Download Conservative Judaism 101

Conservative Judaism 101:
A Ramah Tsevet Orientation Program
by Ari Perten & Leora Frankel (Davidson ICE students)
Goals:
 Inspire the staff to articulate their own connection to the Conservative movement
and how that has contributed to their working at camp this summer (met &
measured by Part I & Sikkum)
 Have the staff realize that the Conservative movement encompasses a spectrum of
Jewish beliefs and practice (met & measured by Part II)
 Help the staff understand better what it concretely means that we are a Halachic
movement but one that can change with societal needs and has evolved over time
(met & measured by Parts III and IV)
Materials:
 Pre-marked index cards (one per person)
 Writing utensils (one per person)
 Larger sheets of butcher paper/poster board (one for each group)
 Sharpies or other dark markers (a few for each group)
 Copies of: Unlabeled descriptions of different Jewish movements- Appendix A;
Sample Jewish bios- Appendix B; Textual excerpts from The Ordination of
Women as Rabbis: Studies and Responsa- Appendix C
Preparation/Trigger: 5 min.
Rationale
In order to delve into this topic, we must divide the staff into smaller groups to
help facilitate deeper discussions and ensure that everyone will participate. By preparing
index cards in advance with a random mix of symbols (representing groups), we’ll ensure
that tsevet members are meeting new people and not just drifting towards those they
know. This should also add a diversity of perspectives to each group and will get people
moving around a bit before settling down.
Implementation
Pass out an index card to every tsevet member: one side will be blank and the
other side will have two different symbols/letters/colored dots. For instance, someone
might receive a card with a gimmel and a red square. (These should be labeled ahead of
time in a way that will facilitate two different, random breakdowns of groups, each
comprised of 8-10 people.) Instruct everyone to find other staff members that have the
same first icon as they do and then sit down in these smaller groups. Once they are
divided up and seated in circles, a head staff member can facilitate from a central location
or a planted rosh aidah, etc. may lead in each individual group.
1
Part I: 30-35 min.
Rationale
Before we jump into technical definitions of Conservative Judaism or its
applications at camp, we want to begin by allowing tsevet members to share a little about
themselves and begin engaging in the topic from the starting place of their own opinions
and experience. This is both to facilitate the kind of group sharing and bonding that
we’re striving towards throughout staff orientation as well as to create a more personal
connection to the topic from the beginning of the session.
Implementation
1. Spend the first few minutes in smaller groups doing brief introductions (include
more or less information depending on how many rounds of ice-breakers have
already taken place during orientation). At the very least, have each tsevet
member share his or her name and a little personal background—serious or silly.
2. Once basic intros are done, instruct everyone to take a few minutes and complete
the following sentence on the blank side of their index card with the pen/pencil
they were given: “A Conservative Jew is…” Don’t give them any further
guidelines (except, perhaps, that there are clearly no “right” answers) and request
that the group thinks and writes quietly to themselves until everyone has finished.
3. Ask for a volunteer to write for the group, and go around the circle, inviting each
tsevet member to share what they wrote down on their card. (If anyone feels
really uncomfortable they need not share, but encourage everyone to do so.) After
each person reads aloud their entire response, have them choose a couple of words
or phrases that sum up the sentiment. Those select words should be written on the
group’s large poster board, and each time that a word or phrase which already
appears on the sheet is repeated by another tsevet member, place a check next to
it. This will serve as a kind of tally, reflecting how many commonalities the
group shared in their responses to the trigger. (Possible answers may include:
tf’illah, tradition, chagim, community, mitzvot, Israel, spirituality, Hebrew,
Halacha, and so on.)
4. Once everyone has shared, have somebody in the group quickly review the
words/phrases that are written on the communal sheet. The facilitator should then
guide the group in a short sichah (discussion) about the results. A few sample
questions to reflect on:
 Which words or phrases appeared most frequently in people’s responses?
 Did anyone’s answer particularly surprise you? Why? What would you
have expected?
 Did anyone’s response cause you to think differently about the definition
of a Conservative Jew? What changed for you upon hearing it?
 How many of the group’s responses truly reflected the definition of a
Conservative Jew in particular, versus a Jew in general? (Undoubtedly
most tsevet members wrote what could be a description of an active Jew
2
of any denomination and we’ll push this point further shortly.) What, in
your mind, is the distinction?
Again, these last questions segue into the next part, and should be left somewhat
open.
Part II: 10-15 min.
