Download A Linguistic History of Awyu-Dumut

A Linguistic History of Awyu-Dumut
morphological study and reconstruction of a Papuan language family
c 2014, Ruth Wester
Cover: artwork from Eastern Highlands Province, Papua New Guinea, 1984
Cover design: Flip Wester sr. and Ridderprint BV
Typeset in LATEX
Printed and bound by Ridderprint BV, Ridderkerk
ISBN: 978-90-5335-793-4
VRIJE UNIVERSITEIT
A Linguistic History of Awyu-Dumut
morphological study and reconstruction of a Papuan language family
ACADEMISCH PROEFSCHRIFT
ter verkrijging van de graad Doctor aan
de Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam,
op gezag van de rector magnificus
prof.dr. F.A. van der Duyn Schouten,
in het openbaar te verdedigen
ten overstaan van de promotiecommissie
van de Faculteit der Letteren
op donderdag 20 maart 2014 om 15.45 uur
in de aula van de universiteit,
De Boelelaan 1105
door
Ruth Wester
geboren te Ukarumpa, Papoea Nieuw Guinea
promotor: prof. dr. L.J. de Vries
copromotor: dr. G.P. Reesink
Acknowledgments
The writing of a PhD thesis can be compared to going on a long journey, in which
the traveller amasses numerous experiences and learns about herself in the process.
I can honestly say that writing “A Linguistic History of Awyu-Dumut Languages”
has been a pleasant journey, no doubt largely due not only to the exciting research
topic, but also to all those who travelled with me, supporting and encouraging me
along the way.
I would like to begin by acknowledging the excellent work done by Petrus
Drabbe, a Catholic priest of the Missionaries of the Sacred Heart in New Guinea
between 1935 and 1960. Each page of his clear and detailed grammar descriptions
communicates his love of languages and his deep insight into how they work. I
could not have wished for better data, and hope this book does his life’s work at
least some justice.
My promotor Lourens de Vries is the one who got me started on this journey,
and I cannot thank him enough. After Lourens secured the funding by the Netherlands Research Council (NWO) for the project “The Awyu-Dumut language family
in its cultural and linguistic context”, I joined him and Wilco van den Heuvel as
the third member of the ‘Awyu-Dumut family’ at the VU University in Amsterdam.
Lourens, thank you for your contagious enthusiasm, your ability to always inspire,
your encouragement whenever I was stuck, and your availability and willingness
to answer questions whenever I felt like asking them. Thanks also for graciously letting me disagree with you on the origins of Awyu-Dumut switch reference. I have
learned much from you, not just about linguistics but also about life, and will miss
our collaboration.
Ever since I can remember, wantok is the term used by those with the surname
‘Wester’ to refer to those with the surname ‘Reesink.’ Ger, you have been an excellent wantok the past four years, and going back to the origin of this Tok Pisin word,
I would like to thank you for ‘speaking the same language’ as I. The endless hours
you selflessly put in as co-promotor, as well as your wisdom, insight and eye for
detail, will not quickly be forgotten. Thank you for coming along on this journey.
The highlight of my PhD journey was without a doubt my three-month stay at
the Australian National University in Canberra, funded by the Australian Nether-
lands Research Collaboration (ANRC) and the VU University Amsterdam. The researchers at the ANU College of Asia and the Pacific provided a welcoming and stimulating research environment. I would like to thank Nick Evans, Andrew Pawley,
Malcolm Ross, Harold Koch, Mark Donahue, Bethwyn Evans, Gwendolyn Hyslop,
Alexander François, Julia Miller, Christian Döhler, Darja Hoenigman, Fanny Cottet,
Niko Kobepa, Aung Si, Charlotte van Tongeren and Matthew Carroll for their interest in and comments on my research, and for sharing their own research with me.
A special thank you goes to my housemates at Wongoola Close for making my time
in Australia unforgettable.
However, most of my time was not spent in Australia but in Amsterdam at the
VU . Bertie Kaal and Agata Cybulska, thank you for being such great roommates,
putting up with my sighs, exclamations and inexplicable stories about Drabbe and
Awyu-Dumut languages, and for enjoying so many coffees (or ‘wiener melanges’)
with me. Good luck on finishing your own PhD journeys. Wilco, thank you for
your continual support, your ability to listen, your gentle encouragement along the
way and for always believing my research was going well and meaning something.
Thank you also for your meticulous – and fast – reading of the entire draft version
just before your summer holidays. I have thoroughly enjoyed working together and
can only hope I will have colleagues like you in the future.
I would like to thank my reading committee for taking the time to read and
comment on the thesis. An additional thank you to Laura Robinson for commenting
on draft versions of chapters 4 and 6 at an early stage, giving me much-needed
confidence, and mercietjes to Michael Dunn for helping me with the phylogenetics
section. I would also like to thank my friend and fellow linguist Cindy Groff Heiner
for editing my thesis.
Throughout my journey I have been supported by my wider community of
friends and family. I am grateful to my parents for an upbringing that instilled
a deep appreciation of diversity in me, and to my dad for suggesting I study linguistics when I was 16 years old. Furthermore, I would like to thank my eldest
brother Flip for making it look so difficult to do a PhD, as that made it much easier. And thank you Thomas for your timely suggestion that I use LATEX instead of
Word to format this book, saving me numerous frustrations and opening up a whole
new world. A big thank you also goes to all my friends and family members who
cheered me on, both to those who were truly intrigued and to those who still cannot
remember the names ‘Awyu-Dumut’ and ‘Drabbe’ after four years. Lastly, I would
like to thank Gerben Dekker. Your belief in me and your unwavering love kept and
keep me going. You are the very best travel companion, and I look forward to the
many journeys ahead that we will share.
Oslo, January 2014
Ruth Wester
Contents
Introduction
1
1 Setting the Scene
1.1 Location and Sources of Data . . . . . . . .
1.2 Previous Study of Awyu-Dumut Languages
1.3 Awyu-Dumut Languages are Constructs . .
1.4 Methodology: the Comparative Method . .
1.5 The Structure of the Book . . . . . . . . . . .
1.6 A Note on Glossing . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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4 Awyu-Dumut Pronouns
4.1 Reconstruction of Awyu-Dumut Personal Pronouns . . . . . . . . . .
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2 Proto Phonology and Phylogenetics
2.1 Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2 Orthography and Morphophonemics
2.3 Sound Correspondences . . . . . . .
2.4 PAD Consonant Reconstruction . . .
2.5 Note on Korowai . . . . . . . . . . .
2.6 Sound Changes and Subgrouping . .
2.7 Note on Awyu-Dumut Vowels . . . .
2.8 Phylogenetics . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.9 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3 Nouns and Adjectives
3.1 Adjectives . . . . . . .
3.2 Compound Nouns . .
3.3 Possession . . . . . . .
3.4 Plurality . . . . . . . .
3.5 Kinship Terms . . . . .
3.6 Coordination of Nouns
3.7 Summary . . . . . . . .
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4.2
4.3
4.4
Awyu-Dumut Possessive Pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Awyu-Dumut Emphatic Pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5 Subject Person-Number Marking
5.1 First Person Singular Subject Marker . . .
5.2 Non-first Person Singular Subject Marker
5.3 First Person Plural Subject Marker . . . .
5.4 Non-first Person Plural Subject Marker . .
5.5 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6 Mood
6.1 Verb Stems and Mood .
6.2 Irrealis Mood . . . . . .
6.3 Realis Mood . . . . . .
6.4 Reconstruction . . . . .
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7 Tense
105
7.1 Past Tense . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
7.2 Future Tense . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
7.3 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116
8 Aspect
8.1 Position Verbs . . .
8.2 Iterative Verb Stems
8.3 Connective Verbs .
8.4 Reconstruction . . .
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117
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9 Negation
9.1 Awyu Negation .
9.2 Dumut Negation
9.3 Kombai Negation
9.4 Reconstruction . .
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127
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10 Deictics and Demonstratives
10.1 Awyu-Dumut Basic Deictics .
10.2 Awyu-Dumut Demonstratives
10.3 Awyu-Dumut Textual Deixis .
10.4 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . .
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141
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. 147
. 149
. 153
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155
. . 155
. . 157
. . 158
. . 171
11 Clause Linkage
11.1 Coordination . . .
11.2 Clause Chaining .
11.3 Subordination . .
11.4 Tail-head Linkage
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11.5 Awyu-Dumut Switch Reference Systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
11.6 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
173
188
Conclusion
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Appendix A: Word List
195
Bibliography
211
Samenvatting (Dutch Summary)
219
List of Tables
1.1
The comparative method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
16
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
2.9
2.10
2.11
2.12
2.13
2.14
2.15
2.16
2.17
2.18
2.19
2.20
2.21
2.22
2.23
2.24
2.25
2.26
2.27
Awyu-Dumut phonemes and orthography . . . . . . . .
Awyu-Dumut common morphophonemic changes . . . .
Sound correspondences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Reflexes of *p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Initial /p/ in four languages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Reflexes of *t . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Reflexes of *k . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Reflexes of *mb . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Reflexes of *nd . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Reflexes of *ŋg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Reflexes of *m . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Reflexes of *n . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Reflexes of *r . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Reflexes of initial *w and *y . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
PAD consonant inventory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Shiaxa epenthetic vowel examples . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Vowels in PA, PD and Kombai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Examples of PD *u >Mandobo /ö/ . . . . . . . . . . . . .
PD *ü > YWB and DWB /i/ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
PD *a > MAN /o/ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
PD *a to MAN /e/ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
PA *ü to /u/ in PSA , SHI , YEN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
PA *u to Shiaxa /o/ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
PA *e to YEN , PSA , AXU /i/ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Lexicostatistic results of Healey and Voorhoeve . . . . . .
Coded lexical items showing various cognate patterns . .
Cognate sets from Table 2.26 expressed in a binary matrix
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3.1
3.2
Dumut and Kombai intensifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Awyu-Dumut endocentric nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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3.3
3.4
3.5
Awyu-Dumut coordinate compound nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Awyu-Dumut kinship terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Awyu-Dumut kinship plural markers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
52
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56
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
Greater Awyu and Awyu-Dumut pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Awyu-Dumut and Trans New Guinea proto pronouns . . . . . . . . . . .
Awyu-Dumut possessive pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
PAD possessive pronouns compared to PAD and PTNG personal pronouns
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74
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
Awyu-Dumut first person singular subject markers . .
Shiaxa epenthetic vowel examples . . . . . . . . . . . .
Awyu-Dumut non-first person singular subject markers
Future NON 1 SG Forms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Two analyses of realis mood in Awyu languages . . . .
Awyu-Dumut first person plural subject markers . . . .
Awyu-Dumut non-first person plural subject markers .
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6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
Awyu primary and secondary stems . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Additional Pisa and Shiaxa verb stems . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Awyu-Dumut semi-finite irrealis forms . . . . . . . . . . . .
Dumut realis paradigms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Comparison of -t and -ken forms in Yonggom Wambon texts
Awyu realis paradigms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Kombai realis paradigms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
7.7
7.8
7.9
7.10
Dumut past paradigms . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Shiaxa and Yenimu hodiernal past paradigms
Shiaxa person-number markers . . . . . . . .
Awyu hesternal past paradigms . . . . . . . .
Awyu distant past paradigms . . . . . . . . .
Aghu distant past paradigm . . . . . . . . . .
Awyu historical past paradigms . . . . . . . .
Awyu past tenses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Dumut future tense paradigms . . . . . . . .
Digul Wambon immediate future paradigm .
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8.2
8.3
Durative markers and verbs in Awyu-Dumut languages . . . . . . . . . 120
Awyu-Dumut iterative verb stems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
Awyu-Dumut connective verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
Aghu negated paradigms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Pisa negated semi-finite paradigms . . . . . . . . . . .
Pisa negated finite paradigms . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Dumut negation strategies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Mandobo negated future tense paradigm . . . . . . .
Digul Wambon negated irrealis semi-finite paradigm
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9.7
9.8
Digul Wambon negated irrealis semi-finite . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Dumut negation strategies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
138
139
10.1 Awyu-Dumut deictics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
10.2 Reconstructed Awyu-Dumut deictics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
10.3 Awyu-Dumut demonstratives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
142
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147
11.1 Temporality and conceptual non-close markers found on SS verbs . . . .
178
List of Figures
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
Approximate location of the Awyu-Dumut language family
Location of Awyu-Dumut languages . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Greater Awyu language family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Portrait of Petrus Drabbe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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2.1
2.2
2.3
NeigborNet network graph of Awyu-Dumut languages . . . . . . . . . .
Bayesian rooted tree based on 430-item word list . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Bayesian rooted tree based on Swadesh subset of word list . . . . . . . .
44
46
47
4.1
Greater Awyu language family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
67
7.1
Awyu-Dumut verb structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
105
Abbreviations
Adjective
CAUS
Causative
ERG
Ergative marker
CONN
Connective
COORD
Coordinator
COP
Copula
DIST. PST
Distant past
DS
Different subject
DUR
Durative
ERG
Ergative marker
F
Final
FOC
Focus marker
FUT
Future
HAB
Habitual
HIST
Historical past
I
Initial
IMP
Imperative
IRR
Irrealis
IT
Iterative
INTENS
Intensifier
LIG
Ligature
LOC
Locative
M
Medial
NEG
Negator
NON 1
Non-first person
NON . CLOSE Conceptually non-close
PST
Past
PL
Plural
PN
Person-number
POSS
Possessive
ADJ
REAL
SEQ
SG
SIM
SS
SUBJ
SUPP
TOP
AXU
DWB
MAN
KOM
KOR
KYD
PA
PAD
PD
PSA
PTNG
SHI
TSA
WNG
YEN
YWB
EB
EZ
F
FF
Realis
Sequence marker
Singular
Simultaneity marker
Same subject
Subject marker
Support verb
Topic marker
Aghu language
Digul Wambon language
Mandobo language
Kombai language
Korowai language
Komyandaret language
Proto Awyu
Proto Awyu-Dumut
Proto Dumut
Pisa language
Proto Trans New Guinea
Shiaxa language
Tsaukwambo language
Wanggom language
Yenimu language
Yonggom Wambon language
elder brother
elder sister
father
father’s father
FM
M
MB
MF
MM
father’s mother
mother
mother’s brother
mother’s father
mother’s mother
WM
wife’s mother
YB
younger brother
YZ
younger sister
ZS
sister’s son
Introduction
All that is has a history, a story about where or what it came from, and how it
became what it is. Each language, spoken by generation upon generation, has a
history. This book presents the linguistic history of a Papuan language family called
Awyu-Dumut. It focuses on the history of the morphology within the Awyu-Dumut
language family, bound morphology being one of the most stable elements within
a language. Through bottom-up reconstruction of proto morphology, I establish
where Awyu-Dumut morphology came from and what it might have looked like
originally. However, just knowing the source or origin of a language does not tell its
complete history: each language travels a long path after splitting off from its proto
language. Therefore, I also trace diachronic changes in morphology, illustrating how
Awyu-Dumut languages have developed over time, becoming what they are today.
While focusing on the shared histories that bind Awyu-Dumut languages together,
this book will also shed light on the morphological diversity found within AwyuDumut languages, telling each language’s own story.
This book aims to show that, given high-quality data, it is profitable and possible to use a bottom-up reconstructive approach to Papuan language families, reconstructing entire language systems of lower-level families. My hope is that the
picture of the Awyu-Dumut linguistic history presented in this book will prove to
be a useful piece in the greater puzzle of unraveling the past of Papuan people, and
will inspire anyone involved in this effort.
Without the years of intensive linguistic work on the Papuan languages of New
Guinea undertaken by Petrus Drabbe between 1935 and 1960, not a word of this
book could have been written. The current work makes the rich content of Drabbe’s
grammars available to a larger audience who are unable to access or read his Dutch
publications. Unlike Drabbe’s work, this book is not a synchronic grammar description and hence does not offer as exhaustive a discussion of Awyu-Dumut morphology as a grammar would. Rather, this is a comparative work, offering new
perspectives on each Awyu-Dumut language through contrasting it with its sister
languages.
1
Setting the Scene
1.1
Location and Sources of Data
Awyu-Dumut languages are spoken in the southwestern part of Papua, Indonesia,
from the upper part of the 528-kilometer-long Digul River to its estuary in the Arafura sea, between the Digul and Mapi Rivers and from the border area near the
Fly River east of the Digul River all the way to the southwest of the Wildeman
River. Figure 1.1 indicates the general location of the Awyu-Dumut language family, whereas Figure 1.2 contains a map of the area where Awyu-Dumut languages
are spoken, with the location of the clan lands of the primary informants for each
language indicated by dots.
Andrew Pawley notes that “to apply the comparative method thoroughly takes a
long time and needs reliable descriptive data” (Pawley 2005a:4). For Awyu-Dumut
languages a gold mine of quality descriptive data is available due to the efforts of
Dutch missionary linguists Petrus Drabbe and Lourens de Vries, while time is what
I brought to the equation. For six of the nine Awyu-Dumut languages a complete
grammar with texts is available, whereas for another three Awyu-Dumut languages
Drabbe wrote a grammar sketch. Furthermore, a 430-item word list is available for
all nine Awyu-Dumut languages and can be found in Appendix A. Recent fieldwork
by HongTae Jang and Sung-Kyu Choi resulted in completed 430-item word lists for
Kombai and Digul Wambon, whereas before only 200-item word lists were available
for these languages.
Although a wealth of information is available on Awyu-Dumut languages, the
data does have its limits. First, the Awyu languages are less well-documented than
the Dumut languages; a grammar with texts is available for only one of the four
Awyu languages, namely Aghu. The other three Awyu languages, namely Pisa,
Shiaxa and Yenimu, are described in a 50-page grammar sketch by Drabbe, where
Yenimu in particular is often left out of the discussion. Secondly, the work of both
Drabbe and de Vries focuses more on morphology and less on phonology, resulting
in limited phonological descriptions for the Awyu-Dumut languages. Drabbe admits that he writes less about phonology than some might wish but also states that
1. Setting the Scene
4
Figure 1.1: Approximate location of the Awyu-Dumut language family (Wolters Atlas 1950)
“according to our humble opinion, one can also go too far in one’s appreciation of
exact phonological data, or the lack thereof,”1 whereas de Vries concentrated on the
morphological description of Digul Wambon, while the phonological introduction
to the grammar was written by his collaborator R. Wiersma. As the focus of the current comparative study is also on morphology, the less-than-ideal phonological descriptions of Awyu-Dumut languages are not problematic. Thirdly, most of the texts
included in the grammars are myths. As most texts come from one genre, finding
examples of all types of constructions in the texts is not always easy. Future tense
verb forms, for example, are infrequent in myths, which always take place in the
past. The grammars can be compact at times, with few examples given of specific
linguistic phenomena. However, as the reader will see, the data are of a sufficient
quality and quantity to allow for the construction of a sizeable proto morphology.
The following sections briefly present all languages relevant to the present study,
indicating where they are spoken and what descriptive materials are available for
them. To help the reader place the different languages, a schematic representation of
the Awyu-Dumut language family, drawn up and presented in de Vries et al. (2012),
is given in Figure 1.3.
1 “Men kan naar ons bescheiden inzicht ook te ver gaan in de waardering van exacte fonologische
gegevens, of van het ontbreken daarvan” (Drabbe 1957:iii).
