
Gender and Development
An Annotated Bibliography
Compiled and summarised by Helen Dixon and edited by
Paola Brambilla, BRIDGE
This report has been undertaken with the financial support of the UK Department for
International Development (DFID)
BRIDGE (development - gender)
Institute of Development Studies
University of Sussex
Brighton BN1 9RE, UK
Tel: +44 (0) 1273 606261
Fax: +44 (0) 1273 621202/691647
Email: [email protected]
Website: http://www.ids.ac.uk/
© Institute of Development Studies
Acknowledgements
The bibliography was compiled and summarised by Helen Dixon, a feminist writer, translator and
gender and development consultant. Helen is based in Nicaragua and is a founder of the feminist
education and communications collective Grupo Venancia and is active in the women’s movement.
The bibliography was edited by Paola Brambilla, who works in BRIDGE focusing on communications.
Originally a translator, Paola has worked in gender and development for over 10 years and has lived
in Ecuador, South America, where she worked in a women’s grass-root organisation.
Thanks also to Hector Avellán, writer and sexuality and development consultant, for his help in
selecting some of the materials and websites, and to Alyson Brody, senior gender officer in BRIDGE,
for her input. Credit also goes to Henry Armas, member of BRIDGE International Advisory Committee,
for his advice on the selection of materials, and to Laura E. Asturias for copy-editing the document.
The summaries were adapted from the source.
Web Links were correct as of November 2008.
This bibliography has been undertaken with the financial support of the UK Department for
International Development (DFID).
For a complete list of BRIDGE publications please visit http://www.bridge.ids.ac.uk/
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Contents
1.
Introduction .................................................................................................................... 3
2.
Resources from Latin American Organisations ............................................................... 4
3.
Resources from Latin American and Global Networks ...................................................12
4.
Resources from government and multilateral institutions ...............................................14
2
1. INTRODUCTION
BRIDGE aims to meet information needs of southern-based activists, practitioners, and policy makers.
We produce and exchange information on gender, enabling interactions with and between our users,
to support gender mainstreaming.
We have a strong commitment to increasing exchange with partners in the non-Anglophone world, by
producing materials in languages other than English, particularly French, Spanish, Arabic and
Chinese, and by connecting with gender debates in other languages and introducing these into
discussions in English. This is a response to the fact that much writing on gender is only available in
English, while materials produced in non-English speaking regions are rarely translated into English
and are consequently often excluded from global debates. We wish to counter rather than contribute
to this dominance of English in two ways: by translating materials into languages other than English,
and by connecting with gender debates in other languages and introducing these into discussions in
English.
This bibliography reflects this strategy by presenting a selection of materials on gender and
development from individuals and organisations based in Spanish-speaking countries. The resources
reflect the main issues that the feminist movement is grappling with in Latin America. It is not an
exhaustive selection, but gives a flavour of the variety and richness of feminist debates. It aims to give
visibility to a wide range of perspectives and to communicate the innovative work of diverse feminist
Latin American actors, based in different types of organisations and institutions, including local nongovernmental organisations, regional networks and research programmes.
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2. RESOURCES FROM LATIN AMERICAN ORGANISATIONS
Garcés, M. and Montes, L., (2006) Derechos humanos de las mujeres en Guatemala.
Diagnóstico. Igualdad, desarrollo, libertad cultural, Instituto de Derechos Humanos,
Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala
(Women’s Human Rights in Guatemala: a diagnostic study. Equality, development, cultural freedom,
Guatemala: Human Rights Institute – University of San Carlos in Guatemala)
http://www.i-dem.org/docs/index.html
For women to be fully included in democratic processes in Guatemala their human rights, which have
been systematically violated for a very long time, have to be fully integrated into new public policies
that promote social transformation and ensure that diversity and equality go hand in hand. This report
aims to analyse the present situation of women’s human rights in eleven provinces of Guatemala,
outline the causes of human rights violations and propose recommendations for policy makers. It
focuses in particular on: the right to a life free of violence; civil and political rights; economic, social
and cultural rights; and also sexual and reproductive rights. Violence against women is rife but
because there are no effective legal mechanisms to prevent it or protect women there is a high level of
impunity. Women are generally excluded from political life and no mechanisms have been put in place
to support their participation. Indigenous women suffer both gender and ethnic discrimination which
impacts on their access to education, health services and the judiciary. Recommendations to the
government and its institutions include: make women’s issues more visible in statistics, indicators and
monitoring processes; implement reforms to the labour code that ensure equitable salary and working
conditions and value the work of rural women; and improve post-abortion assistance.