Rationale
Undoubtedly each person has come to the group (and camp) with their own
impressions and understandings of who a Conservative Jew is. In many cases, tsevet
members may be in agreement on certain points, but it is highly likely that some also
hold conflicting—if not inaccurate—views of Conservative Judaism. Specifically,
people tend to designate or label a “Conservative Jew” based on how they behave or
practice, and not necessarily based on what they believe. One of our goals today is to
demonstrate that Conservative Jews don’t all look one particular way, however they do
share certain fundamental beliefs.
Implementation
Pass out to each group copies of the personal Jewish bios for them to read aloud
together. (See Appendix A.) After they have read all of them, the group must decide
which of these people are Conservative Jews (and which aren’t)? They may also
consider which of these people is the “typical” Conservative Jew. Which, if any, is the
“ideal” one? Answers may vary from group to group, but the intention here is to
ultimately demonstrate that despite a diversity of exterior impressions, or even personal
religious practice, that there exists within the Conservative movement a broad spectrum
and that ALL of these individuals could be Conservative Jews.
Break/Reshuffle: 5-10 min.
Before continuing with the next part, ask everyone look at his or her index card
and check that second symbol/letter/color on the back. Either allowing for a quick
water/bathroom break, or just moving ahead, ask everyone to find their new group based
on this designation. This will allow everyone to refresh and refocus a bit as well as create
a new mix of groups for the second half of the program. Once the tsevet has resorted
themselves, continue on with part three.
Part III: 10-15 min.
Rationale
So we’ve now established that the Conservative movement does include an array
of different Jewish beliefs and practices, as evidenced both by the more general
descriptions that people shared in the first activity, as well as in the different vignettes we
just read—all of Conservative Jews. But we’re not just at any Jewish camp or working
for any Jewish stream this summer? Rather, we’re specifically creating a Conservative
Jewish community this summer, and should clarify what makes this perspective unique
3
from a generic Jewish outlook. To understand better what distinguishes Conservative
Judaism from other sects, it is helpful to compare the various streams to one another,
specifically focusing on a few broad categories of Jewish belief and practice, including:
their approach to tradition and Halacha, egalitarianism, patrilineal descent, and so on.
Implementation
Pass out to the group short paragraphs describing each of the four major Jewish
movements in America: Orthodox, Conservative, Reconstructionist, and Reform. (See
Appendix B.) Spread out the four descriptions—preferably not in their usual order on the
religious spectrum—and have someone in the group read each one aloud. The catch or
challenge is that the sects’ summaries are unlabeled and the group must match/decide
together which descriptions are of which movements based on the tenets expressed.
Once they have completed the task, reveal/verify the correct matches and quickly process
the exercise:
 Which Jewish streams/movements were the easiest to identify? Which
were the most difficult?
 Did any two closely more closely resemble one another or present great
identification challenges?
 What did you base your classifications on? (Was it what you’ve actually
learned about each denomination’s mission statement/theology or did you
rely more on your own informal impressions?)
 Was the Conservative movement easy or difficult to identify as compared
to the others? What features stood out or distinguished it? (Hopefully at
this point, someone will highlight the Conservative movement’s approach
to Halacha. If no one does, the facilitator should underscore this aspect
for the group.)
Part IV: 25-30 min.
Rationale
Although there are a number of distinct aspects of the Conservative movement,
the issue that most clearly positions it on the religious spectrum of Judaism is that of
Halakhic approach. The Conservative movement, unlike the Reform or
Reconstructionist, considers itself still bound by/to Halakha (or Jewish Law). Unlike
most of the Orthodox world, however, the Conservative movement also maintains that
Halakha can be adapted or changed over time based on societal needs. This, clearly, is a
somewhat tenuous position, and one that demands a real-life example to appreciate both
its nuance and strength.
To better understand how this central pillar of Conservative Judaism has been
applied, we will look at perhaps the most significant halakhic decision made by the
movement since its inception—the ordination of women rabbis. By exposing the staff to
various positions in the debate of the ordination of women as rabbis, we will demonstrate
the true nature of dynamic Conservative Judaism, the primacy of halakhah in the
movement, and the intelligent, deliberate manner of its construction and change.
4
Implementation
1. In hevrutot (the traditional Jewish style of learning in pairs), the tsevet will have
the opportunity to look at some of the actual Responsa and essays written on this
subject during the process of the Conservative movement’s decision. In each
group there should be five sets of hevrutot, each one with a different text. (See
Appendix C.) Instruct each pair to read and discuss their text and be prepared to
present the text to the greater group, focusing in on key opinions or points
stressed by their author.