1.1. Location and Sources of Data
5
Figure 1.2: Map of Awyu-Dumut language constructs (prepared by Jaap Fokkema, cartography department VU University)
Greater Awyu
Becking-Dawi
KOR
TSA
Awyu-Dumut
KYD
Dumut
MAN
YWB
Awyu
DWB
SHI
YEN
PSA
Ndeiram
AXU
KOM
Figure 1.3: Greater Awyu language family
WNG
TYN
1. Setting the Scene
6
1.1.1
Shiaxa (SHI)
The source for Shiaxa is Drabbe’s grammar sketch Twee dialecten van de Awju-taal
from 1950. Voorhoeve (1975:375) notes that Shiaxa is spoken along the Shiaxa river
north of the Digul River’s delta. Drabbe states that his informants were of the
Aboghoj clan, who live in Gimikja (Drabbe 1950:93).
1.1.2
Yenimu (YEN)
Like Shiaxa, all data on Yenimu are found in Drabbe’s grammar sketch Twee dialecten van de Awju-taal. As the title of the sketch implies, it is about two languages,
those languages being Pisa and Shiaxa. Only when Yenimu differs from Shiaxa
does Drabbe mention it. Thus Yenimu is similar to Shiaxa in many ways but will be
treated as a separate language in the current study.2 Drabbe notes that his Yenimu
informants belonged to the Jaso clan living at Kunubi.
1.1.3
Pisa (PSA)
Pisa is the third language for which data was distilled from Drabbe’s 1950 Twee dialecten van de Awju-taal. Additional data were available from an unpublished grammar sketch written by Drabbe in 1947 entitled Spraakkunst van het Pisa-dialect der
Awjoe-taal, which can be found at the KITLV (Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Landen Volkenkunde) library in Leiden. The Pisa language described by Drabbe was
spoken along (the tributaries of) the Wildeman and Kampung Rivers. Drabbe’s informants were from the Wefoe and Ikwero clans, who had both moved from their
locations along the Wildeman River to live near the government post at Masing
(Drabbe 1947:1).
1.1.4
Aghu (AXU)
Aghu, also known as ‘Djair’, was spoken between the Digul and Mapi Rivers in
Drabbe’s time. Drabbe’s informants came from the Ghoghonasafo clan, who lived
along the Eba River (Drabbe 1957:1). A detailed grammar containing ten texts published by Martinus Nijhoff in 1957 is the source of Aghu data.
1.1.5
Mandobo (MAN)
Drabbe’s 1959 grammar published by Martinus Nijhoff entitled Kaeti en Wambon is
the source of data for Mandobo. Kaeti is another name for Mandobo and means ‘real
people’ (Drabbe 1959:4), but I choose to use the stream-based language name ‘Mandobo’ introduced by Boelaars (1970) in order to avoid confusion with the neighboring Ok language Kati.
2 In
his proto phonology, Healey (1970) also views Yenimu as a separate language, whereas Voorhoeve always sees it as a subdialect of Shiaxa.
1.1. Location and Sources of Data
7
Mandobo has three very similar dialects: Kambon on the lower Dumut River,
Rungwanjap in the middle of the Dumut River and Wambon (not to be confused
with Yonggom Wambon or Digul Wambon) on the upper part of the Dumut River.
The dialect described by Drabbe is that of Rungwanjap, and his main informant was
a 50-year-old man from the Omba clan, who had their homeland along the Marek,
a tributary of the Dumut river. Drabbe’s Mandobo description consists of twelve
myths with extensive explanatory notes both about Mandobo language and culture.
1.1.6
Yonggom Wambon (YWB)
Yonggom Wambon, simply called ‘Wambon’ by Drabbe, owes its name to its Digul
Wambon neighbors, who according to Lourens de Vries (p.c.) call their southern
neighbors ‘Yonggom’. Drabbe described Yonggom Wambon as spoken in the little
village of Waniktit, which lies along the Wanik, a tiny tributary of the Kao River.
The second part of Drabbe’s (1959) published grammar Kaeti en Wambon, from page
115 onwards, contains all Yonggom Wambon data used in this book.
1.1.7
Digul Wambon (DWB)
Digul Wambon as described by de Vries & Wiersma (1992) is spoken along the Digul
River, north of Yonggom Wambon and into the foothills of the central mountain
ranges. The main informant of Lourens de Vries belonged to the Keriŋŋgere clan, who
live downstream from the village of Manggelum, near the Mbonop maelstrom and
a village named Sawagit (Lourens de Vries, p.c.). I supplement the 1992 grammar
by Lourens de Vries and Robinia Wiersma with an unpublished 2008 grammar of
Digul Wambon by HongTae Jang.3 Jang had two main informants; the first was
the same as de Vries’ informant, namely Ahitup Keriŋŋgerey from the Keriŋŋgere clan,
whereas his second informant, Obaja Wandawon, came from the upstream Digul
area around Klofkamp.
De Vries had a second informant, Yohanes Yaŋŋginop, while compiling a
200-item word list. Yohanes came from the Yaŋŋginop clan but grew up on Malimbisip
clan lands. Jang compared the 430-item word list collected by Drabbe for the other
languages with the 200 word list gathered by de Vries and elicited all missing items.
1.1.8
Kombai (KOM)
Kombai was the second language described in de Vries’ dissertation (de Vries 1989).
In 1993, a Kombai grammar based on de Vries’ dissertation was published by Pacific Linguistics (de Vries 1993). In his grammar, de Vries notes that “the Kombai
live in a swampy rainforest area, hot and very humid. The terrain is hilly. The soil
3 Jang
(2008:1-2) refers to the language as Kenon Wambon, noting that there are three dialects
of Wambon. He also notes that he describes the same variety as de Vries & Wiersma (1992). His
’Kenyam Wambon’ might correspond to the Wambon variety described by Drabbe (1959).
1. Setting the Scene
8
is very poor and the area extremely sparsely populated. Kombai speakers number around 4000” (de Vries 1993:1). Lourens de Vries informed me that the Kombai grammar was based on language data gathered from informants who belong
to clans who have settled near the village of Wanggemalo. His main informant
was Khane Renakhoremba from the Renakhoremba clan, who live at the headwaters
of the Kawo River, which ends in the Digul River (de Vries, p.c.). In 2013, the
430-item word list available for other Awyu-Dumut languages was kindly completed by Sung-Kyu Choi for Kombai using several informants from the villages
of Yaniruma and Wanggemalo, namely Niko Dendemoku, Banio Kabukaruba and
Yusuf Yafumano.
1.1.9
Waŋgom (WGM)
The existence of a language called ‘Waŋŋgom’ was first recorded by Drabbe, who described the Waŋŋgom people as northern neighbors of the Mandobo living on the
Digul-side of the Erimop watershed. Interestingly, Drabbe notes that Mandobo
speakers can more or less understand Waŋŋgom speakers (Drabbe 1959:5). De Vries
later reported that Waŋŋgom is a dialect close to Kombai, which Kombai speakers
told him they could understand. Intelligibility judgments recorded by both Hughes
(2009) and Versteeg (1983) also show that Kombai and Waŋŋgom are closely related;
Versteeg gives a lexical similarity percentage of 61%. Furthermore, de Vries et al.
(2012) show that morphologically, Waŋŋgom is also very close to Kombai. The morphological data on Waŋŋgom are limited to a few paradigms written down in Baas’
fieldnotes (Baas 1981), which mostly concern Tsaukwambo.
1.1.10
Tayan (TYN)
Tayan, like Waŋŋgom, is a dialect that is close to Kombai. There is reference to a
language called Tayan by both de Vries (1993) and Baas (1981), who note that both
Kombai speakers and Citak speakers call the speakers of the dialect that borders the
southwestern border of Kombai and Citak, Tayan speakers. De Vries et al. (2012)
classify Kombai, Tayan and Waŋŋgom together as a dialect continuum and as a subgroup of the Awyu-Dumut language family. Unfortunately, no linguistic data whatsoever are available for Tayan.
1.1.11
Korowai (KOR)
The Korowai people live in small clans on their clan lands. Concerning the location of these clan lands, Rupert Stasch, an anthropologist who worked with the
Korowai in the 1990’s and 2000’s, writes that “after emerging from the highland
mountain chains, New Guinea’s southern rivers cross a ninety-thousand-squaremile lowland plain. The Korowai lands lie in the northwest corner of this plain,
near the mountains and far from the coast, in the upper watersheds of the Eilanden
and the Ndeiram Kabur Rivers” (Stasch 2009:05). A grammar on the language of
1.1. Location and Sources of Data
9
the Korowai people was published by Oxford University Press in 1997 (van Enk &
de Vries 1997). The grammar is based on fieldwork undertaken by both authors in
the late 1980’s. Their main informants were Labulun from the Sendekh clan, who live
in the upper area of the Mabul River, and Fenelun from the Molonggai clan, whose
clan lands are where the Khelame stream joins the Becking River.
1.1.12
Tsaukwambo (TSA)
Tsaukwambo is spoken on the Lower Dawi River between the Digul River and the
Becking River, both in villages and on clan lands. Field notes of Peter Baas, a Dutch
Reformed missionary who spent a year living in Kawagit in 1981, are the source of
language data for Tsaukwambo. Baas gave his notes, written in Bahasa Indonesia,
to Lourens de Vries, who presented a summary of their contents in a 2012 article
(de Vries 2012a). He writes that “[t]he notebook consists of 235 pages with miscellaneous notes on cultural practices, survey and patrol reports, maps, four Tsaukambo
texts, transcribed in IPA and with an interlinear Indonesian translation, a word list
with 110 basic vocabulary items, a few shorter word lists with terms from specific
semantic domains, such as body parts, names of sago species, kinship nouns and
numerals. The first 129 pages are concerned with cultural aspects. The pages 129178 contain texts, word lists and notes on the Tsaukambo language. The only other
source on Tsaukambo is an Upper Digul Survey by the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) linguist Hughes (2009) that gives basic survey information on Tsaukambo
and contains a list of 239 Tsaukambo words” (de Vries 2012a:166).
1.1.13
Komyandaret (KYD)
In his Tsaukwambo field notes, Baas (1981:90) mentions a small speech community
of 300-500 people living further north along the Dawi River. According to his Tsaukwambo informants, the language spoken by Komyandaret speakers is almost the
same as their own, and Baas talks about Komyandaret as a variety of Tsaukwambo.
The SIL survey by Hughes (2009) confirms the similarity between Tsaukwambo
and Komyandaret, citing a lexical similarity percentage of 60%. Tsaukwambo and
Komyandaret are classified together with Korowai as forming the Becking-Dawi dialect continuum (de Vries et al. 2012). Almost no linguistic data on Komyandaret
exist, except for a 239-item word list in the 2009 SIL survey.
1.1.14
Other possible Awyu-Dumut languages
There are several other possible Awyu-Dumut languages for which too little data are
available to determine their affiliation(s). Voorhoeve classifies Sawuy as an AwyuDumut language based on its pronouns (Voorhoeve 1971, 2005), Healey (1970:998)
mentions a possible Awyu-Dumut language named Airo-Sumaghage, while sociolinguistic surveys carried out by SIL over the past decade present a plethora of likely
Awyu-Dumut languages. Of all these languages, most data are available for Sawuy;
1. Setting the Scene
10
a word list and some grammatical notes on Sawuy were published by Voorhoeve
(1971). As for Airo-Sumaghahe, Healey refers to a mention of it in a genetic study
published as Simmons et al. (1967), but no language data are available. The SIL language surveys (Jang (2003), Susanto (2004), Hughes (2009), Kriens & Lebold (2010),
Kriens et al. (2013)), although they contain valuable sociolinguistic data, do not contain any morphological data and are hence not a source of data for the current study.
Furthermore, it is not always easy to relate the languages listed in these surveys to
the languages described in previous published work, making it unclear which language variety is being discussed. Therefore I limit myself to the languages described
by Drabbe and de Vries.
1.2
1.2.1
Previous Study of Awyu-Dumut Languages
Petrus Drabbe
Petrus Drabbe (*04-06-1887, † 27-10-1970) was a Catholic
missionary of the order of the Sacred Heart who did descriptive linguistic work in West Papua between 1935
and 1960. Before his arrival at the mission station on
the Mimika coast, he had already spent 20 years on the
Moluccan Tanimbar Islands doing ethnographic, linguistic and missionary work. Although he was not formally
trained as a (field) linguist – there was no such education when he was young – he had a natural talent for
language description and took great interest in any language he came across. That he took pleasure in the scientific study of languages is clear from a quote in a radio
address he gave in 1962, where he says “I have always
done my work with pleasure, because every language is
a fascinating miracle and it is an intense pleasure to ana- Figure 1.4: Petrus Drabbe
lyze such a miracle, as one makes new and unexpected Source: Boelaars (1995)
discoveries again and again.”4
Drabbe spent 25 years doing linguistic fieldwork in New Guinea, being freed
from other missionary work from 1939 onwards. Every few years he went to a
new area to study other languages. The following list gives an indication of which
languages Drabbe worked in during which years, as he listed them himself in his
1962 radio address.
• Kamoro, from 1935 until 1938
• Sampan, 1938
4 “Ik heb mijn werk altijd met veel plezier gedaan, omdat iedere taal een boeiend wonder is en het
een intens genoegen is zulk een wonder te ontleden, doordat men telkens nieuwe en onverwachte
ontdekkingen doet.” (Drabbe 1962:27)
1.2. Previous Study of Awyu-Dumut Languages
11
• Jaqai, 1939
• Awyu (Pisa, Shiaxa, Yenimu), from 1940 until 1942
• 3 languages on Frederik Hendrik Island, from 1940 until 1942
• Kati and another language in the Muyu area, from 1942 until 1945
• Boazi, Jelmek and Maklew, 1946
• furlough in the Netherlands, from early 1947 until early 1950
• Ekagi and Moni, 1950-1951
• Marind, 1952-1954
• Awyu (Aghu) and Dumut languages (Mandobo, Wambon), from early 1954
until 1956
• Three Asmat dialects, from 1956 until the end of 1958
• A fourth dialect of Asmat at Kepi, and Tamagario, 1959
• After repeated illnesses, Petrus Drabbe was repatriated to the Netherlands in
1960 at the age of 73, where he lived for another 10 years.
Thus, Drabbe first worked on three Awyu languages, Shiaxa, Yenimu and Pisa, for
which he wrote a grammar sketch published in 1950, while only a decade later did
he encounter a fourth Awyu language, Aghu, as well as the Dumut languages, for
which he wrote more elaborate grammars. According to a 1954 publication in Anthropos, Drabbe thought on his first encounter with Mandobo – a Dumut language
– that it was related to the Ok languages he had studied in the Muyu area during World War II. Culturally, the Mandobo and other Dumut speakers are closer to
the Ok language speakers than to Awyu language speakers. An example of a cultural difference between Awyu speakers and Mandobo speakers that Drabbe notes
is the difference in dress. Awyu speakers wear ‘schaamschorten’, while Dumut and
Ok speakers wear ‘penisdoppen.’5 Only careful comparison of Mandobo to both
Kati (an Ok language) and Awyu languages revealed that Mandobo was an AwyuDumut language, an indication that Drabbe did do some classification and comparison in the midst of his descriptive efforts.
Petrus Drabbe’s observations and analyses are sharp and clear. More than half
a century after their publication, Drabbe’s grammars are still very useful because
of his straight-forward way of describing the phenomena he found in Papuan languages and because he included many glossed examples and texts. His down-to5 ‘Schaamschorten’
are a type of skirt made of fibers, while it is unclear what Drabbe means
exactly by ‘penisdoppen’; perhaps they are akin to what the Korowai wear, described by van Enk
& de Vries (1997:44) as “a leaf wrapping to cover the glans of the penis.” The exact words Drabbe
uses are as follows: “we hadden het vooropgezette idee, dat Kaeti en Kati zeker verwant zouden
zijn, wat ook tot op zekere hoogte waar is, maar we dachten er geen ogenblik aan, dat het Kaeti
wel eens meer verwant zou kunnen zijn met het Awju, wat achteraf toch blijkt het geval te zijn.
Ons vooropgestelde idee kwam hier vandaan dat etnografisch Kati’s en Kaeti’s duidelijk bij elkaar
horen; zo is o.a. de dracht (rotangordel met penisdop, en bij feestelijke gelegenheden de peniskoker)
dezelfde, en verschilt geheel van die der Awju’s (schaamschortdragers)” (Drabbe 1959:5).
1. Setting the Scene
12
earth personality might also have contributed to Drabbe’s lasting success as a linguist, as described in an obituary by Professor Gonda, who worked together with
Drabbe in the Netherlands. Professor Gonda describes Drabbe as follows:
Father Drabbe was a likeable, generous man, thoroughly real, focused on
facts, taking life as it came, and also wary of any form of interpretation
outside his linguistic studies. The intellectual and emotional parts of his
person went together harmoniously, according to those who knew him
better than I ever did. He was never exuberant, but he could take pleasure in everyday, innocent things, and knew, if necessary, how to express
his sympathies and annoyances, but always in a personal manner. With
great sobriety he was able to see the relative importance of things, and in
his scientific study he was aware of the limits of his own ability, and of
the limited importance of every human labor.6
Drabbe himself ascribes his linguistic abilities and insights as perhaps coming from
God when he says: “It seemed that Our Dear Lord gave me a special sort of ability for the work to which He called me... I must admit honestly that I have often
called upon the Holy Spirit to do a little Pentecost miracle in me, for the sake of the
Papuans.”7
1.2.2
Alan Healey and Bert Voorhoeve
Ten years after Drabbe left Papua, Alan Healey published a proto phonology of
Awyu-Dumut languages, taking word lists collected and published by Drabbe as
his source of data. Alan Healey was a member of SIL and defended a PhD thesis at the Australian National University ANU in 1964 on a comparative study of
Ok languages. By the time Healey published his Awyu-Dumut proto phonology
in 1970, Bert Voorhoeve, a Dutch linguist, had already hypothesized that AwyuDumut languages were part of a larger language family consisting of Asmat, Ok
and Awyu-Dumut languages, which he called the Central South New Guinea phylum (Voorhoeve 1968). In 1970, Voorhoeve, together with Ken McElhanon, proposed the existence of a Trans New Guinea family, at that point in time consisting of Voorhoeve’s Central South New Guinea phylum and McElhanon’s reconstructed Finnistere-Huon phylum (Voorhoeve & McElhanon 1970). Throughout the
6 “Pater
Drabbe was een aimabel, hartelijk man, door en door reëel, faktisch ingesteld, het leven
nemend zoals het was, en ook buiten zijn taalkundige studiën afkerig van enige vorm van interpretatie. De intellectuele en emotionele zijden van zijn persoon gingen, ook volgens hen die hem veel
beter gekend hebben dan ikzelf, op harmonische wijze samen. Uitbundig was hij nooit, maar hij
kon veel plezier hebben in gewone, onschuldige dingen, en wist, als het nodig was, van zijn sympathieën en van ergernis wel degelijk, maar dan op zeer persoonlijke wijze, blijk te geven. Hij was er
in grote nuchterheid in geslaagd de relatieve belangrijkheid der dingen te zien en was zich ook bij
zijn wetenschappelijke werk wel degelijk van de grenzen van zijn eigen kunnen en van de beperkte
belangrijkheid van ieder mensenwerk bewust” (Gonda & Anceaux 1970:450-461).
7 “Maar het leek, dat O.L. Heer me een speciaal soort knobbel heeft gegeven voor het werk waartoe Hij mij bestemde...ik moet eerlijk bekennen, dat ik heel vaak de H. Geest heb aangeroepen, dat
hij ten bate van de Papoea’s een klein Pinksterwondertje met mij zou doen” (Drabbe 1962:20).