Recommendations to civil society include: strengthen alliances between women’s organisations and
other social justice groups; lobby for the creation of concrete mechanisms to enable women’s direct
participation in all levels of decision-making; and monitor government compliance with international
agreements, like the Convention for the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women
(CEDAW).
Gonzalez Ruiz, E. (2005) Cruces y sombras: Perfiles del conservadurismo en América Latina,
Asociación Colectiva por el Derecho a Decidir (Crosses and Shadows: Profiles of Conservatism in
Latin America, Costa Rica: Women’s Collective for the Right to Decide)
http://www.letraese.org.mx/cruces_y_sombras.pdf
In Latin America the influence of religious fundamentalism in politics is the main obstacle to women’s
right to decide over their bodies and their lives. This paper provides examples of ways in which
fundamentalists organise to create a climate of fear or silence around key issues such as family
planning, abortion, sexuality, domestic violence and the lack of equality in family roles. The paper
argues that the Catholic hierarchy takes a central role in this fundamentalist alliance with ties to
4
powerful economic and political figures, new evangelical cults, and extremely conservative groups like
PROLIFE. It shows how they have privileged status in decision-making on national legislation and
policies. The paper contains details on the key figures in these alliances, their connections to powerful
leaders and organisations in Latin America, the United States and the Vatican, and their work in
international coalitions and networks. The paper notes that the strongly conservative views of these
influential individuals could threaten women’s and human rights and that their impact on national
policy should be reduced. The paper recommends that: research should be conducted and
disseminated on these groups and their fundamentalist precepts and actions questioned; their military
connections should be exposed to reduce their credibility and to dissuade politicians from associating
with them.
Guerrero Morales, P. (2002) La identidad de género que se mueve: relatos de vida de
adolescentes mujeres de sectores marginales, Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales
– CLACSO
(Gender identity in motion: life stories of adolescent women in marginalised areas, Argentina: Latin
American Council of Social Sciences)
http://bibliotecavirtual.clacso.org.ar/ar/libros/becas/2000/guerrero.pdf
Neo-liberal policies have brought about transformations which have affected the way people live,
interact and experience their gender identity. Adolescent girls are particularly affected by such
transformations. In this study a number of adolescent girls in both rural and urban areas in Chile were
interviewed to find out how young women deal with conflicting pressures in their daily lives. It
discusses many issues, including how their identity is profoundly linked to their bodies and to
sexuality, how violence is often seen as a way to solve conflict, and how girls can face many
challenges, including eating disorders, incest and abuse. Young people are increasingly marrying later
in life and increasingly having pre-marital sexual relations. Yet adolescent mothers tend to be
excluded from education and employment opportunities because religious taboos and family norms
still strongly regulate sexual behaviour. In the Andean region, where a high percentage of population
is indigenous, ethnicity adds another layer to gender discrimination. Both the media and formal
education have an impact on how young women view their bodies and on their vision of what being a
woman means to them. The girls interviewed identified several different identities as women, including
that of single woman, mother and lover, they also recognised that their perceptions are very much
influenced by how men perceive them and are linked to the concepts of beauty and desire. The paper
recommends that gender identities should be recognised as fluid and should not be confined to
specific roles or labels because there are many different forms of being women. It also stresses the
importance of promoting the protection of women and men’s labour rights around maternity/paternity,
including building crèches and nurseries close to the workplace so that women and men can share
childcare.
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Gómez, G., Largaespada, A., (2004) Derechos sexuales y reproductivos en Nicaragua. :
Análisis y propuestas, Nicaragua: Grupo Venancia, Las Dignas, Tierra Viva, Las Mélidas, CEMH
(Sexual and reproductive rights in Nicaragua: Analysis and Proposals)
http://owa.netxtra.net/_uploads/documents/Sexual&Repr_Nicaragua_Sp.pdf
In Nicaragua women are excluded from exercising their rights and citizenship due to a worsening
situation of violence and sexual exploitation, which includes forced maternity, unsafe abortion,
adolescent pregnancies, maternal mortality, an increase in sexually transmitted diseases including
HIV-AIDS, and discrimination and violence against lesbians. Some positive laws and policy
mechanisms developed in recent years have not produced changes in state practice, due in part to the
influence of religious fundamentalism. The document examines what it means for women to take
ownership over their bodies; the responsibility of the state in relation to women’s sexual and
reproductive rights; and the agenda of the women’s movement. It points to the dangerous influence of
homophobic and anti-abortion groups on policy and media, as well as the government’s use of
superficial gender and development discourse only to serve their own political purposes. To move
forward alliances must be built within the women’s movement in Nicaragua so that a common strategic
agenda is developed on which to base activist and lobbying work. Such agendas should include:
promoting the importance of a lay state, developing a campaign for a regional sexual and reproductive
rights convention; strengthening information and communication initiatives in order to influence the
media on sexual and reproductive rights; and working with young people to raise awareness and
change attitudes.