2. After each hevruta has had sufficient time to read and discuss together, invite
everyone to turn back into the group and take turns sharing the gist of each
position paper and what it reflects about the Conservative movement. During this
discussion, we should reemphasize to the staff the primacy of halakhah in this
example as well the various steps needed to change or re-interpret halakhah.
Sikkum/Evaluation: 10-15 min.
Rationale
Over the course of the program, we moved from personal experience and
expectations about Conservative Judaism, to a look at both the spectrum of Conservative
Jews as well as deeper understanding of the movement’s particular stance towards and
application of halakhah. Having our staff understand the tenets of Conservative Judaism,
however, is not enough unless they are also able to recognize and articulate what role all
of this plays in our work at camp. Although there will be a more formal, written
evaluation of all of staff orientation later, this will serve as a gauge for how successful the
program was in educating and inspiring the tsevet.
Implementation
1. Have each staff member take out their original index card on which they
completed the phrase “A Conservative Jew is…” at the beginning of the program
(with their first group). Go around the circle and ask each person to read aloud
what he or she had written and reflect on whether they would now edit their
statement at all based on what we have learned and discussed over the last couple
of hours. Feel free to pass out pens/pencils again for them to physically rewrite it
if they want. If there are individuals who insist that they wouldn’t change
anything, ask them instead to share one new thing that they learned or thought
about over the course of the discussions.
2. Finally, ask the group to tie everything together. Pose the sikkum questions to
them and let the group discuss and decide for themselves:
 What does all of this have to do with the community and experience that
we are creating this summer at Ramah?
 What are specific times, activities, or traditions at camp that reflect the
Conservative Judaism we’ve been talking about? (Literally make a list.)
 What do the campers—and staff—get out of living out these Conservative
ideals together?
5
Appendix A- Sample Jewish Bios
1) Shmuel Yosef Schwartz
I daven three times a day, four if you count musaf for Shabbat and
haggim. I am shomer Shabbat, which means I do not travel or use
electricity on Shabbat. Further, I do not carry items unless there is an
eruv. I pray at an orthodox shul in Manhattan. I spend most of my
day learning torah in the yeshivah. I eat only glatt kosher food. I
wear a black felt kippah and tallit katan every day. I also have side
curls. I am shomer negiah. After I get married I will expect my wife
to keep her hair covered and visit the mikvah once a month.
2) Karen Cohen
I pray on a regular basis, probably two or three times a week and
twice on Shabbat. I wear a tallit, tefillin, and kippah when I daven in
the morning. I am shomer Shabbat, which means I don’t travel or use
electricity on Shabbat. I pray at a non-denominational shul. I eat
occasionally in a non-hekhshered restaurant, but only cold food with
plastic utensils that I bring from home. I do not buy food unless it has
some type of hekhsher. Though I’m not yet married, I expect to visit
the mikvah once a month.
3) Gal Shacham
I am Israeli. I do not pray except for Yom Kippur and Rosh
Hashanah. I do not observe Shabbat. I recently finished the army and
will now continue on to university.
4) Michal Paz
I am Israeli. I pray only on Shabbat. I keep kosher and Shabbat. I do
not believe in mikvah. I belong to a dati shul in Israel, but often feel
like I do not fit.
5) Joseph Friedman
I am American. I eat Friday night dinner with my family and
occasionally attend shul. My family keeps kosher in the house
meaning that we do not mix meat and milk nor do we bring in nonkosher meat or shellfish. Outside of the house we eat what we want.
When I got shul I wear a tallit and a kippah. I hope to marry a Jew
but do at times date non-Jews.
6
6) Max Shapiro
I attend shul every Saturday but after shul will go out with my friends.
I do similarly on Friday nights. My family keeps kosher in the house.
Outside of the house we will go to a non-kosher restaurant, but eat
only dairy items. On holidays I attend shul but afterwards go to work.
7) David Wohl
I do not keep kosher nor keep Shabbat. I go to services for a few
hours over the high holidays but that’s about all I can take. When I
was young I attended Camp Ramah for a few summers but it was too
much praying for me so I left.
8) Rachel Seidenfeld
I am very active in Conservative Jewish youth organizations. I am
president of my USY chapter and attend Camp Ramah. I belong to a
Reform synagogue where I go every Friday night. I keep ingredient
kosher in my house and at times keep some semblance of Kashrut
outside of the home. My family and I eat Shabbat dinner together and
say the brachot but not necessarily at the right time. Regardless of the
time of year we start Shabbat at 6.