1.2. Previous Study of Awyu-Dumut Languages
13
chequered career of the Trans New Guinea family hypothesis, as clearly sketched by
Andrew Pawley (2005b), it has never been doubted that Awyu-Dumut languages are
a part of the Trans New Guinea family, whatever other languages may or may not
belong to it.
Years after Healey published his proto phonology of Awyu-Dumut languages,
Bert Voorhoeve published a second proto phonology of Awyu-Dumut languages in
2001, incorporating data on Digul Wambon, Kombai and Korowai that had become
available through Lourens de Vries’ fieldwork (see Section 1.2.3). Both Healey’s and
Voorhoeve’s proto phonologies will be further discussed in Chapter 2. Due to their
ground-breaking work on Awyu-Dumut proto phonology, I am able to focus on the
proto morphology in the current study.
1.2.3
Lourens de Vries; Awyu-Dumut group at VU
Twenty years after Petrus Drabbe left New Guinea, Lourens de Vries arrived. From
1981 until 1992, he lived in the Awyu-Dumut area, working as a linguistic missionary for the Dutch Reformed Mission (Zending Gereformeerde Kerken: ZGK).
From 1981 until 1983, he lived in the village of Manggelum and worked on Digul
Wambon. From early 1984 he and his family lived in Wanggemalo where he studied Kombai and from where he also made frequent trips to the Korowai village of
Yaniruma as well as to Korowai clan lands. Lourens de Vries’ doctoral thesis, defended in 1989, concerns Digul Wambon and Kombai, while in 1997 he co-authored
a book on Korowai grammar (van Enk & de Vries 1997). After his return to the
Netherlands in 1993, Lourens de Vries always kept an interest in Awyu-Dumut languages, publishing on them over the next 20 years (most importantly, de Vries (1994,
2005, 2006, 2010)).
From 2009, Lourens de Vries has been the project leader of a 4-year research
project funded by the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) entitled The Awyu-Dumut language family of Papuan languages in its cultural and linguistic
context at the VU University Amsterdam, in the context of which the current research was undertaken. Besides Lourens de Vries and myself, the Awyu-Dumut
research group at the VU has a third member, Wilco van den Heuvel, who studied
the relationship between Awyu-Dumut languages and their immediate neigbors. In
a paper containing preliminary results (de Vries et al. 2012), the three members of
the Awyu-Dumut research group conclude that Kombai and Korowai are both part
of larger dialect chains and that the dialect chain of which Korowai is a part, the
Becking-Dawi chain, is only distantly related to the other Awyu-Dumut languages.
The dialect chain to which Kombai belongs, the Ndeiram chain, forms a subgroup
of the Awyu-Dumut language family. These preliminary results led to the establishment of the family tree of Awyu-Dumut languages represented in Figure 1.3 above.
1. Setting the Scene
14
1.3
Awyu-Dumut Languages are Constructs
Awyu-Dumut speakers in pre-contact days did not have or use names for their languages; when asked about the name of the language they spoke and what group
or ‘tribe’ they belonged to by missionaries such as Drabbe, they replied with terms
meaning ‘our sound’ or ‘sound of real people’, and for the group to which they
belonged they used terms meaning ‘(real) people’ or ‘humans’. For example, the
language (and group) name ‘Aghu’ means ‘person’, as does ‘Kombai’, which is
an Indonesianized version of xoba ‘person’. At times, languages and groups were
named after the river or stream where they were spoken by the first western person
who had need for a name. For Shiaxa and Yenimu, Drabbe notes that “one of the
dialects here treated is spoken along the Shiaxa, and here and there we will give
some differences which occur along the Yenimu, a branch of the Shiaxa. Because the
groups which live along these little rivers have no common name, we simply speak
of the Shiaxa dialect and the Yenimu dialect.”8 In a similar manner, ‘Korowai’ is
an Indonesianized version of xolufo ‘upstream’, referring to the clans who live ‘upstream’. The names ‘Mandobo’ and ‘Digul Wambon’ are also river-based, whereas
the origins of the names ‘Pisa’ and ‘Yonggom Wambon’ remain unknown; ‘Pisa’ is a
name the speakers thereof used for themselves, whereas ‘Yonggom’ is a name given
to Yonggom Wambon speakers by Digul Wambon speakers, according to Lourens
de Vries (p.c.). Drabbe admits freely that he is the one giving the Awyu-Dumut languages names, stating that “because of lack of a better name, or rather because of
lack of an actual name, we speak of the Kaeti language.”9
In clan societies such as those in which the Awyu-Dumut speakers lived when
Drabbe and de Vries worked on their grammar descriptions, clan membership and
clan lands are the focus of identity, rather than language. Awyu-Dumut speakers
do not necessarily view the language they speak as setting them apart from the next
clan or group that speak another language. De Vries notes that in Awyu-Dumut
society, “[l]anguage transcends clan lands; people of many different clan lands may
share a language. But among the Awyu-Dumut, language as a clan transcending
entity is never the focus of identity construction. Not language but clan affiliations
determine who you are” (de Vries 2012b:10). People within one clan may speak different languages, and conversely, people who speak the same language may belong
to very different clans. Thus the speakers of one language do not necessarily have a
common sense of identity; indeed, they might be enemies. Hence, language is not
a strong marker of (group) identity in Awyu-Dumut societies. At the same time,
8 “Een
der beide dialecten welke we hier behandelen wordt gesproken aan de Sjiagha, en we
zullen hier en daar enige afwijkingen geven die aan de Jenimu voorkomen, een tak van de Sjiagha.
Daar de groepen die aan de riviertjes wonen geen algemene naam hebben, spreken we eenvoudig
van Sjiagha- en Jenimu-dialect.” (Drabbe 1950:93)
9 “Daarom spreken ook wij bij gebrek aan beter, of liever bij gebrek aan een werkelijke naam,
van Kaeti taal.” (Drabbe 1959:4) Note that Kaeti is the term Drabbe uses for Mandobo; Mandobo is the
stream along which this language is spoken, and was used as a language name by Boelaars (1970).
Here Mandobo is preferred to avoid confusion with a neighboring Ok language called Kati.
1.3. Awyu-Dumut Languages are Constructs
15
language is used as a tool to express one’s relationships, in a society in which it is
important to whom you are connected. Foley notes that “like other cultural artifacts, language is a trade item” in New Guinea (Foley 1986:24). Likewise, de Vries
notes about Awyu-Dumut society that “[w]hen two clans or two individuals with
different languages or dialects have a relationship in the context of trade, marriage,
or otherwise, the partners not only exchange goods to symbolise their relationship
but they also exchange elements of language. By borrowing elements from the language of partners and relations, sociocentric conceptions of identity are expressed
in language”(de Vries 2012b:12). Thus the mix of languages that a group or individual speaks reflects their identity. Awyu-Dumut ideas about language were quite
different from the language ideologies held by the missionaries, linguists and government officials who encountered them, whose language ideologies originated
in nation states with national languages where language is related to culture, politics and national identity. When naming languages that before had no names, they
assumed that these languages were bounded entities that were expressions of homogeneous cultures, and that the people who spoke a language formed a cultural
unit. Quite the opposite was the case in the New Guinea context, where “communities must be viewed as foci in areal networks of cultural and linguistic patterns.
Each community constructs its identity by drawing on the available pool of cultural
and linguistic traits” (Foley 1986:26).
Another way in which Awyu-Dumut languages did not fit the language ideologies of the scholars who described them is that they are not bounded, discrete
entities. Rather, Awyu-Dumut languages form dialect chains or continua. For example, a clan speaking dialect (or variant) A of a language may understand another
clan speaking dialect B, who in turn understand clans speaking dialect C and D, but
speakers of dialect A do not understand speakers of dialect D and vice versa. Thus
A and D are then defined as different languages, but are part of the same dialect
chain. This means that Awyu-Dumut languages have unclear, fuzzy boundaries, as
it is unclear which dialects or variants should or should not be grouped as being
part of a language. Recent SIL surveyors of the Awyu languages note the following
about dialect chaining in these languages: “The Awyu people [...] speak a number
of closely related languages. In addition, there is a great deal of language ‘chaining’ from one village to the next, which makes it difficult to define the boundaries
between these languages” (Kriens and Lebold 2010:5). In a setting of dialect chaining, where language boundaries are unclear, it is imperative to note where one’s
informants come from in order to make clear which variety is being described. Both
Drabbe and de Vries are strong on this point, clearly indicating in their grammars
which clan(s) their informants were from and where those clans lived, so that the
variant they describe can be well located on a map (see Figure 1.2).
Awyu-Dumut languages are constructs, defined by the missionary linguists who
described them rather than by the speakers of these languages. The linguistic comparisons presented in this book are based on the grammars written by Drabbe and
de Vries, which are their interpretations that can best be viewed as momentary snapshots, concrete pictures of a larger reality. The reader should keep in mind through-
1. Setting the Scene
16
out that any statement involving the phrase ‘in language X...’ is in fact an abstraction of ‘in what Drabbe/de Vries defined as language X based on interaction with a
limited number of speakers.’
1.4
Methodology: the Comparative Method
The comparative method of historical linguistics, developed in the 19th century in
the study of the geographically widespread Indo-European language family, is employed in this book to reconstruct the proto morphology of a Papuan language family. Applying the comparative method, summarized as a set of instructions by
Durie & Ross (1996) (see Table 1.1), the historical linguist can determine what the
linguistic residues of an earlier (proto) language are within a group of related languages. That is, the comparative method allows the linguist to filter out linguistic
similarities that languages share because they descend from a common ancestor and
history.
Table 1.1: The linguistic comparative method summarized as a set of instructions (Durie &
Ross 1996)
1. Determine on the strength of diagnostic evidence that a set of languages are genetically
related, that is, that they constitute a ‘family’;
2. Collect putative cognate sets for the family (both morphological paradigms and lexical
items);
3. Work out the sound correspondences from the cognate sets, putting ‘irregular’ cognate
sets on one side;
4. Reconstruct the proto language of the family as follows:
a) Reconstruct the proto phonology from the sound correspondences worked out in (3),
using conventional wisdom regarding the directions of sound changes;
b) Reconstruct proto morphemes (both morphological paradigms and lexical items)
from the cognate sets collected in (2), using the proto phonology reconstructed in
(4a);
5. Establish innovations (phonological, lexical, semantic, morphological, morphosyntactic)
shared by groups of languages within the family relative to the reconstructed proto
language;
6. Tabulate the innovations established in (5) to arrive at an internal classification of the
family, a ‘family tree’;
7. Construct an etymological dictionary, tracing borrowings, semantic change etc. for the
lexicon of the family (or of one language of the family).
The comparative method is closely linked to the family tree metaphor, which
holds that languages split off from a common ancestor and then follow their own
paths, diverging into separate languages that retain traces of the original proto language. The tree model assumes that there is no, or very little, contact between languages once they have split off from their common ancestor. However, within the
1.4. Methodology: the Comparative Method
17
Awyu-Dumut language family there is extensive contact – and borrowing of linguistic material – between languages. This interaction is fueled by a cultural language
ideology that does not see language as a focus of group identity to be protected but
rather as something that can be shared or exchanged. This leads to a situation in
which individuals express their identities – which are largely determined by their
relationships to those around them – by incorporating (part of) the language(s) of
those with whom they are in contact (de Vries 2007). Thus a linguistic feature that is
shared between Awyu-Dumut languages has a high potential of having its origin in
language contact, rather than in a common linguistic ancestor. Nevertheless, a rigorous application of the comparative method does allow one to distinguish between
inherited and borrowed elements. However, it can never be ruled out altogether
that an element is not borrowed, and hence a claim for genealogical affiliation is
always a probabilistic one (Foley 2000:359).
On the basis of Awyu-Dumut lexical data, the second and third steps as well as
part of the fourth step listed by Durie & Ross (1996), namely the collecting of lexical cognate sets, working out of sound correspondences and the reconstruction of a
proto phonology, were carried out by Alan Healey (1970), Bert Voorhoeve (2001) and
by myself in Chapter 2 of this book. The applicability of the comparative method
in Papuan lexical data is at times questioned because core vocabulary has been
known to be borrowed across languages in the Papuan setting (Foley 2000:392) and
therefore, in theory, any item that appears cognate between two Papuan languages
could have been borrowed. Nonetheless, if two languages (or a group of languages)
share a large part of their vocabularies, and if regular sound correspondences can
be traced between the languages, then the languages in question are very likely
to be genealogically related. Not only were the lexical data employed to reach a
proto phonology, but phylogenetic computational methods were applied to the lexical data to arrive at a subgrouping, or internal classification, of the Awyu-Dumut
language family (Section 2.8). Thus the lexical data found in Drabbe’s and de Vries’
grammars were useful, but as Antoine Meillet already noted, “one can initially establish vocabulary resemblances between two or several languages as an indication
of where to do further research, [but] this cannot furnish a definitive demonstration;
vocabulary can only orient the research, and proof comes from elsewhere” (Antoine
Meillet, quoted by Nichols 1996). In Awyu-Dumut languages, this ‘elsewhere’ is
bound morphology, the reconstruction of which will prove beyond a doubt that
Awyu-Dumut languages share a common ancestor.
The current study focuses on the reconstruction of bound morphology. Concerning the use of bound morphology in historical Papuan linguistics, Foley notes that
For non-Austronesian languages, the vast majority of which have no documentation older than 50 years, it is problematic to sift what is true,
genetically inherited material from what is borrowed from other languages, especially the borrowings from related contiguous languages or
from languages now defunct. Consequently, comparative linguistics in
Papuan languages must proceed with care and the utmost rigor. It would
1. Setting the Scene
18
appear that bound morphological forms are the most resistant to borrowing [again, however, not entirely immune], so that bound morphological forms that appear cognate are the most reliable guide to genetic
relationships between Papuan languages. Although not unchallenged,
this working hypothesis seems the most trustworthy, albeit conservative,
way to proceed (Foley 2000:359).
Although bound morphology is more resistant to borrowing than are lexical items,
it is not immune to being copied, especially not in the cultural environment in which
Papuan languages operate, an environment which encourages linguistic borrowing.
Papuan languages might have bound morphology in common for one of three reasons. First, the shared bound morphology can be a reflection of genealogical relationship; each language has inherited the morphology from their proto language.
Second, shared bound morphology can be due to borrowing, even though borrowing of bound morphology is much rarer than lexical borrowing. Third, shared
bound morphology, especially when only the function but not the form is shared,
can be ascribed to a shared areal feature that has spread through intensive language
contact. Thus, to use bound morphology as an effective tool to trace genealogical
relationship, cognate shared morphology must be distinguished from copied shared
morphology. The following three constraints facilitate the making of this distinction:
1. the paradigmaticity constraint (Ross 2005:50)
2. the form-function correlation constraint (Foley 2005:110)
3. the systematicity constraint (Foley 2005:141)
Constraint (1) requires (proposed) related languages to share two or more forms
in a particular paradigm and leads to entire paradigms, rather than individual forms,
being compared. Individual forms are more likely to be borrowed than is an entire
paradigm, and thus if multiple similarities or cognates are found in one paradigm,
a genealogical explanation becomes more likely.
Constraint (2) requires the forms and meanings of putative cognates in shared
bound morphology to be identical or else relatable in a non-ad hoc manner. When
discussing the use of structural similarities to establish genealogical relationship,
Pawley notes that “in general, structural resemblances do not constitute strong evidence for genetic relationship unless they are also associated with cognate morphemes” (Pawley et al. 2005:75). The form-function correlation constraint rules out
the consideration of cases of metatypy as reflecting a common ancestry. Metatypy
is a term coined by Malcolm Ross and can be described as a process wherein “the
morphosyntactic constructions of one of the languages of a bilingual speech community are restructured on the model of the constructions of the speakers’ other
language” (Ross 2007:116). In such instances, only the function (‘type’) of a grammatical construction enters the language, rather than the grammatical construction
plus the morphological form that expresses it. Once again, it must be emphasized
that the borrowing of the function and form of a grammatical construction is rare.
1.5. The Structure of the Book
19
Furthermore, the form-function constraint also prevents the researcher from comparing morphemes that only share a function in a broad sense. Foley (2005:109110) cites an example of Laycock and Z’graggen who reconstructed a 1SG pronoun
*wun with 1SG, 2SG and 3SG pronoun reflexes in the daughter languages. The formfunction constraint prohibits such reconstructions and other mass comparisons like it.
In addition to entire paradigms being compared under strict form-function correlation conditions, the overall grammatical systems of languages must be compared and must show similarities in bound morphology in multiple, independent
paradigms in order to meet Constraint (3). When these three constraints are met, a
genealogical relationship is far more likely to account for the observed correspondences in bound morphology than an explanation in terms of either chance or language contact.
A strict application of the form-function correlation constraint forces the
researcher to carry out diachronic trajectory research: when the forms and/or functions of bound morphology have changed, the form-function constraint stipulates
that the innovation paths or the trajectories of change and diversification that a morpheme has followed be described and explained in a principled way. This approach
allows the researcher to discover the historical processes that have been at work in
a language, shaping it into what it is today. Tracing diachronic changes tells a much
more detailed story about a language (or language family) than would be possible
by merely establishing its genealogical relatedness. I agree with Foley that “we must
not be side-tracked into believing that isolating the genetic affiliation, the ‘Platonic
essence’, of a language will be the key to understanding its nature” (Foley 1998:505)
and that “simple labels like ‘Austronesian’ or ‘Papuan’ advance our understanding
of the complex linguistic history of New Guinea but little. Seeing them as labels for
complex assemblages of traits which are negotiable and contestable seems to me to
offer a more fruitful avenue of investigation” (Foley 1998:515-516).
1.5
The Structure of the Book
The structure of this book follows that of a standard grammar description.
Chapter 2 focuses on (proto) phonology, summarizing the work done by Healey
(1970) and Voorhoeve (2001) and presenting a computational phylogenetic analysis of Awyu-Dumut lexical data. Chapters 3 and 4 cover non-verbal morphology:
Chapter 3 is about nouns and adjectival morphology, while Chapter 4 is on pronouns. In Chapters 6 through 9 Awyu-Dumut verbal morphology is covered, with
separate chapters dedicated to tense, aspect, mood, subject person-number marking
and negation. Chapter 10 covers deictics and demonstratives and the grammaticalization path they follow. Chapter 11 moves on to morphology on the clausal level,
describing the diachronic development of switch reference and clause chaining in
Awyu-Dumut languages. The book concludes with a short summary and discussion of the findings.
1. Setting the Scene
20
Each chapter is divided into a synchronic and a diachronic portion. The synchronic portion offers descriptions of the grammatical phenomenon discussed in
that chapter for each Awyu-Dumut language, often discussing the phenomenon
within each subgroup. These synchronic descriptions summarize Drabbe’s and de
Vries’ work, while also containing my own reanalyses of their data. Reconstructed
proto morphemes and diachronic (grammaticalization) pathways are then offered
in the diachronic portion of each chapter, taking a bottom-up reconstructive approach that first reconstructs Proto Awyu and Proto Dumut before reconstructing
Proto Awyu-Dumut.
1.6
A Note on Glossing
The examples I use to illustrate and support my analyses come from the grammars
by Petrus Drabbe and Lourens de Vries. The language concerned is indicated for
each example, and a citation is given, which can help the reader locate the original
example in the grammar. It must be noted that the glosses reflect my own analyses
and may, therefore, differ from how they are represented in the grammar or grammar sketch of that particular language. Any reanalyses of the data presented in
Drabbe’s and de Vries’ grammars are thoroughly explained in the text.