Cáceres, C. et. al. eds., (2004) Ciudadanía Sexual en América Latina: Abriendo el Debate,
Universidad Peruana Cayetano Heredia - UPCH
(Sexual Citizenship in Latin America: Opening up the Debate, Peru, Peruvian University Cayetano
Heredia)
http://www.ciudadaniasexual.org/publicaciones/abriendoeldebate.pdf
In Latin America the issue of diversity has taken on increasing importance in the struggle for human
rights. The idea of sexual citizenship is a vital theoretical and practical tool for developing strategies
for action to challenge social exclusion. A regional conference was held in 2003 which brought
together organised women, health workers, progressive researchers and social communications
professionals doing innovative work on sexual rights. Its aim was to share thinking and experience
from research and advocacy perspectives and to document ground-breaking work on sexuality in the
region. This report of the conference brings together a wide range of essays on issues relating to
sexual citizenship, critical perspectives on democracy, human rights, sexual and reproductive health,
representation and identity, violence, religious fundamentalism and economic development. The
essays, organised in separate sections, document particular areas of work on sexuality including:
linking research and public policy, lessons learnt and challenges for work on sexual rights and
citizenship, the issues of abortion and contraception, and the role of groups such as youth and
6
disabled people. The connection between public policy and the exercise of citizenship is explored, as
well as the experiences of non-heterosexual groups and networks of bisexual men and lesbians who
are engaged in challenging what is considered the norm. A section documenting innovative work on
HIV and AIDS brings together articles on new issues raised by activists and networks such as the role
of HIV positive people as emerging social and political actors. Articles highlight how strategies such as
advocacy, campaigning, legal arguments and collective action have achieved changes in health
regulations and cultural norms related to sexual equality and human rights. There is an ongoing
search, through alliances and consensus-building, to further the alternative political culture emerging
from new social movements in the region.
Lamas, M. (1996) La perspectiva de género, La Tarea, Revista de Educación y Cultura del
Sindicato de Trabajadores de la Educación - SNTE
(The Gender Perspective, México: La Tarea, Educational and Cultural Magazine of the Education
Workers’ Union)
http://www.latarea.com.mx/articu/articu8/lamas8.htm
It is fundamental to have a gender perspective when designing policies and programmes so that real
social and economic democracy and development can be achieved. This paper outlines the basic
foundations of gender analysis and conceptualises the particular difficulties that the word ‘gender’
presents in the Spanish language. Although it makes references to the Mexican context, most of the
analysis can be applied to the rest of Latin America too. The paper explains that sexual differences
are one thing, but all the attributes, ideas, representations and social prescriptions that are
constructed in relation to such differences are quite another. Gender stereotypes and discrimination
are reproduced in education and in the workplace, but also at home where female domestic and
reproductive work is not recognised, valued or shared with male family members. Too often society
expects women to go out and participate in the workforce or in public life without putting in place
adequate supportive mechanisms or questioning the power dynamics within the household which
perpetuate inequalities. Policies, programmes and initiatives must be designed with a gender
perspective to help recognise how cultural assumptions limit women’s participation in public life. The
first step needed to develop a gender perspective is to stop assuming that women are naturally
predisposed to doing certain jobs (for instance care or domestic related) and to introduce them to nontraditional types of jobs. Another step is to conceptualise the importance of men and women sharing
family responsibilities and to put in place adequate childcare facilities and systems. A gender
perspective is crucial to revise existing policies and it is essential to understand that gender
inequalities impact both men and women and that non-discriminatory policies will benefit the whole of
society.
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Lagarde, M. (2000) Claves feministas para liderazgos entrañables, Fundacion Puntos de
Encuentro
(Feminist Keys for Core Leaderships, Nicaragua: Meeting Places Foundation)
http://www.puntos.org.ni/sidoc/descargas/marketing/materiales/documentos/las-mujeres-y-eldesarrollo/claves-para-iderazgos.pdf
This paper discusses the important role played by feminist leaders in confronting entrenched forms of
social exclusion, and in building in its place a society that embraces people’s individuality and
diversity. It argues that, torchbearers for these alternatives, women face the challenge of changing
traditional forms of leadership inherited from patriarchal society. They should do this by using
arguments and developing proposals for radical change in gender relations, and by enacting their
theories and ideals in their own everyday lives. This document is a report of a workshop on feminist
leadership held in Nicaragua in 1999. It aims to define gender and leadership from a feminist
perspective and analyses leadership through an anthropological lens, linking it to culture and society.