9) Frank Rose
I belong to a Conservative shul. I drive to services on Shabbat but
generally make it to services by Torah reading time. I fast on Yom
Kippur and observe Rosh Hashanah and perhaps one day of other
holidays, but in general I don’t let my Judaism act as an impediment
towards my life. I think that it is important for my children and future
grandchildren to be Jewish, but don’t forbid inter-dating. I generally
only keep kosher when my parents are coming to visit and on Pesach.
10) G. Herb Brown
I donate a lot of money to Jewish causes and am an active member of
my Temple’s brotherhood. I go to our annual golf outing (where I’m
the reigning champion) and other such outings. I’m on the board of
the shul and always receive the best seats for the high holidays.
Though I’m not a regular at services, I do come occasionally for
special occasions like birthdays and anniversaries. I do not keep
kosher per se, but will not eat pig.
7
Appendix B- Descriptions of different Jewish streams
ORTHODOX
This branch of Judaism emphasizes strict
adherence to halakhah, the body of laws and
practices that are based on the Torah, or the Law of
Moses. Authority for law, according to this
denomination, comes directly from God. This
includes not only the Law as found in the first five
books of the Bible but the complex commentaries
and elaborations upon it in the Midrash, Talmud, and
other authoritative texts. Although there have always
been Jews who strictly follow halakhah, the modern
aspect of this denomination principally organized in
response to secularizing influences on Judaism in the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
This denomination often divides into two major
categories: extreme or right wing, and centrist, or
modern. But in recent years, the line between the
two has blurred. Many centrists are increasingly
stringent in their adherence to Jewish law and
express a growing sense of alienation from the
larger, secular culture. As a whole, this branch of
Judaism today is more strictly observant and better
educated than at any point since before the
destruction of Eastern European Jewry during the
Holocaust. Children in these families are maintaining
and increasing their allegiance to traditional Judaism
and increasing numbers of Jews are finding
themselves attracted to this movement.
8
CONSERVATIVE
This branch of Judaism arose in the late
nineteenth century as a middle course between
extremely liberal and extremely observant forms of
Judaism. Jews in this stream feel bound by
Halakhah, and observe Shabbat, chagim and kashrut
in traditional ways. Jews of this denomination hold
that while their faith must adapt to the needs of the
times, the traditional forms of Judaism are valid and
should be changed only with great reluctance.
Accordingly, this branch holds itself bound by the
Jewish legal tradition, but asserts the right of its
rabbinical body, acting as a whole, to interpret and
to apply Jewish law.
Through this rabbinic authority, this stream has
adapted some innovations introduced by more liberal
branches of Judaism, but has done so specifically
upon the basis of halakhah. Perhaps the most
significant example was its decision twenty years ago
that women could be counted in a minyan and
ordained as rabbis.
This denomination has clashed with the extreme
right wing of Judaism over its refusal to recognize
the legitimacy of more liberal movements, but also
maintains that these more liberal branches have
made major and unjustifiable breaks with historic
Judaism, both by their rejection of Halakhah, and by
their unilateral acts of creating a separate definition
of Jewishness (such as the acceptance of patrilineal
descent as an additional definition of who is a Jew).
9
REFORM
This is one of the most liberal forms of Judaism.
It grew out of the Enlightenment in the eighteenth
century and began as a rejection of traditional
observant Judaism, which this denomination viewed
as a backward movement. Now it is the largest
Jewish movement in North America, with more than
900 congregations and 1.5 million people.
This Jewish denomination affirms the central
principles of Judaism—God, Torah, and Israel. Jews
in this branch regard the moral aspects of the Jewish
Law as binding, but do not feel obliged to follow
customs or halakhot (Jewish laws) that in their view,
are not adapted to the needs of modern times. Jews
in this denomination believe that all human beings
are created in the image of God, and that we are
God’s partners in improving the world. Tikkun
Olam—repairing the world—is a hallmark of this
branch of Judaism. English rather than Hebrew is
generally used in services although recently there
has been an increasing return to Hebrew as well.
This branch is committed to the principle of
inclusion, reaching out to Jews-by-choice and
interfaith families, encouraging them to embrace
Judaism. Children are Jewish if they are the child of
a Jewish father or mother, so long as the child is
raised as a Jew [patrilineage]. In addition, this
branch of Judaism is committed to the absolute
equality of women in all areas of Jewish life, and to
the full participation of gays and lesbians in
1
0
synagogue life, the rabbinate, and society as a
whole.