The Leipzig Glossing Rules are followed in the glosses in this book.10 Furthermore, any morphophonemic changes that occur are not filtered out of the examples. Thus, for example, if the realis marker -t changes to -l intervocalically in Digul
Wambon, it is written as /l/ in the example, not as -t. For a list of the most common
morphophonemic rules that occur in Awyu-Dumut languages, see Section 2.2 in the
chapter on Awyu-Dumut phonology.
10 http://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/resources/glossing-rules.php
2
Proto Phonology and Phylogenetics
Within the last half century, two major publications appeared concerning the proto
phonology of Awyu-Dumut language family. Alan Healey was the first to reconstruct a proto phonology of the Awyu-Dumut family in 1970. Bert Voorhoeve incorporated extra data on Awyu-Dumut languages gathered since 1970 in his “AwyuDumut Proto Phonology II” in his 2001 publication. Both researchers used a combination of the comparative method and lexicostatistics to arrive at their conclusions.
The current study of Awyu-Dumut proto phonology employs a strict application of the comparative method, in addition to using phylogenetic computational
methods, to arrive at a proto phonology and a subgrouping of the Awyu-Dumut
language family. The work by Holton et al. (2012) and Holton & Robinson (2012)
on the proto phonology and subgrouping of the Alor-Pantar family of Papuan languages greatly inspired the work presented in this chapter.
In a proper application of the comparative method, sound correspondences are
established first before an attempt at subgrouping is made, as set out by Durie and
Ross (1996) and summarized in Table 1.1. Both Healey and Voorhoeve begin by presenting their subgroups without extensively giving sound correspondences; they
focus immediately on establishing sound changes. In the current chapter, consonantal sound correspondences are first established by studying a set of 123 putative
cognate sets that can be reconstructed to the proto Awyu-Dumut level. Only then
are regular sound changes reconstructed. In Section 2.7 on Awyu-Dumut vowels,
it is concluded that the comparative method cannot be applied rigorously to the
Awyu-Dumut vowels but that some sound changes within the vowel system can
nonetheless be traced. Phylogenetic computational methods are employed in Section 2.8 to arrive at a subgrouping of the Awyu-Dumut language family. The conclusions drawn in this chapter facilitate and enable the reconstruction of Awyu-Dumut
proto morphology.
2. Proto Phonology and Phylogenetics
22
2.1
Data
The 430-item word list contained in Drabbe (1959:162-181) forms the basis of the
proto phonological work done by Healey (1970), Voorhoeve (2001) and myself. Healey restricted himself to lexical items that also appear on the Swadesh 200 list, thus
minimizing the chance that he was dealing with borrowed words. The word list to
which Healey had access contained six Awyu-Dumut languages. By the time Voorhoeve wrote his Awyu Dumut proto phonology II, he had received data on two further
Awyu-Dumut languages, Digul Wambon and Kombai, from Lourens de Vries. From
communication with Lourens de Vries, it is known that he gave Voorhoeve a word
list containing 200 lexical items, most of which also occurred in Drabbe’s word list.
Thus Voorhoeve had less data for Digul Wambon and Kombai than he did for the
other Awyu-Dumut languages. Voorhoeve leaves Yenimu out of his analysis because of its similarity to Shiaxa, and he supplements the Pisa and Mandobo word
lists collected by Drabbe with word lists he himself gathered in the villages of Ketu
(Pisa) and Kwem (Mandobo).
The data for the current study are (nearly) complete word lists of 430 items
for all Awyu-Dumut languages: Shiaxa, Yenimu, Pisa, Aghu, Mandobo, Yonggom
Wambon, Digul Wambon, Kombai and Korowai. The full Digul Wambon and Kombai word lists were collected in 2012 and 2013 by HongTae Jang and Sun-Kyu Chi,
respectively, and I am grateful to them for sharing their data. The Korowai data
were taken from the lexicon contained in van Enk & de Vries (1997). Drabbe’s 430item word list is the source of data for the other six Awyu-Dumut languages.
2.2
Orthography and Morphophonemics
Appendix A contains the lexical database on which I base my analysis, including the
words that could be reconstructed for Proto Awyu, Proto Dumut and Proto AwyuDumut. An item was reconstructed for Proto Awyu-Dumut only if it had a reflex in
both an Awyu and a Dumut language. In the appendix, the original orthographies of
the various sources are maintained. However, the orthography I use in my writing
is slightly different; it is presented in Table 2.1 in the column entitled ‘grapheme.’
Note that although Drabbe, de Vries and Voorhoeve all claim that Dumut voiced
plosives are always prenasalized, they are not consistent in writing them as such, an
inconsistency that has made its way into my work as well (when the sources write
a voiced plosive as not being prenasalized, I also do so).
Table 2.1: Awyu-Dumut phonemes and their representation
IPA
Source
Grapheme
Languages
p
t
k
p
t
k
p
t
k
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , MAN , YWB , DWB , KOR
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , MAN , YWB , DWB , KOR
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , MAN , YWB , DWB , KOR
continued on next page
2.2. Orthography and Morphophonemics
23
Table 2.1: continued
IPA
mb
nd
ŋg
b
d
g
F
B
x
G
m
n
l
r
s
w
j
Source
mb, b
nd, d
ŋg, ngg, g
b
d
g
f, w
v, w
kh, gh
ch
m
n
l
r
s
w
j
Grapheme
mb, b
nd, d
ŋg, g
b
d
g
f
v,w
x
x
m
n
l
r
s
w
y
i
y
u
e
ø
o
E
a
i
ü
u
e, é
ö
o
è
a
i
ü
u
e
ö
o
E
a
Languages
MAN , YWB , DWB , KOM , KOR
MAN , YWB , DWB , KOM , KOR
MAN , YWB , DWB , KOM , KOR
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , KOR
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , KOR
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , KOR
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , KOM , KOR
MAN , YWB , DWB
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , DWB , KOM , KOR
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , DWB
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , MAN , YWB , DWB , KOM , KOR
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , MAN , YWB , DWB , KOM , KOR
DWB , KOM , KOR
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , MAN , YWB , DWB , KOM
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , YWB , DWB , KOR
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , MAN , YWB , DWB , KOM , KOR
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , MAN , YWB , DWB , KOM , KOR
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , MAN , YWB , DWB , KOM , KOR
AXU , MAN , KOM , KOR
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , YWB , DWB , KOR
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , MAN , YWB , DWB , KOM , KOR
MAN
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , MAN , YWB , DWB , KOM , KOR
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , KOR
SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , MAN , YWB , DWB , KOR
Table 2.2: Awyu-Dumut common morphophonemic changes
rule
example
languages
p → {w,f,v}/V_V
ep+e=ewe (YWB)
there+ TOP =that
mbet+o=mbelo (DWB)
SEQ + CONN =and then
towe+karigiap=towe garigiap
(MAN)
very+afraid=very afraid
mba-t-ep-mbo=mbalepo (DWB)
stay-REAL-1SG-PST =I stayed
na+a=nana (KOM)
1.SG.POSS +house=my house
axı̃+e=axine (AXU)
go.FUT + NON 1 SG =he will go
kumã+ki=kuma ŋgi (AXU)
sick+be=to be sick
MAN , YWB , DWB, KOM
t → {r,l}/V_V
k → {g}/V_V
mb → ∅/p_
∅ → n/V_V
∅ → n/Ṽ_V
ŋg/_k
Ṽ → Vŋ
MAN , YWB , DWB, KOM
MAN , YWB , DWB
MAN , YWB , DWB
MAN , YWB , DWB, AXU ,
PSA , SHI , YEN , KOM
AXU , PSA , SHI , YEN , KOM
AXU , PSA , SHI
The most common morphophonemic changes that occur in between words and due
2. Proto Phonology and Phylogenetics
24
to morphological clustering are given in Table 2.2.1 Dumut languages and Kombai
share a fricativization of voiceless plosives when they occur intervocalically. Furthermore, two vowels may not follow each other in any Awyu-Dumut language,
and a transitional nasal is inserted whenever two vowels appear after one another.
The last two morphophonemic changes listed in Table 2.2 concern nasal vowels
found in Awyu languages and Kombai; the nasality of a final vowel is often transferred to the sound that follows it, or if a vowel follows a nasal vowel, an /n/ occurs
between the two vowels. In his phonological descriptions Drabbe further notes that
there is extensive vowel harmony in Awyu-Dumut languages.
2.3
Sound Correspondences
In this section, I describe the consonant correspondences found in 123 cognate sets
of the Awyu-Dumut 430-item word list that were reconstructible to the Proto AwyuDumut level. Only those items that had a reflex in both an Awyu language and a
Dumut language were reconstructed to Proto Awyu-Dumut. Awyu-Dumut consonants behave differently depending on their context; therefore, a distinction is
made between consonants that occur initially, medially and finally. Sometimes the
vowels that follow a consonant also influence its realization in the various AwyuDumut languages. Taking these conditioning factors into account, there are 27 consonant correspondences that can be identified in the dataset. Table 2.3 lists the set
of consonant correspondences found in the Awyu-Dumut languages, as well as the
reconstructed Proto Awyu-Dumut phoneme for each correspondence set. The environment column (Env.) indicates the condition in which the correspondence occurs:
initial (I), medial (M), or final (F). Sometimes the environment is conditioned by a
certain vowel; such vowels will be included in parentheses in the environment column. A zero (∅) indicates that the Proto Awyu-Dumut sound has been dropped
in that particular language, while a slash (/) indicates that there is more than one
reflex of a sound. A question mark (?) indicates that there is insufficient data to determine a reflex for that language. In tables 2.4-2.14 below containing lexical items
that illustrate these sound correspondences, a blank means that the data is missing
for that language, whereas a dash (–) indicates that the language has a non-cognate,
different lexical realization for the term in question.
Table 2.3: Awyu-Dumut sound correspondences
PAD
*p
*p
*p
*t
Env.
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
MAN
YWB
DWB
I
f
f
∅
t
f
f
∅
t
f
f
∅
t, s
f
f
∅
t, s
∅
∅
p
t
∅
w
p
t, s
h
f
f
w
f
?
p
f, ∅
p
t, s
r
?
continued on next page
M
F
I
1
KOM
KOR
Minor morphophonemic changes in examples will be clarified in the text or in footnotes and
are not given in Table 2.2.
2.3. Sound Correspondences
25
Table 2.3: continued
PAD
Env.
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
MAN
YWB
DWB
KOM
KOR
*t
*t
*k
*k
*k
*k
*k
*mb
*mb
*nd
*nd
*ŋ
ŋg
*ŋ
ŋg
*m
*m
*m
*n
*n
*n
*r
*r
*w
*y
M
t
t, ∅
k
x
k
x
x, ∅
b
b
d
d
ŋg
ŋg
m
m
∅
n
n
∅
r
r
w
y
t
∅
k
x
k
x
∅
b
b
d
d
g
g
m
m
∅
n
n
∅
?
r
w
y
t, s
∅
k
x
k
x
∅
b
b
d
d
g, ŋg
g, ŋg
m
m
n
n
n
n
r
r
w
y
t, s
∅
k
x
k
x
∅
b
b
d
d
g, ŋg
g, ŋg
m
m
n
n
n
n
∅
r
w
∅
t, r
t
k
k
g
g
k
mb
mb
nd
nd
ŋg
ŋg
m
m
n, m
n
n
n
r
r
w
∅, y
t, s, r
t
k
k
g
g
k
mb
mb
nd
nd
ŋg
ŋg
m
m
m
n
n
n
r
r
w
y
t, s, l
t
k
k
x
x
k
mb
mb
nd
nd
ŋg
ŋg
m
m
m
n
n
n
l
l
w
∅
r
l, ∅
x
x
x
x
x, ∅
b
b
d
d
g
ŋg
m
m
m
n
n
∅, n
l
r, l
w
∅, y
?
l
x
x
x
x
?
b
b
d
d
?
?
m
?
m
n
?
n
l
?
f
y
2.3.1
F
(i,e,u)
(a, o)
M (i,e,u)
M (a,o)
I
I
F
I
M
I
M
I
M
I
M
F
I
M
F
I
M
I
I
Voiceless plosives
*p
Proto Awyu-Dumut *p is found in initial, medial and final position, as shown in
Table 2.4.
Initial *p has a reflex /f/ (IPA F) in Shiaxa, Yenimu, Pisa, Aghu and Kombai. In
Yonggom Wambon and Mandobo, initial *p is dropped, while in Digul Wambon,
initial *p changes into /h/. It must be noted that Shiaxa, Yenimu, Pisa and Aghu
do have words that begin with a /p/, as shown in Table 2.5, but these words cannot
be reconstructed to a Proto Awyu-Dumut form with an initial *p, as there are no
cognates that have a reflex of *p in any of the other languages. The initial /p/ in
these words is hence not a reflex of Proto Awyu-Dumut *p but rather, as already
noted by (Healey 1970:1000), reflects a history of borrowing in Proto Awyu.
In the whole dataset, medial *p occurs only once, namely in kip(V)i ‘wind’, so it can
only be reconstructed tentatively. This medial *p changes to /f/ in the same languages in which initial *p changes to /f/. In Mandobo, medial *p is dropped, while
in Yonggom Wambon and Digul Wambon, medial *p changes to /B/, alternatively
written as /w/ or /v/ in the sources.
Final *p is again more frequent than medial *p. It is dropped altogether in Shiaxa,
Yenimu, Pisa and Aghu, while it does not change in Mandobo, Yonggom Wambon
2. Proto Phonology and Phylogenetics
26
Table 2.4: Reflexes of *p
PAD
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
MAN
YWB
DWB
KOM
KOR
PAD
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
MAN
YWB
DWB
KOM
KOR
I
name
tongue
to see
M
wind
*p
f
f
f
f
ø
ø
h
f
f
*pi
fi
fi
fi
fi
üp
ip
hit
fi
fi
*paŋ
ŋgat
fagE
fagE
fagE
fage
oŋ
ŋgat
–
hatgat
faŋ
ŋga
–
*peta
fetefitefetoeteitigioetohetakfera–
*p
f
f
f
f
∅
w
w
f
?
*kip(V)i
kifi
kifi
kifi
kifi
kiou
kiwui
kiwin
xifei
F
eye
fruit
vagina
take
*p
ø
ø
ø
ø
p
p
p
ø, f
p
*ketop
kero
kiro
krimogo
kiomogo
kerop
kerop
kelop
xoro
–
*rop
ro
ro
jindero
–
rop
rop
lop
lo
op
*atop
ato
ato
ato
ato
atop
atop
atop
aro
–
*rap
rereraa–
raplaplofa–
Table 2.5: Initial /p/ in four languages
PAD
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
MAN
long
–
pere
piri
kowE
pi
old
shoot
–
–
pusu
patu
piemo-
semebe
pemo-
posyü
tı̃-
ŋguruop kolamop
ŋgurup
wandop woŋ
ŋgopon sinop
teentaemtamya-
wound
–
kEwi
pEso
peso
kogu
kefi
YWB
mbom
DWB
hitop
KOM
ŋgolo
muno
rabiruruko
and Digul Wambon. In Kombai, final /f/ is often dropped, but it does occur sometimes; de Vries 1993 notes that it is underlying in many instances and only appears
when the next word or morpheme starts with a vowel (hence /f/ might not always
show up in the word list, although it sometimes does).
Healey does not think that *p occurred initially and medially; rather he posits
a *w, noting that final *p and this *w were in complementary distribution (Healey
1970:999). However, together with Voorhoeve, I see no need to reconstruct this *w,
although Proto Awyu-Dumut *p most likely did have a fricativized allophone.
2.3. Sound Correspondences
27
*t and /s/
Proto Awyu-Dumut *t occurs in initial, medial and final position (Table 2.6). Wordfinally, it is dropped in Shiaxa, Yenimu, Pisa and Aghu, while Kombai sometimes
drops final /t/ and sometimes retains it as an optional /l/. Initially and medially,
Proto Awyu-Dumut *t goes to /r/ in Kombai. Pisa, Aghu, Yonggom Wambon and
Digul Wambon have reflexes /t/ and /s/ initially; it is not entirely clear under what
conditions *t becomes /s/. The same is true for medial *t, which sometimes but not
always becomes /s/ in Pisa and Aghu, /r/ in Yonggom Wambon and Mandobo,
and /l/ in Digul Wambon.
Table 2.6: Reflexes of *t
I
*t
SHI
t
YEN
t
PSA
t,s
AXU t,s
MAN t
YWB t,s
DWB t,s
KOM r
KOR
?
PAD
F
*t
SHI
ø
YEN
ø
PSA
ø
AXU ø
MAN t
YWB t
DWB t
KOM ø, l
KOR
?
PAD
armpit
cold
ear
M
sweat
leech
beard
vagina
*tVŋ
ŋgo(top)
togo
togo
toxõ
bodo toŋ
ŋgõ
taŋ
ŋgo top
taŋ
ŋgo top
taŋ
ŋgotop
rogo
–
*tarü
toru
toru
taru
tü
–
sarui
salon
–
–
*turu(top)
toro
turu
surũ
suketo
–
turutop
silutop
ruro
–
*t
t,s
t
t,s
t,s
t,r
t,r
t,l
r
?
*koten
kote
kuti
kası̃
kesı̃
koten
koten
–
kware
–
*teten
tisi
–
–
sisi
teren
teren
selen
–
–
*matüt
–
–
masi
masü
matit
matit
–
maru
–
*atop
ato
ato
ato
ato
atop
atop
atop
aro
–
banana
bird
louse
*tüt
tu
tu
su
sjü
tyut
tit
sit
rü(l)
–
*yet
yi
yi
yi
yi
et
yet
yet
el
–
*ŋ
ŋgut
go
gu
aŋ
ŋgu
aŋ
ŋgu
ŋgut
ŋgut
ŋgut
gu
–
2. Proto Phonology and Phylogenetics
28
Table 2.7: Reflexes of *k
I
(a,o)
spirit
skin
to walk
I
(i,e,u)
flower
eye
to die
PAD
*k
*kVkVi
*kat
*ka/*ko-
*k
*ket
*kerop
*kum-
SHI
x
x
x
x
k
k
k
x
x
xogoi
xoxEi
xoxoi
xoxi
kugu
kagui
kaxui
xwai
xayan
xa
xa
xa
xa
kota
kotae
kat/kotai
xa
xal
xoxoxoxokokoko-, kaxaxai-
k
k
k
k
k
k
k
x
x
kete
ki
ki
ki
ket
ket
ketek
xe
xel
kEro
kiro
kriomogo
kiomogo
kerop
kerop
kerop
xoro
–
kukukukukünkimkimxumo–
fish
to order
M
knife
F
urine
stairs
*rakaV
axae
axae
axae
axe
rogoa
ragae
laxai
–
–
*rokaroxoroxoroo–
rogoloxoluxa–
*k
?
?
k
k
g
g
x
x
x
*waki
–
–
waki
woki
wegi
wagi
waxi
waxi
fix
*k
ø
ø
ø
ø
k
k
k
ø
?
*yetuk
yiti ti
yitu
yi su
isi
erok
yetok
etok
–
–
*parik
furi
–
afiri
–
werik
–
halik
fali
–
YEN
PSA
AXU
MAN
YWB
DWB
KOM
KOR
M
PAD
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
MAN
YWB
DWB
KOM
KOR
*k
x
x
x
x
g
g
x
x
?
(a, o)
(i)
*k
Proto Awyu-Dumut *k occurs in initial, medial and final position, as illustrated in
Table 2.7. Kombai and Korowai always have /x/, a fricativized form of *k, as a reflex
of *k. Word-finally, Kombai drops *k. Digul Wambon has reflex /x/ for medial *k,
while for initial and final *k it has reflex /k/. In Mandobo and Yonggom Wambon,
medial *k becomes /g/, while as in Digul Wambon, initial and final *k remain /k/.