It also argues that leadership is closely related to politics and political agendas and concludes that
ethics must be seen as key in the shaping of new feminist leaderships, preceding and shaping politics
rather than being a consequence of it. The paper emphasises the need for women to break through
formal, institutionalised barriers of all kinds in order to get a sense of self and build a positive identity
for themselves. And this is not possible without recognising individual women’s contributions to
personal and collective histories.
To build ethical and political alternatives, it is necessary that feminist leaders build their capacities in:
developing tools for self-care, personal autonomy and flexibility in negotiating with others; making
political and ethical alliances within the feminist movement; promoting mentoring; and in developing
models of leadership that are inclusive, consultative, just and effective.
Vargas, V. (2002) ‘Los feminismos latinoamericanos en su tránsito al nuevo milenio - Una
lectura político personal’, Estudios y otras prácticas intelectuales latinoamericanas en cultura
y poder, Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales – CLACSO
(‘Latin American Feminisms in Transit to the New Millennium - a Personal and Political Interpretation’,
in Studies and Other Intellectual Practices on Culture and Power, Venezuela: Latin American Council
of Social Sciences)
http://bibliotecavirtual.clacso.org.ar/ar/libros/cultura/vargas.doc
The second wave of feminism in Latin America and the Caribbean produced a series of ruptures with
previous theories and built new paradigms for women and their societies. As the private sphere
became politicised, individual and collective identities were rebuilt and new scenarios emerged in
which organised women defended and extended their autonomy. This essay explores debates about
exclusion and democracy, daily life, particular identities and the diversity of women’s leadership,
against a backdrop of neo-liberalism in the 1990s. It also explains the polarisation between
“autonomous” feminists, who emphasised strengthening autonomous feminist culture outside of
patriarchal spaces for negotiation, and the “institutionalised” feminists who opted for institutionalising
8
women’s advancement through negotiation and the accumulation of greater resources. Both parts of
this dilemma have become important challenges for the movement today, influenced by the impact of
globalisation on subjectivity, the growth of new social movements, the perspectives of young feminists,
and broad issues such as racism and economic justice. The essay concludes by identifying new
tendencies in the Latin American feminist movement such as: the acknowledgement of diversity both
in the personal lives of women and in their cultural and ethnic backgrounds; a focus on new themes
such as inequalities in relation to a globalised economy and to democratic governance; and the
incorporation of gender and social justice into feminist strategies which brought about initiatives like
the regional campaign to achieve a Latin American convention on sexual and reproductive rights.
Sánchez Gómez, O. (2006) Nuevas formas de resistencia civil, de lo privado a lo público.
Movilizaciones de la Ruta Pacífica 1996-2003, Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres Colombianas
(New forms of civil resistance, from the private to the public. Mobilisations of the Ruta Pacífica (Pacific
Route) 1996-2003, Colombia: Colombian Women’s Peaceful Route)
http://www.rutapacifica.org.co/rutas.pdf
In 1996, after 45 years of armed conflict and 20 years of the peace process in Colombia, women still
had no space for participation or representation in the negotiation process; their rights as citizens were
denied and they were unable to contribute solutions to the serious social and economic situation in the
country. Faced with this challenge, the Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres (Women’s Peaceful Route) was
founded. Openly feminist from the outset, it continues to break with the dynamics of war and to build
innovative practices that work towards a strong vision of peace and justice. The women from the Ruta
define war as patriarchy’s expression of impotence in being unable to settle differences and needing
to prevail over the other, losing in this way essential notions of limits, measure, and necessary sense
of connection and proportion between the means and the end. This documentation of the
organisation’s experience offers their analysis of the Colombian social and political context, their
feminist vision as part of the new social movements, and an analysis of their strategies in mobilising
women, identifying remaining challenges, difficulties, tensions and alternatives. The movement which
has come out of it is broad-based, flexible, pluralist, diverse and pro-active, and its strength is
precisely the ability of its members to move to and from isolated areas, and to use women’s cultural,
artistic and ritualistic expressions to build solidarity and hope. In the process they have accumulated
important learning experiences and a strategic ability that validates their new vision and subverts the
dominant cultural codes of the political and economic system that produces war. Lessons learnt by the
Ruta Pacifica movement include the recognition that they need to do the following: develop a
communication strategy that enables them to identify their target audiences and use political
messages those people can understand; identify what type of mobilisation they want (i.e. moving from
one region to another, mobilising public opinion or mobilising for political action) and define an
adequate strategy to pursue it; and build alliances with other women’s and feminist organisations.