This denomination has a progressive,
contemporary approach to Jewish life, which
integrates a deep respect for traditional Judaism with
the insights and ideas of contemporary social,
intellectual, and spiritual life. It was founded in
America and is the youngest of the four major
streams of Judaism, having grown as an offshoot of
the Conservative movement.
Jews of this branch are committed to a serious
engagement with the texts and teachings, as well as
the art, literature and music, of tradition. Members
of this branch are respectful of traditional Jewish
observances but also open to new interpretations
and forms of religious expression. Jews in this
stream find meaning in rediscovering the richness of
traditional ritual as well as in creating new
observances in keeping with our contemporary
communal and personal cycles.
In Jewish tradition, Talmud Torah, the study of Torah,
is a life-long obligation and opportunity. Unlike more
traditional movements, this one does not view inherited
Jewish law (halakhah) as binding. They continue to turn to
Jewish law for guidance, if not always for governance. They
believe that, in the contemporary world, individuals and
communities make their own choices with regard to religious
practice and ritual observance, but should do so only after
deeply studying the relevant texts and traditions together.
As the founder of this denomination taught, tradition has "a
vote, but not a veto."
1
1
Appendix C- Textual Excerpts from:
The Ordination of Women as Rabbis: Studies and Responsa
Rabbi Joseph Brodie
As my friends know, I don’t speak out publicly on political and/or religious issues
frequently. In fact, for the record, in my 24-year association with the Jewish Theological
Seminary, this will be the first time. Isn’t it about time?
Why do I feel so strongly? To my mind, what’s at stake for our Movement on
this issue is the role of halakhah in the future of the Conservative Judaism. To many, the
question of granting women ordination appears to be a relatively non-complex halakhic
issue of little significance. This is a misconception… The significance of this issue is
whether halakhah and halakhic authority remain central in our Movement. Major
halakhic ramifications will inevitably result from the ordination of women, and they
require prior consideration.
Can women serve as edim witnesses? As hazzanim leaders of public prayer?
Before ordaining women, halakhic decisions produced by halakhic authorities must be
rendered in these maters.
To act now on ordaining women rabbis severely limits the possibility of genuine
halakhic debate on these crucial halakhic issues. With all due respect to the Commission,
to act now on the basis of a commission report, a commission the majority of whose
members are not halakhic authorities, would in effect be to institute a new format for
rendering halakhic decisions.
Who could deny a woman rabbi the right to be a witness? To lead a public
service? –after ordaining her. Obversely, who would want to create a category of secondclass rabbis?1
… Any movement which calls itself halakhic cannot in good conscience allow
non- halakhists in effect to decide halakhic issues and then post facto seek
rationalizations for these decisions. Such a precedent could only be used by later
commission and committees to justify any and all deviations from the halakhic tradition.
The very nature of our Movement, its historic direction, will have been irretrievably
altered.
Joseph A. Brodie, “Statement at Commissions Hearing: December 3, 1978,” in The Ordination of
Women as Rabbis: Studies and Responsa, ed. Simon Greenberg (New York: The Jewish Theological
Seminary of America, 1988), 31.
1
1
2
Let my position be clear. I am objecting specifically to the way in
which this is being done. I do not deny that the ordination of women, and
the resolution of the problems caused by the halakhic ramifications, might
be possible within halakhah. This means that while the Commission might
counsel our halakhic experts, only our halakhists can decide whether the
ramifications of that decision would or would not cause irreparable harm to
the halakhic process. The primacy of halakhah demand that halakhic
decisions be rendered b bona fide halakhists, not to be made in effect by
broad-based commissions!2Dr. Israel Francus
There are those, albeit very few, who claim that “it is a theological and moral
imperative to grant women full equality in the religious sphere even if it violates
Halakhah.” All that I can say to them is: you have read yourselves out of the
Conservative Movement, which was found on, and continues to subscribe to, the primacy
of Halakhah in Judaism.