Shiaxa, Yenimu, Pisa and Aghu have different reflexes initially and medially depending on whether *k occurs before a high vowel or a low vowel. When *k comes
before a low vowel /a/ or /o/, these four languages have a reflex /x/, while before high vowels (/e/, /i/, /u/, /ü/), *k does not change. Medially, there is only
one cognate set (‘knife’) in which *k precedes a high vowel, but in analogy to the
behavior of word-initial *k before high vowels, it can be hypothesized that medial
*k behaves similarly.
Word-finally, *k is dropped in Shiaxa, Yenimu, Pisa and Aghu. Healey did think
there was a word-final /k/ or /x/ in these languages, but only because he viewed
the /k/, /g/ and /x/ that Drabbe writes after verb stems in these languages as
part of the verb stem. However, from Drabbe’s description, it becomes clear that
2.3. Sound Correspondences
29
he includes these consonants after the verb stems in his lexicon to indicate how the
realis marker is realized with that particular verb, namely as -k, -g, -x or -ox (Drabbe
1957:10). Similarly, Drabbe writes -d or -nd after Shiaxa verb stems in order to indicate whether the first person realis marker is realized as -d or -nd in that particular
verb (Drabbe 1950:109). These consonants hence are not part of the verb stem, and I
agree with Voorhoeve (2001:365) that *k (or a reflex /x/) does not occur word-finally
in Shiaxa, Yenimu, Pisa or Aghu. The same misunderstanding probably led Healey
to propose a *x for Proto Awyu-Dumut (where Voorhoeve and I have *k), stating
that a /k/ found in Mandobo or Yongom Wambon was a reflex of that *x.
2.3.2
Voiced plosives
Voiced stops *mb, *nd and *ŋŋg do not occur word-finally in Awyu-Dumut languages,
as shown in Tables 2.8, 2.9 and 2.10.
Table 2.8: Reflexes of *mb
PAD
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
MAN
YWB
DWB
KOM
KOR
I
sit
chest
arm
M
head
tail
testicle
*mb
b
b
b
b
mb
mb
mb
mb
b
*mbabobebabambambambambabai-
*bema
–
–
bı̃
besame
mbeman
mbemit
–
mbema
–
*be(do)
bedo
bido
bidE
bido
–
–
–
mbei
–
*mb
b
b
b
b
mb
mb
mb
mb
b
*ka(i)mb(i)a
xeiba
xeiba
xaibã
xabã
kembian
–
ambat
xambia
xabean
*wambut
–
wobu
wobu
wobugo
wombüt
wambit
wambit
wambu
–
*wambura
–
–
woburo
wobio
wambirap
–
wambilin
wamblo
–
Table 2.9: Reflexes of *nd
PAD
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
MAN
YWB
DWB
KOM
KOR
I
heart
sago
M
meat
bird
thigh
*nd
d
d
d
d
nd
nd
nd
nd
d
*ndüma/*dVbo(p)
dibo
dibo
dubaro
dübo
ndümarop
ndimndop
dimlop
ndümo
debop
*ndü
do
du
du
dü
ndu
ndun
ndu
ndoü
daü
*nd
d
d
d
d
nd
nd
nd
nd
?
*kandü
kodo
kodo
kadu
kudu
kandö
–
kandu
xundo
–
*pVndo
fodo
fodo
–
–
wando
andoi
–
fondo
–
*midi
midi
midi
midi
midi bigi
–
–
mindin
kinomindi
–
2. Proto Phonology and Phylogenetics
30
Table 2.10: Reflexes of *ŋg
I
PAD
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
MAN
YWB
DWB
KOM
KOR
*ŋ
ŋg
g
g
g
g
ŋg
ŋg
ŋg
ŋg
?
blood
M
*ŋ
ŋgom
goŋ
ŋ
go
go
gõ
ŋgom
ŋgom
ŋgom
gom
–
*ŋ
ŋg
g
g
g
g
ŋg
ŋg
ŋg
ŋg
?
mouth
penis
tongue
*maŋ
ŋgot
–
–
–
–
maŋ
ŋgot
maŋ
ŋgot
maŋ
ŋgotop
moŋ
ŋgoro
–
*teŋ
ŋget
tege
tigi
sigi
segi
teŋ
ŋget
teŋ
ŋget
teŋ
ŋget
reŋ
ŋge
–
*paŋ
ŋgat
fagE
fagE
fagE
fage
oŋ
ŋgat
–
hatgat
faŋ
ŋgat
–
Shiaxa, Yenimu, Pisa, Aghu and Korowai have non-prenasalized reflexes of *mb,
*nd and *ŋŋg in most instances. For Korowai, only reflexes for initial and medial
*mb and initial *nd were found. Mandobo, Yonggom Wambon, Digul Wambon and
Kombai retain the prenasalization of voiced stops. For Kombai, this is not apparent
from the word list, but de Vries (1993) notes that voiced stops are always prenasalized in Kombai, though he does not always represent them as such.
Healey does not think that Proto Awyu-Dumut voiced plosives were prenasalized, but rather thinks that the prenasalized reflexes in Mandobo and Yonggom
Wambon are the result of the presence of consonant clusters in these languages (Healey 1970:1000). However, I agree with Voorhoeve that these plosives were nasalized
in Proto Awyu-Dumut, while the prenasalization of these sounds disappeared in
Shiaxa, Yenimu, Pisa and Aghu (Voorhoeve 2001:371).
2.3.3
Nasals
Nasals occur initially, medially and finally in Proto Awyu-Dumut. In Pisa and Aghu,
a final nasal is often realized as nasalization on the preceding vowel. In Mandobo,
sometimes final *m becomes final /n/. Table 2.11 gives examples of *m in Proto
Awyu-Dumut and its daughter languages, while Table 2.12 illustrates the reflexes of
Proto Awyu-Dumut *n in its daughter languages.
2.3. Sound Correspondences
31
Table 2.11: Reflexes of *m
I
to drink
beard
star
tendon
to come
*m
m
m
m
m
m
m
m
m
m
*mimimimimiemimiamimimi-
*matu(t)
–
–
masirõ
masü
matit
matit
–
maru
–
*minVp
–
–
mi
mi
minap
–
minop
mi
–
*met
me
me
–
me
temet
met
metmet
melo
–
*memodemede–
–
meme–
me–
M
widow
ripe
warm
F
blood
far off
to die
PAD
*m
*yamu
*mamV
*m
*ŋ
ŋgom
*kamam
*kum-
SHI
m
m
m
m
m
*ran
kamo
xamose
xamsE
xamE
–
ran
kamok
–
–
kamo
–
–
–
–
yomu
omu
–
–
–
–
–
ø
ø
ø, Ṽ
ø, Ṽ
n, m
goŋ
ŋ
go
go
gõ
ŋgom
–
–
xamã
–
koman
kukukukukün-
amui
–
yamu
–
mamin
mamin
mamü
–
m
m
m
?
ŋgom
ŋgom
gom
–
kamam
kommop
–
–
kimkimxumo–
PAD
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
MAN
YWB
DWB
KOM
KOR
YEN
PSA
AXU
MAN
m
m
m
?
YWB
DWB
KOM
KOR
Table 2.12: Reflexes of *n
PAD
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
MAN
YWB
DWB
KOM
KOR
I
mother
EZ
M
be sleepy
*n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
*ni
wini
wini
ni
–
nou
noi
ni
nani
ni
*nani
ni
neni
–
eni
neni
nani
non
nani
–
*n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
?
*kunu ke
kero kono gekiru kunu gikunu gikunuŋ
ŋ gikinum eren gekinum kok kekinimxexexunu-ge
–
extinguish F
fire
bunibunibunibunü–
–
–
–
–
*n
ø
ø
ø, Ṽ
ø, Ṽ
n
n
n
ø, n
?
woman
sweat
*ran
–
–
rã
rã
ran
ran
lan
la(n)
–
*koten
kote
kuti
kasi
kesi
koten
koten
–
kware
–
2. Proto Phonology and Phylogenetics
32
2.3.4
Liquids and glides
Table 2.13: Reflexes of *r
PAD
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
MAN
YWB
DWB
KOM
KOR
I
woman
ulcer
M
ear
enough
eye
stairs
*r
r
?
r
ø
r
r
l
l
l
ran
–
–
rã
ã
ran
ran
lan
la(n)
lal
rü(n)
ŋ
ruŋ
–
ru
üne
orün
–
–
lü
–
*r
r
r
r
ø
r
r
l
r, l
?
*turu(top)
toro
turu
suru
–
–
turutop
silutop
ruro
–
*kare
yaxaro
*kerop
kEro
kiro
krimogo
kiomogo
kerop
kerop
kelop
xoro
–
*parik
furi
–
afiri
–
werik
–
halik
fali
–
xarini
xaini
kare
kare
kit
–
–
Table 2.14: Reflexes of initial *w and *y
PAD
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
MAN
YWB
DWB
KOM
KOR
PAD
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
MAN
YWB
DWB
KOM
KOR
initial *w
tail
knife
testicle
*w
?
w
w
w
w
w
w
w
f
*wambut
–
wobu
wobu
wobugo
wombüt
wambit
wabit
wabu
–
*waki
–
–
waki
woki
wegi
wagi
waxi
waxi
fix
*wambura(p)
–
–
wobu-ro
wobio
wambirap
–
wambilin
wablo
–
initial *y
bird
garden
urine
*y
y
y
y
ø
ø, y
y
ø
ø, y
y
*yet
yi
yi
yi
i
et
yet
et
el
–
*yaküp, *yatim
–
–
–
–
yogüp
yagip
–
yarimo
yasim
*yetuk
yiti tiyitu
yi suisi
erok
yetok
etok
–
–
Proto Awyu-Dumut *r occurs word-initially and word-finally (Table 2.13). In Aghu,
*r is always dropped. Digul Wambon and Korowai have /l/ as a reflex of *r. Kombai
2.4.
PAD
Consonant Reconstruction
33
has both /l/ and /r/ as distinct sounds; a minimal pair is ro ‘hole’ versus lo ‘sound’
(de Vries 1993:6). For initial *r, it is not possible to determine what Yenimu has as a
reflex, whereas for Korowai, it is unknown what the reflex is of Proto Awyu-Dumut
final *r.
There are two glides in Proto Awyu-Dumut that only occur word-initially, *w
and *y (see Table 2.14). They do not occur frequently, but cognate sets with initial
*w or *y are found in nearly all Awyu-Dumut languages, clearly showing that these
two sounds belong in the Proto Awyu-Dumut consonant inventory. The initial *w
cannot be seen as a reflex of *p (remember that medial /w/ in Digul Wambon and
Yonggom Wambon is a reflex of medial *p).
2.4
PAD
Consonant Reconstruction
Having established regular sound correspondences, the Proto Awyu-Dumut consonant inventory can be reconstructed (see Table 2.15). It consists of eleven consonants. All consonants occur initially, the glides *w and *y exclusively occur initially. Voiced plosives and *r did not occur word-finally in Proto Awyu-Dumut,
while voiceless plosives and nasals had no restriction on their distribution, occurring initially, medially and finally.
Table 2.15: PAD consonant inventory
voiceless plosive
voiced plosive
nasal
glide
liquid
labial
alveolar
p
mb
m
w
t
nd
n
y
r
velar
k
ŋg
This consonant inventory differs from the one presented by Voorhoeve (2001) in
that it has no *s, while Healey (1970:999) also reconstructs an *f and and *x for Proto
Awyu-Dumut. I propose that /f/, /s/ and /x/ in Proto Awyu-Dumut’s daughter
languages are fricativized reflexes of Proto Awyu-Dumut *p, *t and *k.
2.5
Note on Korowai
For Korowai, it is not known in many instances whether it even has a reflex of a
certain Proto Awyu-Dumut phoneme in a certain environment. For example, it cannot be determined whether Korowai has a reflex for Proto Aywu-Dumut initial *t.
Although all Proto Awyu-Dumut phonemes except *ŋŋg have a reflex in Korowai,
for 8 out the 27 consonant environments it cannot be determined whether Korowai
has a reflex of a Proto Awyu-Dumut consonant in that environment. Thus it cannot be ascertained whether Korowai has a reflex for Proto Awyu-Dumut medial *p,
2. Proto Phonology and Phylogenetics
34
initial *t, medial *t, initial and medial *ŋŋg, medial *m, medial *n and medial *r. In
comparison, a reflex is found in all other examined languages in all environments;
only Shiaxa and Yenimu each have one environment in which a reflex could not be
determined (initial *w and initial *r, respectively). Furthermore, the reflexes that
are found in Korowai are always only found in one cognate set, whereas reflexes in
other languages are nearly always supported by occurrence in two or more cognate
sets. Thus the phonological evidence is too weak to prove without a doubt that Korowai is an Awyu-Dumut language, even though the correspondences that can be
traced between Korowai, Proto Awyu-Dumut and the other languages are too numerous to be ascribed to mere chance or borrowing. What is clear is that Korowai is
the most divergent language of all the languages examined and can only be considered distantly related to the other languages. For these reasons, Korowai will not
be a part of the further discussion of Awyu-Dumut languages or the reconstruction
of Proto Awyu Dumut in this book.
2.6
Sound Changes and Subgrouping
With a reconstructed Proto Awyu-Dumut consonant inventory, it is now possible to
trace the sound changes between Proto Awyu-Dumut and its daughter languages.
From the sound correspondences illustrated in Section 2.3 and summarized in Table
2.3, the following 20 regular sound changes can be distilled:
1.
PAD
initial and medial *p >/f/ in SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU and KOM
2.
PAD
initial *p dropped in MAN and YWB
3.
PAD
initial *p >/h/ in DWB
4.
PAD
medial *p >B in YWB and DWB
5.
PAD
medial *p dropped in MAN
6.
PAD
final *p dropped in SHI , YEN ,
7.
PAD
final *p >(underlying) /f/ in KOM, or dropped
8.
PAD
final *t dropped in SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU
9.
PAD
final *t >(underlying) /l/ in KOM, or dropped
10.
PAD
initial *k before low vowels >/x/ in SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU and KOM
11.
PAD
medial *k before low vowels >/x/ in SHI , YEN , PSA , AXU , DWB and KOM
12.
PAD
medial *k before high vowels >/x/ in DWB and KOM
13.
PAD
medial *k >/g/ in MAN and YWB
14.
PAD
final *k dropped in SHI ,
15.
PAD
final *k >(underlying) /x/ in KOM, or dropped
16.
PAD
*mb, *nd and *ŋŋg denasalized in SHI , YEN ,
PSA
and AXU
YEN , PSA , AXU
PSA
and AXU
2.6. Sound Changes and Subgrouping
35
17.
PAD
final *m and *n dropped in SHI and YEN
18.
PAD
final *m and *n dropped or realized as nasalized vowel in PSA and AXU
19.
PAD
initial *r >/l/ in DWB and KOM
20.
PAD
initial *r dropped in AXU
These sound changes can be used to make a preliminary subgrouping of AwyuDumut languages. Shiaxa, Yenimu, Pisa and Aghu share a number of innovations
or sound changes. They drop final consonants *p, *t, *k, *m and *n and denasalize
voiced stops *mb, *nd and *ŋŋg. Mandobo, Yonggom Wambon and Digul Wambon
keep the final consonants and the prenasalization of the voiced stops. Thus there
are two subgroups that can be established on the basis of final consonant deletion
and nasalization of voiced stops; these two subgroups correspond to the Awyu and
Dumut subgroups established by Healey (1970) and Voorhoeve (2001).
A side note must be made concerning the final consonant deletion in Awyu languages. In some instances, Shiaxa has an extra vowel at the end of a word that
the other three Awyu languages do not have; some examples are given in Table
2.16. The Shiaxa epenthetic vowel is hypothesized to be added to a word or morpheme in order to reach a CV.CV syllable structure; a CV.CV syllable structure is
found in all Awyu languages. The consonant that precedes the extra vowel in Shiaxa corresponds to the final vowel found in Dumut languages. Hence Shiaxa in
these instances retains the Proto Awyu-Dumut final consonant. In order for Shiaxa
to be able to do so, Proto Awyu must have had underlying final consonants, much
like Kombai. These underlying final consonants only surfaced when followed by a
vowel.
Table 2.16: Shiaxa epenthetic vowel examples
breadfruit
flower
hair
yuwato
yowo
yawo
xã
*yowo(t)
kete
ki
ki
ki
*ke(t)
moxo
mo
rõ
mu
*mu(x)/*rõ
PD
rawot
rawot
*rawot
ket
ket
mutmut
*ket
ron
ron
lon, muk
*ron/*muk
KOM
aluwo
xe
lo
PAD
*rawot/*yawot
*ket
*ron/*muk
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
PA
MAN
YWB
DWB
Thus Kombai and Proto Awyu are similar in that they both have underlying consonants, which are realized only when followed by a vowel. At the same time, Kombai
36
2. Proto Phonology and Phylogenetics
and Proto Awyu also drop final consonants completely; that is, in many instances
there is no proof that an underlying consonant is indeed present in a Kombai or
Proto Awyu word. However, this commonality is not enough reason to subgroup
Kombai with the Awyu languages; final consonant deletion can very well have been
an independent innovation in Kombai, rather than an innovation it shares with the
Awyu languages. The fact that, synchronically, the Dumut language Mandobo is
starting to delete its final consonants (Drabbe 1959:5), suggests that final consonant
deletion is an independent innovation that can take place in all Awyu-Dumut languages.
On the basis of prenasalization of voiced stops, Awyu languages form a separate
subgroup from Kombai and Proto Dumut; both Kombai and Proto Dumut retain the
prenasalization of /b/, /d/ and /g/ found in Proto Awyu-Dumut, while the dropping of prenasalization is an innovation Awyu languages share. Kombai can also be
subgrouped together with Digul Wambon, a Dumut language, on the basis of fricativization of *k to /x/ and of Proto Awyu-Dumut medial *r to /l/ change. However,
both fricativization and a change of /r/ to /l/ are typologically quite frequent and
are therefore a weak criterion for subgrouping languages together. Furthermore,
fricativization of *k to /x/ also occurs in Awyu languages, only in fewer contexts
than in Kombai and Digul Wambon.
Based on the 20 regular sound changes presented above, it is unclear whether
Kombai should be subgrouped with Awyu languages or with Dumut languages,
and thus additional methods must be employed to determine its place in the AwyuDumut language family. The processes reflected in most of the sound changes,
namely final consonant deletion, fricativization and prenasalization, are crosslinguistically common and not strong criteria to support the subgrouping of languages. Thus the use of phylogenetic methods below, as well as the reconstruction
of proto morphology in the remainder of this book, will offer additional arguments
that solidify the subgrouping of Awyu and Dumut languages.
2.7
Note on Awyu-Dumut Vowels
Two tentative subgroups of Awyu-Dumut were established on the basis of shared
phonological innovations or the lack thereof. For vowels, it is not possible to replicate what was done for consonants, namely to establish what the Proto AwyuDumut vowels are based on cognate sets. The main reason for this is that AwyuDumut vowels show much variation, and there are few cognate sets in which the
Awyu-Dumut languages display a similar pattern of vowels. This variation may
exist because Awyu-Dumut vowels are more prone to change than Awyu-Dumut
consonants, and because extensive vowel harmony occurs. There might also be irregularities in the recorded data, as Drabbe honestly admits that he finds it difficult
to distinguish between different vowels: “It is often very difficult to hear the difference between the various vowels, especially between /a/ and /e/, /e/ and /i/,
2.7. Note on Awyu-Dumut Vowels
37
/i/ and /ü/, /o/ and /u/, /u/ and /ü/ and /ü/ and /ö/.”2 For these reasons,
the reconstruction of any Awyu-Dumut vowels must be approached with caution.