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Solórzano, I., Yagenova, S. V. eds (2006) ¿Aliadas en resistencia o resistencia a las alianzas?
Un acercamiento al movimiento de mujeres en Guatemala, Facultad Latinoamericana de
Ciencias Sociales - FLACSO
(Allied in Resistance or Resistance to Alliances? Understanding the Women’s Movement in
Guatemala, Guatemala: Social Movements Área, Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences)
http://www.clacso.org.ar/difusion/secciones/osal/archivo/Descargables/informes-del-programa/aliadasflacso.pdf
In Guatemala, alliances among women’s civil society organisations have been key for the feminist
movement because there are no transparent mechanisms for dialogue or negotiation with the state.
This document provides background information on the women’s movement and other social
movements in Guatemala. It also examines the movement’s concept of alliances, political vision, and
involvement in national and internal alliances to denounce the state, modify or create laws, or improve
policies in favour of women’s rights. Most of these experiences have been difficult due to the fact that
many organisations do not support women’s demands, there is a lack of sensitivity about issues
concerning women, and there is a lack of acceptance of women as valid spokes-people. Organised
women have little access to mass media and have had to find alternative ways to communicate their
messages. In addition, with such enormous cultural and historical diversity in Guatemala, developing a
common agenda between women’s organisations is a complex process. Other challenges to alliance
building in the women’s movement include: funding constraints, lack of theoretical training and political
capacity, and a patriarchal society which does not prioritise women’s needs and demands.
Medina Rosas, A., Quiroa Cuellar, E. et al. (2007) Monitoreo sobre femicidio/feminicidio en El
Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, México, Nicaragua y Panamá, Comité de América Latina y El
Caribe para la Defensa de los Derechos de la Mujer - CLADEM
(Monitoring Report on Femicide in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, México, Nicaragua and
Panama, Regional Committee of The Latin American and Caribbean Committee for the Defense of
Women's Rights (CLADEM))
http://www.cladem.org/espanol/regionales/Violenciadegenero/Docs/feminicidiofin.pdf
Meso-america (the region extending approximately from central Mexico to Honduras and Nicaragua)
and the Caribbean have seen the systematic killing of increasing numbers of women for gender
related reasons. This social phenomenon of femicide has presented a new challenge for the feminist
movement. In two of the countries monitored by CLADEM, statistical information about deaths caused
by misogynist violence does not exist, is hardly accessible, or is under-registered, in some cases only
covering the last three years. Different state sources within the same country often don’t coincide and
carelessness and bad management of statistics predominate, creating obstacles for a clear vision of
what is actually happening. All the countries of this study guarantee gender equity and nondiscrimination in their constitutions and are signatories of the Convention on the Elimination of all
Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Inter-American Convention on the
Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women (also known as Belem Do Pará
10
Convention), yet these commitments do not filter down to ordinary laws and judicial practices. Instead,
there is systematic discrimination and a lack of protection of women’s rights. The situation of violence
against women can be added to the already enormous gap of social and economic inequality.
Structural discrimination means women’s human development is precarious at best, with problems in
satisfying basic needs and very limited power over economic resources. There are few or no
mechanisms for women’s participation or representation in political decision-making, inadequate
measures in institutional policies and programmes, and resistance to recognising the problem in the
first place.
López Vigil, M. (2006) ‘Interrumpir el embarazo: decidir entre vida y vida’, Foro Sexualidad
Maternidad y Derechos, Envío magazine
(‘Terminating Pregnancy: Deciding between Life and Life’, Nicaragua: Sexuality, Maternity and Rights
Forum, Envío magazine)
http://www.envio.org.ni/articulo/3296
In Latin America abortion and sexuality are controversial topics and the official position of the Catholic
Church is very conservative. The dissemination of Christian feminist thinking is strategic, because it
questions the precepts of the Catholic Church as an institution and contributes to the creation of
alternatives. This document provides arguments to demystify religious positions and provides
alternatives to traditional ideas about these controversial issues. This strategy has been used
extensively in the feminist debate around abortion in Nicaragua. For instance, the Catholic Church
often argues that women who terminate pregnancies cannot be religious as abortion is about taking
away a life – the life of the foetus. But for many women, abortion is about having control over their own
lives and their well-being. Women have a fundamental right to choose and take responsibility for their
lives through autonomous thinking, decision-making and action. These concepts, the paper argues,
are all present in the Christian religion. Unfortunately the Church as an institution has too often
interpreted these concepts in the framework of patriarchal values. In order for women to make
responsible choices in their lives, they need to have reliable information and be free to choose. They
need to have sexual education, which some religious groups oppose, and access to modern
contraception, which is still not allowed by the Church. Both the legislation and the debate on abortion
must privilege women’s points of view and trust that, with the right information and without stigma,
women will choose the route which is best for them.