We must turn our attention only to those among us who are committed to
Halakhah and are searching for a way to make it halakhically possible to have women
rabbis. The idea that we will ordain women with a proviso that will limit their rabbinic
activities to what is tolerated by the Halakhah must be rejected outright… Once a woman
is ordained and takes a position as a congregational rabbi, no one will be able to tell her
what to do.3
… Among the essential functions of a rabbi, especially in small communities
where the newly ordained usually start their rabbinic careers, are that of serving as
shaliah tzibbur – a cantor “leading the congregation in prayer”; baal-koreh – “reader of
the Torah portion” on Sabbaths, Festivals, and other occasions; reciter of the Birkat
Hatanim – the “benedictions recited at a wedding”; and that of being counted in the
minyan. Unless we can find a halakhic way to permit a woman to perform these
functions, she will not be able to serve as rabbi.
… The halakhic reason why a woman may not perform the above functions is that
she is halakhically exempt from these mitzvoth and consequently cannot be motzi – she
“cannot act as the agent o perform these mitzvoth” in behalf of the men present on those
occasions because the men are hiyuvim, “obliged” to perform the mitzvoth. The question
before us with regard to women is therefore twofold.
1. Can a woman acquire the status of a hiyuvit – of “one obligated” in relation to
mitzvoth from which she is exempt?
2. If the answer is yes, will the quality of her “obligation” be of such a nature as
to qualify her to be motzi – “to act as an agent to perform mitzvoth” in behalf
of men?
After careful examination of the rabbinic sources, one must conclude that the answer to
the first question is yes, and to the second question, it is absolutely no. A woman can
never – not today, not tomorrow, not next year, and not next generation – acquire the
status of a hiyuvit – of one “obligated” in relation to a mitzvah from whose performance
2
Ibid., 32.
Israel Francus, “On the Ordination of Women,” in The Ordination of Women as Rabbis: Studies
and Responsa, ed. Simon Greenberg (New York: The Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1988), 35.
3
1
3
she is now halakhically exempt, which would qualify her to act as agent in the
performance of those mitzvoth in behalf of men.4
… To conclude: women who voluntarily obligate themselves to
observe mitzvoth from which they are exempt cannot be motzi men, whose
obligation is imposed by the Torah or the sages.5Simon Greenberg
The question before us has many aspects. I shall comment upon three of them.
I.
The halakhic aspect
II.
The sociological and the psychological aspects
III.
Its impact upon the future of the Conservative Movement.
The Conservative Movement has repeatedly affirmed recognition of the centrality of the
role of the Halakhah in determining the pattern of behavior that a Jewish community or a
committed Jew should follow… The Halakhah does not prohibit the ordination of women per
se, since the ordination does not obligate the ordained to do anything forbidden by the
Halakhah… Hence this paper will not deal with the halakhic aspects of the act of ordination
per se. Nor will it deal with the specifically halakhic aspects of those acts forbidden to
women but which are customarily but not necessarily performed by a Conservative rabbi. It
shall deal, rather, with the historical and sociological setting within which these halakhic
prohibitions were formulated. It is altogether “fitting and proper” that a statement purporting
to reflect a Conservative view regarding the meaning or applicability of any text—halakhic
or non-halakhic—should include some discussion of the historical setting within which it
came into being, for the Conservative Movement was in the beginning usually referred to as
the Historical School. It was thus designated because its founders and later expounders
maintained that in studying, interpreting, and applying a traditional text one should take into
account not only the literal meaning of its content, but also its history—the relationship of the
content to the time when and place where it came into being and within which it functioned.6
… Each one of us inevitably decides for himself what weight to give to sociological
and historical factors when called upon to pass judgment on the validity of a law or the
meaning of a text. What follows, therefore, is presented as a possible contribution to our
understanding of the historical setting within which there were formulated the halakhic
provisions which it is feared will be unavoidably violated by women who will be acting as
Conservative rabbis. These considerations played a dominant role in determining my own
decision to favor the ordination of women as rabbis.7
… It is our contention that in a society constantly undergoing change, the refusal to
make nay changes in a legal system of any kind will of necessity lead to the fossilization not
lonely of the legal system but also f the society that strives to live by it. A fossil can continue
to exist indefinitely, even as a fossilized society, but neither Judaism nor the Jewish people
were ever fossilized. Both constantly underwent change, sometimes radical, sometimes
hardly perceptible change, as the Jews and Judaism have continued not only to exist but to
live both as a dynamic creative people and as an ever richer spiritually life-affirming
tradition.
4
Ibid., 35-6.
Ibid., 43.
6
Simon Greenberg, “On the Question of the Ordination of Women as Rabbis by the Jewish
Theological Seminary of America,” in The Ordination of Women as Rabbis: Studies and Responsa, ed.