It can never be as rigorous as the reconstruction of the Awyu-Dumut consonants.
That being said, it is possible to trace some vowel sound changes between Proto
Awyu and its daughter languages, and between Proto Dumut and its daughter languages. The vowel inventories of Proto Awyu and Proto Dumut are based on which
vowels occur in their daughter languages; Proto Awyu has seven vowels and Proto
Dumut six, as shown in Table 2.17. The Proto Awyu-Dumut vowel inventory is the
same as the Proto Awyu vowel inventory; Proto Awyu and Proto Awyu-Dumut both
make a distinction between /e/ and /E/ that was lost in Proto Dumut and Kombai.
Table 2.17: Vowels in PA, PD and Kombai
front
PA
close
PD
KOM
*i
*i
i
KOM
*e
*e
e
open
mid
PA
*E
open
PD
PA
close mid PD
PA
KOM
rounded
front
*ü
*ü
ü
central
back
*u
*u
u
*o
*o
o
*a
*a
a
The vowel inventory for Proto Awyu presented here is the same as the one presented by Healey (1970:1002), but in the Proto Dumut vowel inventory Healey has
two further vowels: *ö and *O. Healey reconstructs *O, a sound that occurs in no
Awyu-Dumut daughter languages, when Mandobo has /a/ and Yonggom Wambon
has /o/.3 It is true that Mandobo and Kombai have /a/ in two cognate sets (‘breast’
and ‘faeces’) where all the other languages have /o/. This could reflect a common innovation of Mandobo and Kombai, or they might be the only languages that
retained the original sound; the two cognate sets provide insufficient evidence to
decide what the best scenario is. However, reconstructing a vowel that has no reflex in a daughter language is not a good solution either; it is best in those instances
to reconstruct two forms, so *am/*om for ‘breast’ and *a/*o for ‘faeces’. The other
2 “Het
is dikwijls zeer moeilijk het verschil te horen tussen de verschillende klinkers, en dat geldt
vooral voor /a/ en /e/, /e/ en /i/, /i/ en /ü/, /o/ en /u/, /u/ en /ü/ en /ü/ en /ö/” (Drabbe
1959:7).
3 Recall that Healey did not have access to Digul Wambon data. Note also that Voorhoeve left
vowels out of his analysis.
2. Proto Phonology and Phylogenetics
38
vowel that Healey includes in his Proto Dumut vowel inventory is /ö/, a vowel
only found in Mandobo. Basing himself on just two languages, Healey concluded
that his *ö changed to /u/ in Yonggom Wambon. However, with the inclusion of
Digul Wambon data, we see that Digul Wambon, like Yonggom Wambon, has /u/
where Mandobo has /ö/, so it is more likely that Proto Dumut *u changed to /ö/
in Mandobo, as illustrated by the cognate sets given in Table 2.18. The occurrence
of /ö/ is then a Mandobo innovation, which should not be reconstructed in Proto
Dumut.
Table 2.18: Examples of PD *u >Mandobo /ö/
climb
meat
thunder
earthquake
fat
DWB
töröturumatulo-
kadö
kadu
komöt
kumut
kumut
ondön
indum
-
tögö
tugui
tuxut
PD
*turu-
*kadu
*kumut
-
*tuku(t)
MAN
YWB
Other sound changes in Proto Dumut vowels are Proto Dumut *ü into /i/ in Digul
Wambon and Yonggom Wambon (Table 2.19), Proto Dumut *a into Mandobo /o/,
usually before a syllable containing /a/, /o/ or /u/ (Table 2.20), and Proto Dumut
*a into Mandobo /e/, usually before a syllable containing /e/ or /i/ (Table 2.21).
Table 2.19: PD *ü > YWB and DWB /i/
heart
tail
thorn
hit
to urinate
DWB
ndümarop
ndimndop
dimlop
wombüt
wambit
wabit
orün
arin
alin
üinin-
erok tüjetok tietoksi-
PD
*ndüm(a)rop
*wambüt
*arün
*ü(n)-
*etok tü-
MAN
YWB
Table 2.20: PD *a > MAN /o/
break rope
feminine
fish
tail
hear
DWB
roŋ
ŋgwamora ŋgamolap ŋgamo-
roŋ
ŋgu
raŋ
ŋgui
laŋ
ŋgui
rogoa
ragae
lakhai
wombüt
wambit
wabit
ndotndatndat-
PD
*raŋ
ŋgwamo-
*raŋ
ŋgu(i)
*ragaV
*wambüt
*ndat-
MAN
YWB
2.7. Note on Awyu-Dumut Vowels
39
Table 2.21: PD *a to MAN /e/
knife
sun
torch
young woman
DWB
wegi
wagi
waghi
teet
sat
sat
eŋ
ŋgot
jaŋ
ŋgot
ŋgot
jaŋ
meŋ
ŋgeet
maŋ
ŋgat
lan maŋ
ŋgat
PD
*waki
*tat
*(j)aŋ
ŋgot
*(lan) maŋ
ŋgat
MAN
YWB
Within the Awyu subgroup, there are three sound changes that tend to occur in the
vowels. Aghu is the only language that has retained *ü; in the three other Awyu
languages, it becomes /u/ (Table 2.22). When *u is reconstructed for Proto Awyu,
Shiaxa has /o/, while Yenimu sometimes has /o/ and sometimes has /u/ (Table
2.23). Lastly, Proto Awyu *e frequently changes into /i/ in Aghu, Pisa and Yenimu
(Table 2.24 on the next page).
Table 2.22: PA *ü to /u/ in PSA , SHI , YEN
banana
to chop down
to thunder
younger brother
AXU
tu
tu
su
sjü
rururuü-
xo ruxu ruxou rughü ü-
kuda
kuda
kude
küda
PA
*tü
*rü-
*xü rü-
*küda
SHI
YEN
PSA
Table 2.23: PA *u to Shiaxa /o/
enemy
daughter
louse
to ascend
to sleep
voice
AXU
kowE
kufE
waki gũ
kufe
otobra
otoba
subrã
subã
go
gu
aŋ
ŋgu
aŋ
ŋgu
otootosuosu-
kono rékunu rékunũ rikumun’i-g
rogho
ro
ru
u
PA
*kufE
*(o)tub(r)an
*gu
*otu-
*kunun ré-
*ru
SHI
YEN
PSA
These are the vowel sound changes that can be established for Proto Awyu and Proto
Dumut with some certainty. In the reconstruction of lexical data, I often revert to
reconstructing multiple forms with different vowels, or if there is a choice between
more than two vowels, I reconstruct *V. It should again be emphasized that my
reconstructed vowels are not rigorously supported by the comparative method, as
Awyu-Dumut vowel data are messy and seemingly inconsistent in the picture they
present.
2. Proto Phonology and Phylogenetics
40
Table 2.24: PA *e to YEN , PSA , AXU /i/
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
PA
2.8
eyelashes
flower
penis
saliva
tears
kero-moxo
kiro-mo
kiro-bi
kio-bı̃
kete
ki
ki
ki
tege
tigi
sigi
segi
xate
xatipa
mase
xasi
efe ken-ogho
efe kino
kin-E
kin’oxo
*keromo/kero-bi
*kete
*tege
*xate
ken-oxo
Phylogenetics
Healey and Voorhoeve used lexicostatistic computational methods to calculate the
degree of similarity between Awyu-Dumut languages, leading to a subgrouping of
Awyu and Dumut languages; their results are presented in Table 2.25. However,
lexicostatistic methods are infamous for their subjectivity, relying more often than
not on similarity judgments rather than on the comparative method to determine
which lexical items are cognate. The lexicostatistical method can always be applied
and yield results, whatever the quality of the data and the cognacy judgments is. As
a check on Healey’s and Voorhoeve’s lexicostatistic methods, I apply phylogenetic
computational methods to Awyu-Dumut lexical data.
Table 2.25: Lexicostatistic results of Healey and Voorhoeve
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
MAN
YWB
DWB
KOM
83/51/52
53/55
32/32
32/32
–/34
–/30
YEN
53/–
55/–
34/–
32/–
PSA
AXU
MAN
YWB
DWB
64/68
34/33
31/35
–/36
–/32
36/33
33/34
–/34
–/30
55/62
–/51
–/40
–/50
–/38
–/36
The left number is the percentage calculated by Healey, and the right number is the percentage calculated by Voorhoeve.
Only Healey looked at Yenimu, while Voorhoeve had access to Digul Wambon and Kombai data that Healey did not have.
Sources: Healey (1970:1014), Voorhoeve (2001:362)
Phylogenetic methods have been adapted from biology, where they are used to construct evolutionary trees of biological species. In the last ten years, phylogenetic
methods have been used in linguistics to model the spread of Austronesian in Oceania (Gray & Greenhill 2005, Gray et al. 2009), the origins of Indo-European (Gray
& Atkinson 2003) and Bantu languages (Holden & Gray 2006), as well as the prehistory of Papuan languages (Dunn et al. 2005, Reesink et al. 2009), amongst many
other applications. Nichols & Warnow (2008) offer a clear, useful description and
evaluation of the use of phylogenetic methods in linguistics. I will use phylogenetic
2.8. Phylogenetics
41
methods to (a) comment on the treelike (or non-treelike) nature of the Awyu-Dumut
data and (b) to determine the relationships between Awyu-Dumut languages, and
especially to determine where Kombai fits in the Awyu-Dumut family tree, something that could not be determined using the sound changes established using the
comparative method. These analyses are based on the 430-item lexicon described in
detail in Section 2.1 and found in Appendix A.
Phylogenetic methods are a powerful addition to the comparative method in determining the evolutionary histories of languages. Whereas the comparative method
sees language evolution as entirely treelike, phylogenetic computational methods
view language change as variation in different character states; the various character states (be they lexical items, morphological items, phonological sound correspondences, etc.) can each tell a different story.
The comparative method assumes that the development of separate languages
occurs in a linear, hierarchical fashion and aims to produce one specific family tree,
leaving no room for alternatives. As a result, trees in the comparative method exclude any horizontal transfer. However, lexical evidence shows that multiple cognacy patterns occur within one language family, and that there are therefore multiple conflicting trees that can account for the data. It is also clear that horizontal
transfers between different languages or subgroups of a language family occur. The
seven lexical items in Table 2.26 each present a different cognacy pattern; not one
word is coded exactly like another word. Some languages tend to go together, like
Yonggom Wambon and Digul Wambon (in 5 out of 7 words), but they do not always
do so, and in the case of dry, Digul Wambon groups with the Awyu languages rather
than with Yonggom Wambon. On the basis of Table 2.26, seven different trees can be
drawn to capture the development of the eight Awyu-Dumut languages. For phylogenetic models of language evolution, the fact that there are multiple evolutionary
histories within one language family is not problematic, as will become clear below where I present the results obtained by using (a) a split decomposition network
analysis and (b) a stochastic Bayesian tree model.
Table 2.26: Coded lexical items showing various cognate patterns
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
bone
breadfruit
chin
dry
flower
hair
torch
boge 1
begi 1
bagi 1
bigi 1
yuato 1
yowo 1
yawo 1
xã 2
gando-boge 1
tere-begi 2
makabi 3
te-bigi 2
kera 1
soxo 2
se 2
so 2
kete 1
ki 1
ki 1
ki 1
noxo 1
mo 2
rõ 3
xõ 4
xeino 1
sia 2
sia 2
xasisia 3
raot 3
rawot 3
lawot 3
ŋgandöm 1
maŋ
ŋgor-ip 4
maŋ
ŋgot 4
tomap 3
kerewet 4
sok 2
ket 1
ket 1
ketek 2
ron 3
ron 3
lon, mux 3, 2
eŋ
ŋgot 4
yaŋ
ŋgot 5
yaŋ
ŋgot 5
aluwo 3
gadu 1
roxe 2
xe 1
lo 3
kwaiyeria 6
mirap 2
YWB mit 2
DWB mit 2
MAN
KOM
fia 3
2. Proto Phonology and Phylogenetics
42
2.8.1
Coding of the lexical data
All 430 lexical items (except known borrowings) in the Awyu-Dumut dataset were
carefully coded for cognacy following the consonantal sound correspondences and
changes established using the comparative method. Table 2.26 shows the coding
of seven lexical items, while Appendix A contains the coding for all lexical items
in the 430-item word list.4 If a word has the same reflex in all Awyu-Dumut languages, all languages receive the same character value, indicating that the word is
cognate throughout the language family. When a language has a different lexical
item from another language, which might arise either through innovation or borrowing, that lexical item receives another character value, resulting in a new cognate class (also called ‘character state’). Thus for the word ‘bone’, Shiaxa, Yenimu,
Pisa and Aghu form cognate class one, marked by character value (1), Mandobo,
Yonggom Wambon and Digul Wambon form cognate class two, marked by character value (2), while Kombai forms a cognate class by itself, marked by (3). If a lexical
item cannot be established as a cognate reflex using established sound changes, it
gets a new character value. For example, the final /ek/ in Digul Wambon ketek
‘flower’ cannot be traced as originating in a regular sound change, and hence ketek
is assigned to a new cognate class. On the other hand, Shiaxa kete ‘flower’ is cognate
with other reflexes of the word ‘flower’ because Shiaxa is known to regularly add
epenthetic vowels at the end of words, ‘retaining’ the final consonant, as it does for
yuato ‘breadfruit.’
This coding method leaves room for multiple realizations of a word within one
language. Digul Wambon has both lon and mux for ‘hair’, and these two realizations
are each assigned to distinct cognate classes. This coding process resulted in a
8 x 430 matrix (8 x 430 = 3440 character states).
The data was then converted to binary coding, with a distinct binary character
for each combination of lexical item and cognate class. Table 2.27 contains the binary
code for three lexical items from Table 2.26. Taking ‘breadfruit’ as an example, we
see that each cognate class gets a separate column, and for each language it is noted
whether it has a reflex in that cognate class (1) or not (0). Thus the first column
asks “does this language have a reflex of yawol for ‘breadfruit’?” while the second
column asks “does this language have a reflex of xã for ‘breadfruit’?” and the third
column asks “does this language have a reflex of rawot for ‘breadfruit’?” and so
forth.
The resulting binary matrix (8x2280=18240 character states) forms the input for the
phylogenetic analyses presented in the next two sections.
4 The
Awyu-Dumut 430-item word list is much longer than word lists usually employed for phylogenetic methods. It contains both basic and non-basic vocabulary. Below, a Bayesian phylogenetic
analysis is also applied to a sub-list of basic vocabulary items within the 430-item word list, namely
lexical items which also occur on the Swadesh 100 word list.
2.8. Phylogenetics
43
Table 2.27: Cognate sets from Table 2.26 expressed in a binary matrix
breadfruit
meaning
dry
hair
cognate set
1
2
3
1
2
3
4
1
2
3
4
SHI
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
0
0
1
1
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
1
0
1
1
1
1
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
YEN
PSA
AXU
MAN
YWB
DWB
KOM
2.8.2
NeighborNet network graph
A network graph shows what patterns exist in the data and what the possible relationships between the different languages are. Such a graph is not acyclic and hence
does not appear as a tree showing an explicit evolutionary scenario. Rather, it shows
how the data do not fit a tree exactly (Nichols & Warnow 2008:763-764). A network
graph partitions languages into groups according to whether or not they share a
particular character state (Holton & Robinson 2012:134). When there are conflicting signals in the data, these are represented as multiple branches connecting the
languages, or as Nichols & Warnow (2008) put it: “the internal nodes of [a network]
graph do not represent ancestors of the given languages, but are introduced in order
to make possible the representation of the conflict between the different splits that
are produced in the data analysis” (Nichols & Warnow 2008:764). Parallel lines in
a network graph may represent contact events, borrowing or homoplasy (Nichols
& Warnow 2008:764). The greater the ‘webbing’ in the center of the graph, the less
treelike the data is.
The computer program SplitsTree (Huson & Bryant 2006) was used to generate
a network graph of the Awyu-Dumut lexical data using the NeighborNet algorithm
(Huson & Bryant 2006). I followed Gray et al. (2010) and Holton & Robinson (2012)
in using gene content distances as the distance metric in the NeighborNet analysis.
Figure 2.1 contains the network graph thus produced.
2. Proto Phonology and Phylogenetics
44
KOM
KOM
MAN
MAN
YEN
SHI
SHI
YWB
YWB
DWB
DWB
PSA
PSA
AXU
AXU
Figure 2.1: NeigborNet network graph of Awyu-Dumut languages
The network graph in Figure 2.1 suggests that there are several subgroups in the
Awyu-Dumut family. Shiaxa, Yenimu, Pisa and Aghu group together on one end,
while Mandobo, Yonggom Wambon and Digul Wambon are together on the other
end. Kombai is part of neither subgroup, though closer to the Dumut subgroup
than to the Awyu subgroup. Furthermore, Mandobo and Yonggom Wambon seem
to form a further subgroup in the Dumut group, while the Awyu group can be divided into Shiaxa and Yenimu versus Pisa and Aghu. The parallel lines throughout
the graph indicate instances of contact between Awyu-Dumut languages, while the
length of the branches indicate each language’s differentiation from the proto language.
To get a clearer picture of the degree of treelike signal present in the data, I calculated a delta score using the SplitsTree program. For a detailed explanation and
discussion of delta scores, see Gray et al. (2010:3925-3928). The average delta score
for the Awyu-Dumut languages is 0.26. Comparing this delta score to the delta
scores calculated for much larger language families (.22 for Indo-European, but .41
for Austronesian, Gray et al. 2010), the Awyu-Dumut data seem to emit a moderately treelike signal.
2.8.3
Bayesian analysis
Bayesian phylogenetic methods calculate a statistical tree that best fits the data. For
data that are not entirely treelike, a Bayesian analysis generates multiple trees and
calculates the most likely tree, with percentage measures indicating how likely each
split in a tree is. Nichols & Warnow (2008:774) provide a clear explanation of how
Bayesian methods work:
2.8. Phylogenetics
45
Bayesian methods used in phylogenetics utilize the following basic algorithmic strategy. The algorithm begins with an initial model tree (i.e.,
a rooted tree with initial values for each of the associated parameters of
evolution). Then, the algorithm follows a ‘random walk’ through ‘model
tree space’, at each point computing the probability of the observed sequences being produced by the given model tree. If this probability is
higher than the previously computed probability, the move to the new
model tree is accepted; if it is lower, the move is accepted with some
lower probability. After a ‘burn-in’ period, the random walk is supposed
to be in the stationary distribution, and then the algorithm randomly
samples from the model tree space that it visits. This collection of model
trees is then used to produce a probability distribution on the space of
model trees. A standard output of a Bayesian analysis is a consensus tree
(usually the majority consensus tree) of the sampled trees. Sometimes,
however, the tree appearing the most frequently (called the ‘maximum
posterior probability tree’) is returned.
It is important to note that the statistical tree generated by a Bayesian analysis is
different from a family tree reconstructed using the comparative method. Whereas
the comparative method leads to the reconstruction of one absolute tree, a Bayesian
analysis generates the tree that is statistically most likely and that best fits the data.
Bayesian methods do not produce a single tree but a probability distribution on
the set of trees that they generate. The comparative method is essentialistic and
absolute, while Bayesian methods are probabilistic, taking into account the nonessentialist nature of language.