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3. RESOURCES FROM LATIN AMERICAN AND GLOBAL NETWORKS
León T, M. ed. (2003) Mujeres y trabajo, Cambios impostergables, Agencia Latinoamericana de
Información – ALAI
(Women and Work, Changes that Cannot be Postponed, Ecuador: Latin American Information
Agency)
http://alainet.org/publica/mujtra/mujeres-trabajo.pdf
Women’s work is at the heart of the economic model through which many contemporary societies are
shaped. However, prevalent social and economic models privilege personal benefit over the care of
human life and pay scant attention to the reproductive and care work that is largely undertaken by
women. The state continues to rely on women’s unpaid care work within the household and the
community, while expecting them to accept often precarious conditions of employment as well as poor
access to education and health facilities. This situation of inequality is compounded by ethnicity and
class. The collection of theoretical writings, experiences, reflections and case studies documents the
perspectives of feminist women from diverse backgrounds (urban and rural, indigenous, academic) on
issues such as gender inequalities in the productive and reproductive realms, women’s economic,
social and cultural rights, and innovative and transformative approaches for achieving gender equality.
It argues, for instance, that in order to integrate women in the labour market a new economic and
social model has to be designed that contributes to building gender justice in the market, the family,
the community and the state. It also describes the case of a childcare community programme put in
place by the Peruvian government, which, despite recognising citizens’ rights to childcare, did not
recognise women’s rights to fair employment by asking them to volunteer their time and skills as care
workers in the scheme. The Peruvian government needs to take on some of the responsibility for
human care without relying on women’s unpaid work, and redesign such programmes so that
women’s labour rights are recognised. The collection considers innovative and transformative
proposals for achieving change, including economic models that focus on human well-being and
awareness-building processes to change social and cultural patterns.
Ramírez, M., Anaya, N. et al. (2007) Monitoreo sobre violencia sexual en conflicto armado en
Colombia, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua y Perú, Comité de AL y el Caribe para
la Defensa de los Derechos de la Mujer - CLADEM
(Monitoring Report on Sexual Violence in Armed Conflicts in Colombia, El Salvador, Guatemala,
Honduras, Nicaragua and Peru, Latin American and Caribbean Committee for the Defense of
Women’s Rights – CLADEM)
http://www.cladem.org/espanol/regionales/Violenciadegenero/Docs/CLADEM%20%20ESTUDIO%20CONFLICTO%20ARMADO.doc
Sexual violence in the Latin American region has been used as state policy and as a strategy for war,
aimed at as many victims as possible, in order to create terror amongst the population. CLADEM
12
documents and analyses this phenomena in the Latin American context. The sexual violence before,
during and after armed conflicts stigmatises women and affects them as well as their families and
communities. Sexual violence is the most commonly mentioned practice during armed conflicts, in
association with other forms of discrimination and war crimes such as forced disappearances, torture,
illegal detentions, displacement and exile. It includes rape, sexual slavery, forced partnerships, forced
pregnancies, forced abortions and public stripping, often in combination. It is perpetuated principally
by agents of the state but also by insurgent forces to make women vulnerable, especially young
women. It aims to control and objectify women’s sexuality and bodies. The largest numbers of victims
are from the least protected and most persecuted social groups. However, armed conflicts themselves
contribute to a shift in existing gender norms and this means that women do not act only as passive
victims. Women might be combatants in leadership positions or hold responsibilities for logistics; they
are heads of households when the men in their families are absent or have died because of the armed
conflict; they are also active in civil society through grass-roots, human rights or women’s
organisations; and women also often work in development and peace-building initiatives. They may
react by keeping silent, but they also denounce sexual violence and some use negotiation as a way to
protect themselves and their relatives.