Simon Greenberg (New York: The Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1988), 69-70.
7
Ibid., 71-2.
5
1
4
Moreover, our study of Jewish history has established the indisputable
fact that neither the Jewish people nor Judaism ever constituted ideologically
or legally monolithic structures. We are not that today, and we cannot, even if
we deemed it desirable, become that tomorrow… To oppose change merely
because it is change is to ask mankind to stop thinking, inventing, aspiring.
And the Jewish people is part of mankind.3Dr. Anne Lapidus Lerner
To my mind, there would be no way in which we could make this innovation were
it halakhically indefensible… Our concern for Halakhah must be demonstrated not only
in the decisions we make but also in the way we make them. The issues should be
considered, as Rabbi Roth proposes, in logical, halakhic sequence, with responsibilities
preceding rights.
… Although the Halakhah may allow for the ordination of women, it does not
require it. What does require it is justice, a consideration often outside The Halakhah
when narrowly defined. The woman of today is different from the woman of the second,
or even nineteenth, century. Generally speaking, women’s religious or intellectual
capabilities are not longer called into question.8
… The women who want to become Conservative rabbis are, almost exclusively,
products of the Conservative movement, or our Ramah camps, of our synagogues, or our
Seminary. They have been raised in a movement which offered them equal education.
They were encouraged to pursue Jewish learning and, at the same time, not to close
themselves off from the world around them. It comes as no surprise that these women,
having been raised like their “brothers,” want, like their “brothers,” to pursue a career in
the rabbinate.
It is of little use to admit women to the Rabbinical School if, in so doing, we are
to alienate our lay membership. The 1973 United Synagogue resolution previously
mentioned indicates that the lay leadership was then in favor of opening the Conservative
rabbinate to women. It is reasonable to assume that they are now, with the passage of
another six years, even more strongly in favor. The younger membership, which is the
future membership, is heavily in favor of ordaining women… While 15.1% of the
members under 35 responding think that they would be disappointed or leave the
Conservative movement if women were ordained, 38.6% of the respondents think that
they would be disappointed or leave the movement if women were NOT ordained. Why
risk alienating such a high percentage of the movement’s future? … Thus, despite the
preponderance of respondents in the upper age brackets, a significantly larger proportion
favors ordination of women, than objects to it.9
… The ordination of women is a move for which Conservative
Judaism is ready. The halakhic analysis has been done, the laity has been
polled, our sense of ethics compels it. The move will benefit Conservative
Judaism.10Rabbi Mayer E. Rabinowitz
3
Ibid., 87-8.
Anne Lapidus Lerner, “On the Rabbinic Ordination of Women,” in The Ordination of Women as
Rabbis: Studies and Responsa, ed. Simon Greenberg (New York: The Jewish Theological Seminary of
America, 1988), 95-6.
9
Ibid., 99.
10
Ibid., 100.
8
1
5
The purpose of this paper is to address some of the halakhic problems raised by the
opponents of women’s ordination. The halakhic objections raised relate exclusively to functions
that a rabbi is commonly but not necessarily expected to perform, such as acting as a messader
kiddushin, sheliah tzibbur, a witness to a get or ketubah, or to be counted in a minyan. The
opponents to ordination claim, on the basis of the fact that the Halakhah presently prohibits
women from performing these functions, that ordaining them would place them in an equivocal
position, tempting them to transgress the law.11
… This paper will seek to demonstrate that from an authentic halakhic point of view, a
woman – 1. may be a masadderet kiddushin; 2. may be counted in a minyan; 3. may serve as a
witness; and 4. may serves as what is now designated as a sheliah tzibbur. Anyone having even a
minimum knowledge of the history of the legal codes of any known society knows that legal
definitions and applications are influenced by time and place, no matter what transcendent
authority may be involved. The Halakhah was no exception to this universal experience of
mankind.12
… This approach is most suggestive of the conditions we find today. The bride and
groom are both involved in, and considered partners in, all aspects of the decision to marry. And
since the birkhat erusin is being recited on behalf of the woman as well as the man, there is no
reason to restrict the performance of this function to men alone… To summarize, a woman can be
a mesadderet kidushin because: (1) there is no sheliah tzibbur involved; (2) the bride is equally a
part of birkat erusin; (3) birkhot hatanim are blessings of prayer and praise which may be recited
by women; and (4) there is no biblical basis for either birkhat erusin or birkhat hatanim.