A Bayesian analysis using a Markov Chain Monte Carlo (MCMC) algorithm was
performed on the Awyu-Dumut lexical dataset with several different models, using
the MrBayes program (version 3.2.1, Ronquist & Huelsenbeck (2003)). Each model
was run for 750,000 generations with a sampling rate of 150 and a burn-in of 25
percent, which discarded the first quarter of all samples. The number of chains
used was four and the number of runs done on the data was two. The best performing model was a gamma distribution model which sampled across the substitution model space.5 Korowai was used as an outgroup to root the Bayesian tree.
Figure 2.2 shows the maximum clade credibility tree thus generated. The first
thing to note is that all branches and subbranches have 100% probability, meaning
that all of the optimal trees make these divisions. The Bayesian tree, like the NeighborNet network graph, supports the subgrouping of Awyu languages versus Dumut languages. It further shows that Kombai is closer to the Dumut languages than
5 This
model was compared to a gamma distribution model in which all substitutions had the same rate.
The computer program Tracer (Rambaut & Drummond 2009,
http://tree.bio.ed.ac.uk/software/tracer/) was used to calculate Bayes Factors to determine which
model performed best (see Kass & Raftery (1995) for a discussion of Bayes Factors). The different
models performed almost equally well, but the gamma distribution model with no a priori substitution model did slightly better. The Tracer program was also used to test the effective sample size of
the various analyses to ascertain that the samples were not auto-correlated.
46
2. Proto Phonology and Phylogenetics
to the Awyu languages, forming a subgroup with them, as also concluded by Voorhoeve using lexicostatistic methods. Within the Dumut languages, Mandobo and
Yonggom Wambon form a subgroup, whereas the Awyu subgroup consists of two
further subgroups: Shiaxa and Yenimu versus Aghu and Pisa.
Figure 2.2: Bayesian rooted tree based on 430-item word list
In order to see whether a different result would be achieved if only traditional
‘basic vocabulary’ were considered, the same model was run on a subset of the
430-item word list containing basic vocabulary items also found in the Swadesh 100
word list; this subset consisted of 91 lexical items. This analysis arrived at a very
similar Bayesian tree supporting the same subgrouping as the tree based on the
430-item word list, as shown in Figure 2.3. This can be interpreted as meaning that
this tree is robust, and that the full 430-item word-list containing non-basic vocabulary emits the same phylogenetic signal as the subset consisting of only basic
vocabulary.
2.9. Summary
47
Figure 2.3: Bayesian rooted tree based on Swadesh subset of word list
2.9
Summary
This chapter confirmed Awyu-Dumut as a language family using the comparative
method, before turning to phylogenetic methods to establish the subgroups of the
language family. The application of the comparative method to the lexical data in
this chapter is more transparent - and perhaps more rigorous - than the application
of the comparative method by Healey (1970) and Voorhoeve (2001). Sound correspondences and changes were established before the subgroups of the language
family were established, an approach not taken by Healey and Voorhoeve. Furthermore, the current analysis was based on a complete 430-item word list for all eight
Awyu-Dumut languages and Korowai. Healey based his analysis on around 200
lexical items in six Awyu-Dumut languages. Although Voorhoeve had more data
than Healey, he only had around 200 words for both Digul Wambon and Kombai,
and did not include Korowai at all. Extra data kindly collected within the last year
by HongTae Jang and Song-Kyu Chi for Digul Wambon and Kombai provided me
with a complete dataset on which to base my analyses.
Phylogenetic methods showed that a statistical tree with high probabilities for
the placement of all Awyu-Dumut languages can be generated. Awyu and Dumut
have been shown by multiple methods to be two subgroups, while the Bayesian
analysis indicated that Kombai is best classified as forming a subgroup with the Dumut languages. In the reconstructive efforts of the next chapters, Proto Awyu and
Proto Dumut proto morphemes will be reconstructed before Kombai data is incorporated to reconstruct a Proto Awyu-Dumut form (thus no reconstruction is done
48
2. Proto Phonology and Phylogenetics
for the potential sub-node that would link Kombai and Dumut languages together).
Korowai will not be taken into consideration in these reconstructions, as its position
within the Awyu-Dumut language family is deemed too uncertain, and because previously published research has shown that Korowai has little bound morphology in
common with the other Awyu-Dumut languages (de Vries et al. 2012). The conclusion of this book will discuss whether the subgroups generated by the phylogenetic
methods applied to the lexicon are also supported by the shared innovations and
retentions found in Awyu-Dumut morphology.
3
Nouns and Adjectives
Nouns and adjectives are in the minority in Awyu-Dumut languages; in frequency
and complexity they are greatly superseded by verbs. The nouns and adjectives that
do occur in Awyu-Dumut languages have very little morphology. Some possessive
and number morphology does exist, as described in Sections 3.3 and 3.4. In addition,
Awyu-Dumut kinship terms have morphology not found on other nouns (Section
3.5). This chapter begins with a description of Awyu-Dumut adjectives (Section
3.1) and compound nouns (Section 3.2) and concludes with a discussion of nominal
coordinators (Section 3.6).
3.1
Adjectives
All Awyu-Dumut languages have adjectives that function as modifiers of nouns,
though they are infrequent. The adjectives that one is most likely to find are words
that specify dimension, value and age, thus words for ‘small, large, good, bad, old,
new’ and so forth. These types of adjectives are likely to occur in any adjectival
inventory, however small it is (Dixon 1982:46). An Awyu-Dumut adjective follows
the noun it modifies but need not follow the noun directly.
In the three Dumut languages as well as in Kombai, adjectives can be reduplicated to yield plural adjectives; a plural adjective may occur when the noun that the
adjective modifies has a plural referent. Adjectives can be either partly or entirely
reduplicated. In (1), there are multiple men who came, while (2) talks about more
than one pig, which is indicated by the second adjective ‘big’, rather than the first
adjective ‘young’.
(1)
Kagup mba-mbari mi-gin-in.
human adult-adult come-REAL-NON 1 PL
‘The adult humans came.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:118)
(2)
U mun mbo ndigio-gen-on
do
ko-goneni ke-gen.
pig young that fatten-REAL-NON 1 PL CONN big-big be-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘When they fatten the young pigs, they become big.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:22)
3. Nouns and Adjectives
50
In the same languages where we find reduplication, namely in Dumut languages
and Kombai, we also find intensifiers that, by and large, mean ‘very’ and thus emphasize that the noun has the quality expressed by the adjective to a high degree.
The Mandobo intensifier is mep (3).
(3)
u mep
koneni togümo-r-o-an.
pig INTENS big
buy-REAL-1SG-PST
‘I bought a very large pig.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:107)
The intensifiers found in Awyu-Dumut languages are listed in Table 3.1. The intensifiers follow the adjective, except the Yonggom Wambon intensifier monop and the
Mandobo intensifier mep, which precede the adjective.
Table 3.1: Dumut and Kombai intensifiers
language
intensifier(s)
Yonggom Wambon
Digul Wambon
Mandobo
Kombai
monop
mbalin
arap, eren, kariagap, mep
rabo
Awyu-Dumut adjectives occur independently and have no morphology that
marks them as being adjectives, except in Yonggom Wambon, Aghu and Kombai,
which have optional adjectival markers that follow the adjective. The Yonggom
Wambon adjective markers are -op, -matan and -mban (Drabbe 1959:118), the Aghu
adjective marker is -axa (4), while the Kombai adjective marker is -xe.
(4)
tadi-axa
large-ADJ
‘large’ Aghu (Drabbe 1957:6)
To summarize, all Awyu-Dumut languages have specific adjectives that modify
nouns. In Kombai, Aghu and Yonggom Wambon, an optional adjectival marker
may occur. In Dumut languages and Kombai, adjectives can be reduplicated when
the noun they modify is plural. Dumut and Kombai adjectives can be modified by
intensifiers. The appearance of adjectives in Awyu-Dumut texts is very infrequent.
3.2
Compound Nouns
A compound noun consists of two or more nouns, and its meaning is either more
specific or entirely different than the combined meanings of the words that make
up the compound. Shopen (2007) distinguishes three different kinds of compound
nouns:
1. Endocentric compounds denote a subclass of items referred to by one
of their elements; this element can be treated as the head of the
3.2. Compound Nouns
51
compound [...] The semantic relationship between the components
of endocentric compounds can be of a genitive or part-whole type
(soap-dish). Or one component may modify the other (e.g. blackbird).
2. Exocentric compounds denote something which is different from either of their components (e.g. egghead); they cannot be reduced to
any one of their components.
3. Coordinate compounds consist of two juxtaposed nouns which refer
to a unitary concept, e.g. Bengali chele-mee (boy-girl) ‘children’, Sanskrit mata-pitarau (mother-father) ‘parents’, Russian hleb-solj (breadsalt) ‘Russian hospitality’; they can be considered a kind of exocentric compound since their meanings equal that of neither component. (Shopen 2007:30-31)
In Awyu-Dumut languages both endocentric and coordinate compounds occur.
Drabbe refers to endocentric compounds as ‘compounds of the Germanic ‘tree trunk’
type, as found in all known Papuan languages,’1 noting that the modifying noun
comes first and receives stress. Table 3.2 gives examples of endocentric nouns from
all Awyu-Dumut languages,2 where stress is indicated on the first noun of the compound by a grave accent ( `).
The modifying noun does not always come first in an Awyu-Dumut endocentric
compound noun; it may come second in Mandobo and Aghu, and then still receives
stress. For Mandobo, Drabbe notes that the modifier only comes second when the
compound means ‘a type of X’, where X is specified by the head noun and what
type it is by the modifying noun, as in in tomèt, in komütì, in ndambèt, which are
all different types of trees (where in=tree). Similarly, in Aghu, a general noun such
as ‘bird’ can come first, and the type of bird is then specified by the second noun.
Thus kuso is the general name for marsupials, rats and mice, while kuso-baxì means
‘kangaroo’, kuso-maxikò is a ‘field mouse’, and kuso-yowò refers to a ‘rat’ in Aghu.
Coordinate compounds are not as frequent as endocentric compounds in AwyuDumut languages, and examples of coordinate compounds are only found in the
grammar descriptions of Yonggom Wambon, Mandobo and Kombai. For Yonggom
Wambon and Mandobo, Drabbe clearly distinguishes coordinate nouns from endocentric nouns, noting that in coordinate compounds, both nouns receive stress
(Drabbe 1959:12, 117). The two nouns that make up the coordinate compound noun
in Yonggom Wambon can be joined by the connective -o. Most coordinate compounds fall within the semantic domains of family or edibles, as becomes clear from
the list of coordinate compound nouns given in Table 3.3.
1 “samenstelling
van het Germaanse type ‘boomstam’, die men vindt in alle bekende Papoeatalen”(Drabbe 1959:12)
2 Yenimu is not included in Table 3.2, as the little data available on Yenimu does not contain
endocentric compound nouns.
3 The anthropologist Stasch notes that, in Korowai, the dyad ‘cassowary-pig’ is metaphorically
used to refer to the relationship between uncle (mother’s brother) and nephew (sister’s son). He
3. Nouns and Adjectives
52
Table 3.2: Awyu-Dumut endocentric nouns
YWB
DWB
MAN
AXU
PSA
SHI
KOM
word
meaning
literal meaning
Kawòn mogot
yùr andui
itìt wagot
el-ap
kelop-ok
ndù-mirop
mbümàn-mirap
ìn-mogüp
taŋŋgòn-top
woküè-õ
naŋŋgì-maga
wì-ba
uì wobu
karuwè mugo
jì ro
wòdei-bei
mouth of Kao river
yur tree trunk
cassowary egg
nest
tear
place of sago preparation
spine
tree top
armpit cavity
cassowary feathers
dogs teeth
pigs kennel
pigs tail
cassowary egg
tree fruit
riverbank
Kao-river mouth
yurtree-tree trunk
casssowary-egg
bird-house
eye-water
sago-place
back-bone
tree-top
armpit-hole
cassowary-hair
dog-teeth
pig-kennel
pig-tail
cassowary-egg
tree-fruit
river-bank
Sources: Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:117); Digul Wambon (Jang 2008:70-71); Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:12); Aghu (Drabbe
1957:4); Pisa (Drabbe 1950:97); Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:97); Kombai (de Vries 1993)
Table 3.3: Awyu-Dumut coordinate compound nouns
YWB
MAN
KOM
word
meaning
literal meaning
yanoi yanati
yasarip yakopari
itir-o-kurup
tenor-o-kayok
ndun-o-kom
tir-o-yagip
ŋgin-o-kerop
tere-ŋŋgoromut
itit-taon
ndu-yog-anen
raŋŋgen-mom
momo-laŋŋge
parents
couple
big game animals
vegetables
vegetarian food
garden produce
face
insects
big wild animals
vegetarian food
family
family
his mother-his father
his wife-her husband
cassowary-forest pig3
genumu plant-climbing plant
sago-?
banana-garden
head-eye
grasshopper-spider
cassowary-forest pig
sago-garden.produce-eat
sisters son-mothers brother
mothers brother-sisters son
Sources: Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:117); Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:12-13); Kombai (de Vries 1987)
notes that “part of what the statement says about the uncle-nephew relationship is that this bond
stands out markedly against the broader run of human relations, in the strange and valuable manner
that pig and cassowary stand out against the broader run of animals. Korowai do not recognize pigs
as belonging to the taxonomic class “mammal” and they do not consider cassowaries “birds”. The
animals are too much bigger than other members of those classes and too morphologically and behaviorally different from them. They are each one of a kind. Instead, the two are paired together as
“pig-cassowary,” based on their common taxonomic oddity, their anthropomorphization, and their
extraordinary value as game. The aphorism says in effect that uncle-nephew relations are the valu-
3.3. Possession
3.3
53
Possession
The default way to express possession in Awyu-Dumut languages is to juxtapose the
possessor and the possessee (with the possessor first), and to place prosodic stress
on the possessee. In addition to juxtaposing possessor and possessee, all AwyuDumut languages can make use of possessive pronouns to encode possession. The
possessive pronoun is placed between the possessor and the possessee, much as
in Dutch ‘Ruth haar proefschrift’ (literally: Ruth her dissertation, so Ruth’s dissertation). In Awyu-Dumut languages there need not be an explicit reference to the
possessor, although there can be. Possessive pronouns and their exact usage are
discussed in further detail in Section 4.2.
Pisa can use possessive pronouns to express possession, but it more frequently
makes use of a possessive marker na, ‘of’. This na4 appears between the two nouns
that stand in a possessive relation to each other, for example nabo na xãy, literally
‘father of house’, which means ‘father’s house’. The possessive marker na is also
found in Mandobo.5 For example, in Mandobo, both u gatèt (juxtaposed, with stress
on the possessee) and u na gatet mean ‘the pig’s leftover food’. Drabbe claims that
possessive na also occurs in Aghu. However, as it only occurs in Aghu before a
vowel-initial possessee and is then shortened to n, it is better analyzed as a transitional nasal; both vowel-initial and consonant-initial possessees are juxtaposed to
their possessor in Aghu. There are no occurrences of a possessive marker na in
Yonggom Wambon, Digul Wambon or Kombai.
Example (5) from Mandobo contains the three possessive constructions found in
Awyu-Dumut languages: juxtaposition (u gater), possessive pronoun (yeŋŋgine n’anemo)
and possessive marker na (anemo na gatet).
(5)
U gater
ete
komo ŋgun-owon
ge na-ŋŋgaŋŋgo, yengine
pig food.rests CONN put burn.magically-1PL be say-CAUS 3PL.POSS
n-anemo
na gatet
komo ŋgun-on.
tr.nasal-son.in.law POSS food.rests put burn.magically-NON 1 PL
‘Thinking/saying ‘let us burn the pig’s food rests’, they burn their son-inlaw’s food rests (instead).’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:29)
3.4
Plurality
It is rare for the plurality of a noun to be overtly expressed in Awyu-Dumut languages. Instead the listener must rely on context to determine whether a certain
noun is singular or plural. However, if the context does not contain enough clues,
able category of oddballs of kinship experience” (Stasch 2009:118).
4 It must be noted that the 1 SG possessive pronoun is na in all Awyu-Dumut languages except
Mandobo. As possessive pronouns also occur in possessive contexts, 1SG.POSS na is a likely source
of the possessive marker na.
5 Mandobo has ne and n’ as allomorphs of na.
3. Nouns and Adjectives
54
the speaker may reduplicate a noun to indicate its plurality. As Drabbe notes for
Mandobo, “as an indication of plurality the noun is sometimes reduplicated, but
only if otherwise the meaning is not clear. One at times hears küap-küap ‘men’,
and tarap-tarap ‘houses’; however, most often one must determine from the context whether a singular or a plural meaning is meant.”6 Reduplication of nouns is
attested in all Awyu-Dumut languages except Shiaxa, Yenimu and Kombai, whose
grammars contain no data on reduplication of nouns.
In Awyu languages, in addition to reduplication, the third person plural pronoun yoxo can be used to indicate that the noun that it follows has a plural referent.
The verb conjugation is then also plural (6).
(6)
Wi yoxo temko-x-enã
pig 3PL go.away-REAL-NON 1 PL
‘The pigs ran away.’ Aghu (Drabbe 1957:5)
As in Aghu, yoxo can indicate plurality in Pisa and Shiaxa, for example Pisa éna fa
yoxo means ‘his friends’, while Shiaxa chopoxoy yoxo means ‘the commanders’. The
plural pronoun yoxo was only found to follow subject nouns, not object nouns.
In addition to reduplication and the use of the third person pronoun in Awyu
languages, the plurality of a noun can be expressed by reduplicating the adjective
that modifies it (as described in Section 3.1) or by using an iterative verb stem (as
described in Section 8.2).
3.5
Kinship Terms
Kinship terms are frequent in Awyu-Dumut languages because the use of personal
names is avoided. Stasch explains for the Korowai:7
Although Korowai have proper names, speakers rarely call people by
name in their presence [...] Instead, Korowai call each other by kinship
terms and kinship-based expressions emphasizing people’s locations in
social bonds. (Stasch 2009:77)
There are three interesting things to note about kinship terms in Awyu-Dumut languages. First, some Awyu-Dumut languages have separate forms of address and
reference, while others do not. Second, kinship terms in all Awyu-Dumut languages
have their own plural marker. And third, Awyu-Dumut kinship terms tend to cooccur with possessive pronouns, in certain cases merging with the possessive pronoun. Table 3.4 contains all known Awyu-Dumut kinship terms.
6 “als
aanduiding van het meervoud worden sommige substantieven wel eens verdubbeld, maar
alleen als de bedoeling anders niet duidelijk is; zo hoort men wel eens küap-küap ‘mensen’, en taraptarap ‘huizen’; meestal echter moet uit de samenhang worden opgemaakt of een enkelvoud of een
meervoud wordt bedoelt” (Drabbe 1959:16).
7 Although Korowai is only distantly related linguistically to Awyu-Dumut languages, as shown
in Chapter 2, culturally they are quite similar.