Fondo de Desarrollo de las Naciones Unidas para la Mujer – Región Andina – UNIFEM, RA
(2008) Programa Regional de Presupuestos Sensibles al Género
(United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) – Andean Region Regional Programme of
Gender Responsive Budgeting – Good Practice Systematisation)
http://www.presupuestoygenero.net/mediapdfpresu/carpeta_psg_unificada.pdf
Gender responsive budgets are public budgets that take into account the different needs, rights and
obligations of women and men. They value the different contributions that both women and men make
to the production of goods and services and to the mobilisation and distribution of resources. This
document is one of the outcomes of the Gender Responsive Budgeting Programme led by the United
Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) in several Latin American countries, including
Ecuador, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru and Venezuela. It provides a
collection of case studies of gender responsive initiatives. Each initiative is described, including
context, shareholders, outcomes, strengths and weaknesses, and there is an analysis of lessons
learnt, future challenges and opportunities. In the case of Cochabamba in Bolivia, for instance, the
gender budget initiative was taken on by the local government in close collaboration with a women’s
organisation supporting local participation in decision-making and a platform of women’s grass-root
organisations. Through the process the women’s organisations and other social actors learned how
the local government worked and their rights in terms of participation. Gender perspectives were
institutionalised and a gender focal point within the municipality was reinstated with a budget. One of
the initiative’s main strengths was to respond to women’s basic needs but also to include actions
targeted at changing power relations that discriminate against women. One of the main lessons
learned is the importance for women’s organisations to build alliances with the media to lobby
authorities so that they are responsive to their demands.
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4. RESOURCES FROM GOVERNMENT AND MULTILATERAL INSTITUTIONS
Ranaboldo, C., Cliche, G. and Castro, A. (2006) Participación de las mujeres indígenas en los
procesos de gobernabilidad y en los gobiernos locales, INSTRAW
(Participation of Indigenous Women in Governance Processes and Local Governments)
International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women (INSTRAW)
http://www.un-instraw.org/es/biblioteca/gender-governance-and-politicalparticipation/indigenous-womens-participation-in-governance-processes-and-localgovernments-bolivia-colombia-e/download.html
Are indigenous women meaningfully participating in local governance processes in Latin America?
This study aims to mainstream lessons learnt about indigenous women’s participation in governance
processes and in local governments, particularly in Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Guatemala and Peru,
and to identify critical areas of intervention to strengthen indigenous women’s participation in local
governance. It reveals that the participation of large numbers of indigenous women in local politics and
municipal governments is not in itself a useful indicator of their systematic participation in decisionmaking. Indeed, an analysis of quota systems shows that, although fundamental to increasing
women’s overall representation, they do not adequately visibilise indigenous women’s perspectives
and do not guarantee the exercise of their democratic rights. Rather, indigenous women’s
organisations and public institutions and policies need to co-ordinate better. Indigenous women’s
organisations need to strengthen their capacity for dialogue and develop their own agendas, and
public institutions need to be more responsive and open to a horizontal and democratic dialogue. The
study argues that it makes more sense to focus efforts on small scale community-based contextspecific projects that are adequately monitored and evaluated rather than big scale development
programmes based on universal assumptions; to strengthen grass-root indigenous women’s and girls’
organisations; and to experiment with innovative projects that focus on co-responsibility and coownership with the community. Recommendations include: fund initiatives designed to integrate
gendered perspectives into local governance; big research institutions should work closely with Latin
American local organisations which are already working on similar topics; create spaces where local
governments with experience of substantive and meaningful participation of indigenous women can
share their experiences with local governments that have just started similar processes.
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de Keijzer, B. (1999) La masculinidad como factor de riesgo en ‘Violencia de Género y
Estrategias de Cambio’, Proyecto de Promoción de Políticas de Género
(Masculinity as a Risk Factor in “Gender Violence and Strategies for Change”, Nicaragua: Project for
the Promotion of Gender Policies)
http://www.e-mujeres.gob.mx/work/resources/LocalContent/19801/2/Violencia.pdf
This article, part of a book on gender violence and strategies for change, examines the root causes of
male violence towards women. It argues that, in order to better understand this phenomenon it is
important to have a sense of the masculine assumptions and mechanisms that lead to some men
feeling that their masculinity has been undermined, thus they resort to violence to reaffirm their
personal and social power. Additionally, the article draws attention to the disproportionate levels of
mortality among adult males of productive age, which is eleven times greater than that of adult
women. It notes that the reasons for these deaths include political causes, drug trafficking, conflicts
between family member and friends, the lack of self-care, and accidents associated with negligent
driving, firearms, work equipment, competitive behaviour, alcoholism and drug addiction. Social
expectations about male behaviour underlie many of these causes, more so when this identity is in
crisis due to cultural, social and economic changes. With this crisis a neo-machismo is emerging,
where the man negotiates decisions more but maintains a “machista” framework of reference, for
example “allowing” his wife to work outside the home, but only for a lower salary than his. The paper
recommends that groups should be established where men can discuss the limitations and
possibilities of male identity and promote more equal and pleasurable relations; and that school
curricula should aim to counteract sexist education and treatment as well as ensure boys learn to
value equal relations.