Another objection that is sometimes raised against ordaining women involves counting
women in a minyan. According to some, a minyan consists of people sharing a hiyuv, (obligation
to prayer). Since women’s obligations to prayer are different from those of men, it is argued that
women cannot be counted in a minyan. According to this argument, it would be inappropriate to
exclude a woman rabbi from the minyan in her synagogue… the basic criteria qualifying one to
be included in a minyan are: (1) gedolim—belonging to the class of adults, and (2) b’nai horin—
being free individuals… No one in our society today can reasonably argue that a woman is not
legally free as a man. Nor would any one today challenge her status as an adult. The criteria for
eligibility to be counted in a minyan have therefore not changed. What has changed is the reality
which now enlarges the number of those who meet the criteria.
Another objection to the ordination of women is based on the opinion that
a woman cannot serve as a sheliah tzibbur. According to this view, since only
one who is “obligated” can fulfill the obligation of others, women—who are not
obligated in the same manner as men to pray—cannot serve as sheliah tzibbur.
Accordingly, women should not be ordained, since a rabbi is often called upon to
lead services… In today’s synagogue the office of the sheilah tzibbur does not
involve any concept of “agency.” He is a hazzan, a leader of the communal prayer
services, who ensures that the minyan prays together, and who enhances the
service by the manner in which he leads it. Hence the claim that a woman may not
serve as a hazzan or sheliah tzibbur because she may not fulfill the prayer
obligations of a male congregant has no halakhic validity.3Rabbi Joel Roth
The question of the ordination of women can be analyzed halakhically either
narrowly or broadly. A narrow analysis would confine itself to the issue of ordination per
Mayer E. Rabinowitz, “An Advocate’s Halakhic Response on the Ordination of Women,” in The
Ordination of Women as Rabbis: Studies and Responsa, ed. Simon Greenberg (New York: The Jewish
Theological Seminary of America, 1988), 107.
12
Ibid., 108.
3
Ibid., 111-117.
11
1
6
se, while a broad analysis would consider as well the ancillary issues which might be
involved.
One who undertakes a broad analysis of the question must deal with two crucial
ancillary issues: (1) the status of women vis-à-vis mitzvoth form which they are legally
exempt, and (2) the status of women as witnesses. These issues are crucial because they
involved matters which are widely considered to be either necessary or common
functions of the modern rabbinate. These two issues apply to all women, not only to
those who might seek ordination…13
The affirmation that women are exempt form certain mitzvoth necessitates
analysis of four issues. (1) May women perform these mitzvoth from which they are
exempt, and my they recite the appropriate blessings? … (2) If women may observe
mitzvoth from which they are exempt, is their observance of these mitzvoth governed by
the same rules as is the observance by men of those same mitzvoth? Thus, men are
permitted to violate some Sabbath prohibitions in order to observe certain mitzvoth which
are obligatory upon them but not upon women. Are women who observe such a mitzvah,
though legally exempt from its observance, also entitle to violate that Sabbath
prohibition? (3) Can the voluntary observance of a mitzvah ever become in some
significant sense religiously obligatory? (4) If it can, can that self-imposed obligation
have the same legal status as the obligation of men which, legally speaking, is “otherimposed” either by the Torah or by rabbinic authority?14
… Women must be allowed to increase their pattern so religious observance
without hindrance from men or other women. Indeed, since their observance is
permissible, there is no reason why they should not be encouraged in their quest, if that is
the path they have chosen. To be sure, it must be made absolutely clear to all women
who adopt the observance of mitzvoth that there is often more involved then observance
alone. That is particularly true either where a minyan is needed or where the issue of
agency is involved. They must understand that only obligated individuals constitute a
quorum and only one who is obligated can serve as the agent of others. Just because a
women comes to services, or dons tallit and tefillin, or receives an aliyah does not mean
that she has the right be counted toward a minyan or to act as agent in behalf of one who
is obligated to perform a mitzvah.
Women may be counted in a minyan or serve as shatz only when they have
accepted upon themselves the voluntary obligation to pray as required by the law, and at
the times required by law, and only when they recognize and affirm that failure to comply
with the obligation is sin. Then they may be counted in the quorum and serve as the
agent of others.15
Joel Roth, “On the Ordination of Women as Rabbis,” in The Ordination of Women as Rabbis:
Studies and Responsa, ed. Simon Greenberg (New York: The Jewish Theological Seminary of America,
1988), 127.
14
Ibid., 128-9.
15
Ibid., 168.
13
1
7