Velasco, L. and Calfio, M., (2006) ‘Mujeres indígenas en América Latina: ¿brechas de género o
brechas de etnia?’ en Pueblos indígenas y afrodescendientes de América Latina y el Caribe:
información sociodemográfica para políticas y programas, ECLAC
(‘Indigenous Women in Latin America: Gender or Ethnic Gaps?’ in Latin American and Caribbean
Indigenous Peoples and Peoples of African Descent: Social Demographic Information for Policies and
Programmes, Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC))
http://www.eclac.cl/cgi-bin/getProd.asp?xml=/publicaciones/xml/0/25730/P25730.xml&xsl=/tpl/p9f.xsl
This paper reminds us that gender focused statistics and qualitative data for development must
recognise the cultural particularities of social relations between men and women, while indigenous
women’s rights and access to natural resources should be made visible. It notes that some useful
census models do exist, which identify ownership and access to land and other resources, the
enjoyment of a long and healthy life, knowledge acquisition, productive activities, health and other
important aspects, but that there is a dearth of good, gender sensitive indicators that can also capture
ethnic diversity. It argues for the development of new gender and ethnic indicators for population
census models. For example, where the indigenous population is greater than 30 per cent, research
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should have cross-cutting sex and ethnic indicators to analyse the specific gaps that indigenous
women face as a result of barriers imposed both by non-indigenous people and indigenous men. In
addition, indigenous women’s participation should be strengthened in planning and programmes that
aim to respond to their demands and needs, while building consciousness about the dignity and
capabilities of indigenous women and their economic, social and cultural contributions.
Altamirano, K. and Norori, M. (2006) Guía para el abordaje de la violencia de pareja con el
personal del sector salud y la comunidad, Proyecto de Salud Integral para Varones y Mujeres –
PROSALVAR, Departamento de Atención Integral a la Mujer, Niñez y Adolescencia – AIMNA
(Guide to Dealing with Violence in the Couple for Staff in the Health Sector and the Community,
Nicaragua: Department for Integral Healthcare for Women Children and Adolescents, Department of
Health, World Bank. Project for Integral Healthcare for Men and Women)
http://www.alianzaintercambios.org/files/doc/1181339681_guia%20para%20abordaje.pdf
Every 20 minutes a woman is beaten or sexually abused by her partner in Nicaragua and many look
for help in emergency rooms in public hospitals. Given that violence is a public health problem, there
is a need to build the capacity of health workers to effectively detect, treat and refer women patients
involved in cases of violence. This manual is designed for this purpose. It encourages health workers
to reflect deeply on their own beliefs that may provide a justification for violence, as well as enabling
them to draw on their own experiences of abuse or violence in order to be able to adequately treat
other people. A key message of the manual is that health workers interacting with women who have
been abused need to be sensitive and informed about the diversity of intimate relationships, different
kinds of violence, gender inequalities, and public health in general. They also need to understand that
a woman who is pregnant, has small children, or is experiencing a separation or divorce faces risk
factors that can expose her to dangerous situations including suicide, serious physical injury, sexual or
emotional damage, or even murder.
Godoy, L. ed. (2004) Entender la pobreza desde la perspectiva de género, ECLAC
(Understanding Poverty from a Gender Perspective, Women and Development Unit - Economic
Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC))
http://www.eclac.org/cgibin/getProd.asp?xml=/publicaciones/xml/5/14795/P14795.xml&xsl=/mujer/tpl/p9f.xsl&base=/mujer/tpl/t
op-bottom.xsl
The Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) proposes a definition of
poverty as a multidimensional problem: “the result of a social and economic process — with cultural
and political components — in which people individually and collectively find themselves deprived of
goods and essential opportunities for different reasons and processes.” This paper asks to what extent
this definition can provide an entry point for addressing the gender gap in Latin American countries
and reflects on a meeting held by The Women and Development Unit of ECLAC to discuss this issue.
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Those present at the meeting agreed that, to recognise the different ways men and women experience
poverty, new ways to measure this difference must be explored. When household incomes are
measured the assumption is all too frequently made that resources are equally distributed within the
home, and unpaid housework is often not factored into these calculations. The paper argues that,
when calculating economic autonomy/household income it is essential to use indicators that measure
the use of time, levels of gender violence, and the amount of unpaid work. In addition, indicators
measuring the feminisation of poverty should include women in different age groups and the extent of
the contribution women make to the home with unpaid work. In order for policy analysis and strategy
on poverty reduction to take gender inequalities into account, the paper recommends that: statistical
measures and other indicators need to be revised in gender sensitive ways; understandings of poverty
should take the subjective experiences of men and women into account; and a more complex concept
of family and community should be developed in order to capture the multidimensional power relations
that play out within these spheres.
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