3.5. Kinship Terms
55
Table 3.4: Awyu-Dumut kinship terms
DWB
F
M
EB
YB
EZ
YZ
MM / FM
MF / FF
YWB
YWB
MAN
MAN
(address)
(reference)
(address)
(reference)
natiop
enanop
anerop
mbaeop
nati
noi
(a)net
nan
(n)ani
mbiat
nomben
mbae
nombap
néyap
anérop
nanan
anéyap
nanan
ayèyop
ambayop
konép
mom
raŋŋgen
neti
nauwi
(a)net
nan
ani
nan, embiat
ayè
ambai
konép
mom
raŋŋgen
AXU
PSA
SHI
YEN
KOM
eto
api
exo
küda
eni
küda
itime
anisi
bo
ni
kapù
kudè
de
kudè
wi
si
ası̃
mõ
ayè
wini
yaxà
kudà
ni
kudà
anè
nimu
ayè
wini
yaxò
kudà
néni
némé
anè
y’enéti
are
yeni
nai
wabü
nani
wabü
ama
ndare
xuni
momo
laŋŋge
mbap
ni, nayap
(na)net
nana(n)
onop
yanaŋŋgot
asek
embayop
aniop
randui
WM
MB
mom
ZS
F
M
EB
YB
EZ
YZ
MM / FM
MF / FF
WM
MB
ZS
omõ
agı̃
Sources: Digul Wambon (Hughes 2009), (de Vries & Wiersma 1992), (Jang 2008:84, 129); Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:117,
120, 168); Mandobo (Boelaars 1970), (Drabbe 1959); Aghu (Drabbe 1957:7, 48); Pisa (Drabbe 1950:135); Shiaxa (Drabbe
1950:135); Yenimu (Drabbe 1950:135); Kombai (de Vries 1987)
For Yonggom Wambon and Mandobo, separate address forms and reference forms
of kinship terms were found in Drabbe (1959:120) and Boelaars (1970). The address
form is used when speaking to the family member directly, while the reference form
is used when talking about a specific family member in conversation; an English
equivalent would be the use of the two terms ‘dad’ and ‘(my) father’. For Yonggom
Wambon, the element -op is added to the reference form to yield an address form.8
Most Mandobo address forms are also a combination of the reference form and op or -ap. For Digul Wambon, it can be hypothesized that nayap ‘mother’ and embayop ‘grandfather’ are address forms, while all other Digul Wambon kinship terms
listed in Table 3.5 are reference forms. Thus the three Dumut languages, Yonggom
Wambon, Mandobo and Digul Wambon, each have kinship address forms ending
in -op or -ap, as well as separate reference kinship terms. For Kombai, de Vries
(1987:108) states that he did not find different forms for terms of address and of
8 Except
in the case of ‘younger sister’, where the reference form is mbiat but the addressee form
is not mbialop, but randui. Randui literally means ‘little girl’ (Drabbe 1959:120).
3. Nouns and Adjectives
56
reference. The same can be said of the Awyu languages described by Drabbe: the
grammars do not contain examples of an opposition between kinship reference and
kinship address terms. Thus Dumut languages make a distinction between address
and reference kinship terms, while Awyu languages and Kombai do not.
In addition to having an elaborate system of reference and address kinship terms,
most Awyu-Dumut languages have a separate plural marker used only with kinship terms. A specific kinship plural marker occurs in the three Dumut languages
as well as in Aghu and Pisa. Table 3.5 lists the plural suffixes used with kinship
terms in these languages, while (7) contains two plural kinship terms from Yonggom Wambon.
(7)
te:
ŋgo
nan-ŋŋgui
Ngurŋŋgoron ŋga raga-t
Ngurŋŋgoron ERG say-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN: 2SG.POSS younger.brother-PL
e,
ŋgo
nen-ŋŋgui
e
Matiram ŋga ŋgotonde e-no
TOP 2 SG . POSS elder.brother- PL TOP Matiram ERG kill
eat-NON . CLOSE
mir e
top me agumo...
bones TOP ditch come throw.in...
‘Ngurŋŋgoron said: your younger brothers, your older brothers, Matiram
killed them, ate them and put the bones in a ditch...’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe
1959:153-154)
The plural marking on Awyu-Dumut kinship terms, the only nouns with a plural marker, might have originated in a cultural practice of taboo and avoidance.
Stasch notes that Korowai mothers-in-law and their sons-in-law stand in a taboo
relationship and out of politeness avoid speaking of each other in the singular, preferring plural forms instead (Stasch 2009:86). The kinship plural marker can be reconstructed as *-gi for Proto Awyu, *-ŋŋgu(i) for Proto Dumut and *-ŋŋgV for Proto
Awyu-Dumut.
Table 3.5: Awyu-Dumut kinship plural markers
Yonggom Wambon
Digul Wambon
Mandobo
Aghu
Pisa
-ŋŋgui
-ŋŋguye
-ŋŋgu
-gi
-gi
Concerning kinship terms and possession, Drabbe (1950:101) already notes that “in
some Papuan languages, personal or possessive pronouns are tightly interwoven
with kinship terms.”9 Again, an anthropological explanation can be given: in AwyuDumut languages, kinship terms express a dyadic relationship. They do not refer
to one person, as such, but to the relationship in which that person stands to the
9 “In
sommige Papoea-talen worden persoonlijke of bezittelijke voornaamwoorden heel nauw
verbonden met verwantschapsnamen” (Drabbe 1950:101).
3.6. Coordination of Nouns
57
speaker or another person (Stasch 2009:72). Awyu-Dumut kinship terms are not
inherently possessed, but it is rare for a kinship term to occur without the ‘possessor’
of that particular kin being named. Thus Drabbe notes that Aghu eto ‘father’ is
realized as neto when it concerns the speaker’s own father (neto means ‘my father’),
while geto means ‘your father’. In neto, eto has combined with the 1SG possessive
pronoun na, while geto is ga (2SG.POSS) plus eto. Aghu neto has the same form as
Yonggom Wambon and Mandobo nati/neti. The initial /n/ or /nV/ in Mandobo and
Yonggom Wambon neti/nati, as well as in many other instances, should be analyzed
as expressing possessiveness rather than as being part of the kinship term. This
reanalysis of n(V) would explain why Drabbe talks about ‘elder sister’ as ani in his
texts but lists nani for the same lexical item in his wordlist. The difference between
Digul Wambon mbap and Mandobo nombap is then also easily explained, as well as
the difference between nanan and nan for ‘younger brother’ in Dumut languages.
The initial /n/ could have the 1SG possessive pronoun as its source, but Drabbe
notes that, in Pisa, na is a general possessive marker, as discussed in Section 3.3 on
possession. Drabbe also notes that kinship terms which begin with /n/ or /na/
are not always possessed by the person speaking. They rather express an absolute,
definite form of the kinship term, for example nabo and namun ‘the Father’ and ‘the
Son’ cited by Drabbe as terms for God the Father and God the Son of the Christian
Trinity.10 Another indication that the initial /n/ does not express (or no longer
expresses) 1SG meaning is that, in Yonggom Wambon, na nati is used to say ‘my
father’, while ŋgo nati means ‘your father’; nati is also used when the possessor is
not the speaker himself. What is clear is that the initial /n/ found in many AwyuDumut kinship terms expresses possession, and that it probably has its origin in
another possessive marking strategy.
3.6
Coordination of Nouns
According to a typological study of noun coordination done by Stassen (2000), there
are two strategies that languages can employ to coordinate nouns, either by using
an element meaning ‘and’ or an element meaning ‘with’. Stassen notes that, typologically, pure WITH languages are rare; rather, elements meaning ‘with’ tend to develop into coordinators with meaning ‘and’ in the world’s languages. Awyu-Dumut
languages all have a reflex of a comitative marker kup that functions as a nominal
coordinator, and thus can be classified as WITH languages, albeit with a grammaticalized ‘with’ element. Dumut languages, in addition to having a grammaticalized
comitative marker, also have a grammaticalized focus marker te that functions as a
nominal coordinator.
What distinguishes the coordinating function of the comitative marker and focus
marker from their original functions is that they are repeated after each element
of the enumeration when they have a coordinating function. Thus ‘X kup Y kup’
10 Note,
however, that it must have been Drabbe who, as a Catholic missionary, introduced these
terms into Awyu-Dumut languages; they can hardly have been indigenous.
3. Nouns and Adjectives
58
means ‘X and Y’, while ‘X kup Y’ means ‘X with Y’ in Awyu-Dumut languages. The
doubling of a coordinator is common in verb-final languages (Shopen 2007:46).
In Section 3.6.1, the comitative marker kup is discussed, whereas focus marker
te and its development into a nominal coordinator are discussed in Section 3.6.2.
Section 3.6.3 describes a third nominal coordinator found in Digul Wambon and
Kombai, namely =o. It will be shown that, for Proto Awyu-Dumut, a nominal coordinator *kup can be reconstructed, which has the reflex *ku in Proto Awyu and *kup
in Proto Dumut. The focus marker te is also hypothesized to have already developed
into a nominal coordinator in Proto Dumut.
3.6.1
Comitative kup as nominal coordinator
In Awyu-Dumut languages, the element *-kup11 functions as a coordinator of nouns,
occurring after all members of a coordination. In Mandobo, köp does not occur as a
coordinator, but only as a comitative marker (16). Neither does Drabbe give an example of Yenimu ka functioning as a coordinator. Examples (8-13) illustrate the coordinating role of kup (or its cognate) in Yonggom Wambon, Digul Wambon, Aghu,
Pisa, Shiaxa and Kombai, respectively.
(8) Ran
kup,
kagup kup
kimbarukmo Wambon
woman COORD man COORD swim.IT
Wambon.area
mendi-r-in-an.
come-REAL-NON 1 PL-PST
‘Women and men came to the Wambon area swimming.’
Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe
1959:146)
susu-ŋŋgup
(9) Belanda-n=o
kav=e
loti-ŋŋgup
Dutch-tr.nasal=CONN man=TOP bread-COORD milk-COORD
ene-mo-knd-e
eat.IT-do-REAL-NON 1 PL
‘Dutch men eat bread and milk.’
Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:71)
(10) Ã
go
xobası̃ go
sũ ba-x-enã.
woman COORD men COORD feast prepare-REAL-NON 1 PL
‘Women and men prepare the feast.’ Aghu (Drabbe 1957:80)
11 ku in Pisa (Drabbe 1950:107), xu in Kombai (de Vries 1993:46-48), ko in Aghu (Drabbe 1957:6) and
Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:107), ka in Yenimu (Drabbe 1950:107) and köp in Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:55).
Shiaxa ko and Mandobo köp can be established as cognate to -kup (found in Digul Wambon and
Yonggom Wambon) on the basis of regular sound correspondences, namely
1. PA *u >Shiaxa /o/
2. PD *u >Mandobo /ö/
Aghu ko and Yenimu ka cannot be traced to kup on the basis of regular sound correspondences but
are considered cognates based on their form (kV) and function (as nominal coordinators).
3.6. Coordination of Nouns
59
(11) nu-ku
gu-ku
I-COORD you-COORD
‘I and you’ Pisa (Drabbe 1950:107)
(12) waye
ko
wawini
ko
his.father COORD his.mother COORD
‘his father and his mother’ Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:107)
(13) Ola-xu
xe-wabü
Fiabo-xu
xuroxuro
Ola-COORD 3SG.POSS-younger.brother Fiabo-COORD each.other
unafa-no
hit-[REAL].NON 1 PL
‘Ola and his younger brother Fiabo hit each other.’
Kombai (de Vries 1993:48)
The element *kup, when it does not occur in a coordination environment, can be
described as a comitative marker that has the interpretation ‘with’ (14-17) or ‘also’.
(14) Wano nde-ma-l=e
nexep-kup ka-wa
fellow come-do-REAL[NON 1 SG]=TOP he-COMIT go-1PL
ma-l-ewa-ta.
do-REAL-1PL-AFFIRM
‘When that fellow comes, we will go with him.’
Digul Wambon (Jang 2008:82)
(15) No kup
pa-gen
1SG COMIT sit-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘He was with me.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:120)
(16) Ene taget
köp.
3SG shell.money COMIT
‘He is with shell money (he has money).’
Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:55)
(17) Nani-xu
bo-xu-g-i.
my.mother-COMIT DUR-ill.be-REAL-NON 1 SG
‘My mother is also ill.’ Kombai (de Vries 1993:46)
Stassen notes that a comitative marker can develop into a coordinator in verb-final
languages by doubling:
The creation of a coordinate NP structure involves the ‘doubling’ of the
comitative marker, so that this marker becomes associated with both NP’s
instead of just the second NP [...] The double occurrence of the comitative
marker signals the equality in rank, and hence essentially coordinate status, of the syntactic relation between the two NP’s. (Stassen 2000:31-32)
This is clearly what happens in Awyu-Dumut languages as well: the coordinator
kup originated as a comitative marker, and this comitative marker then doubled after
3. Nouns and Adjectives
60
each NP. Schachter & Shopen (2007) also find that ‘and’ and ‘with’ are expressed by
the same word in many languages and that, historically, ‘and’ develops from ‘with’
(Schachter & Shopen 2007:46-47). The same is found by Mithun (1988:339-343) in
an interesting chapter on the grammaticalization of coordination. She notes that
an adverbial with the meaning ‘also’ or ‘with’ that develops into a coordinator will
only coordinate nominals, not appearing with conjoined verbs or clauses (Mithun
1988:342). This seems to hold for Awyu-Dumut languages; kup does not occur as a
coordinator after verbs or clauses.
3.6.2
Focus marker te as nominal coordinator
In addition to *-kup, Dumut languages have a focus element *te,12 which functions
as a coordinator when it is repeated after each noun in a coordination. The definition
of ‘focus marker’ used in this book is as follows:
Focus: the part of a proposition that makes the proposition into an assertion and that is emphasized by the speaker so the hearer may know it is
informative.
This definition is based on Lambrecht’s and Halliday’s definitions of focus, which
reads as follows: “Focus is the element of information whereby the presupposition
and the assertion differ from each other. The focus is that portion of a proposition
which cannot be taken for granted at the time of speech. It is the unpredictable or
pragmatically non-recoverable element in an utterance. The focus is what makes
an utterance into an assertion” (Lambrecht 1994:207) and “[i]nformation focus is
one kind of emphasis, whereby the speaker marks out a part (which may be the
whole) of a message block as that which he wishes to be interpreted as informative”
(Halliday 1967:204f). The element te in Dumut languages, analyzed byde Vries &
Wiersma (1992) as a focus marker and by Drabbe (1959) as an emphatic marker,
is here analyzed as a focus marker that places emphasis on what precedes it, as
illustrated by (18, 19) and (20).
The background to this Mandobo example is that Ngou (the ‘he’ in the sentence)
had seen that someone or something was eating nibung fruits; he had even seen
tracks. In the last clause, it is revealed that it is a pig who was eating the fruit.
(18) Wemin ge-gen
do,
kinum reŋŋgi-ro
ö
Night be-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN sleep lie-NON . CLOSE dream
itigio-gen:
yomorop
u te mbe ŋ-gen.
see-REAL[NON 1 SG] nibung.fruit pig FOC DUR eat-REAL.[NON 1 SG]
‘When it is night he sleeps and in a dream he sees: a pig is eating the nibung
fruit.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:15)
12 Allomorphs
nde, ndi in Digul Wambon, de, do in Mandobo and Yonggom Wambon.
3.6. Coordination of Nouns
61
In the Yonggom Wambon clause chain presented in (19), Kori first thinks he sees his
cuscus and shoots it. However, his arrow goes straight through what he thought
was the cuscus. He climbs the tree and finds out that his son Naerom had put bow
scrapings there that looked like a cuscus. The bow scrapings provide us (and Kori)
with the reason why his arrow flew straight through the ‘cuscus.’13
(19) Kori me etaga-t
te
yan amun e
mbon dok,
14
Kori come see-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN his cuscus TOP be CAUS
taemba-t
te
keroke
te
turu etaga-t
shoot-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN go.through CONN go.up see-REAL[NON 1 SG]
Naerom ŋga sinam mon
de uru-r-an.
Naerom ERG bow scrapings FOC put-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST
‘Kori came and saw that his cuscus was (there), therefore he shot it (but)
when it (the arrow) went through he went up (into the tree) and saw that
Nearom put bow scrapings.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:147)
te
CONN
Besides marking the noun phrase that provides the ‘clue’, te can function as a corrective focus marker as well, as shown by Digul Wambon example (20).
(20) Ndu-n=e
taxi-mo-knd-e.
Woyo, laxai-nde
sago-tr.nasal=TOP buy-do-REAL-NON 1 PL no
fish-FOC
taxi-mo-knd-e.
buy-do-REAL-NON 1 PL
‘They buy sago. No, they buy fish.’
Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:67)
When Dumut focus marker te is repeated after two or more subsequent nouns, it
functions as a nominal coordinator, as is illustrated by (21, 22) and (23) from Mandobo, Yonggom Wambon and Digul Wambon, respectively.
mbetin de
ö göp
tima-gen
(21) Rumo te,
roŋŋgu te
two COORD female COORD male COORD he himself keep-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘There are two, a female and a male, he keeps himself.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:21)
(22) Kagup te,
rarumun de,
munotit te
i-ŋŋgin-in
mbon.
man COORD woman COORD children COORD eat-REAL-NON 1 PL DUR
‘Men and women and children are eating.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:145)
(23) oi=nde
aŋŋgai=nde
pig=COORD dog=COORD
‘a pig and a dog’ Digul Wambon (de Vries 1986:16)
13 The further background is that Naerom had come earlier and shot
and eaten his father’s cuscus.
Later in the story, Kori has Naerom shot and eaten.
14 The focus marker te also occurs after verbal clauses and then functions as a connective, as is
further explained in Chapter 11 on Clause Linkage.
3. Nouns and Adjectives
62
The development of Dumut focus marker te into a coordinator can be explained by
the fact that coordinated nouns, like focus markers, are salient in Digul Wambon
discourse, as well as in other Papuan languages. Reesink (1987:177) notes for Usan
that “coordination of terms is unusual.15 In those instances where coordination does
occur, it concerns terms that are more salient than others.” Thus coordinators and
focus markers only occur when salient information is given, and this similarity allowed Dumut focus marker te to start functioning as a nominal coordinator. However, there are two issues that make the analysis of te as a nominal coordinator problematic. First, the data supporting the analysis of te as a coordinating conjunction
is very slim; there is only one example of te functioning as a nominal coordinator
from each Dumut language, and these examples were given in (21-23). Secondly, it
is unclear how a nominal coordinator te would differ from the nominal coordinator
kup. In other words, Awyu-Dumut languages did not have a need to develop te into
a nominal coordinator, because they already had one, which they used frequently.
Hence the analysis of te as a nominal coordinator should be considered hypothetical,
not proven.
Both Drabbe and de Vries ascribe a third function (besides focus marker and
(coordinating) connective) to Dumut te, namely that of a copula or a predicator.
However, this ‘copular function’ can be seen as an extension of the focus meaning
of te; the focus marker te can have a copular reading but should not be analyzed
or glossed as a copula. In expressions of the type ‘X is Y’, focus marker te occurs
optionally, as illustrated by Jang (2008) for Digul Wambon (24).
(24) Ewo enow-e hiwin=ndi).
That tree-TOP big(=FOC)
‘That tree is big.’ Digul Wambon (Jang 2008:64)
This ends the discussion of focus marker te occurring after nouns. In Chapter 11,
the occurrence of focus marker te after verbal clauses will be discussed; it will be
shown that te functions as a subordinating conjunction after verbal clauses.
3.6.3
Connective =o as nominal coordinator
In Digul Wambon, Yonggom Wambon and Kombai, a connective =o is found that
functions as a coordinator if repeated after each element of the coordination. For
Digul Wambon, de Vries & Wiersma (1992) note that =o is a non-exhaustive enumerator that may mean either ‘and’ or ‘or’ (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:72). However, only
examples where =o has the meaning ‘and’ are found in Digul Wambon (25-27).
kav=o
(25) aŋŋgay=o
dog=COORD man=COORD
‘the dog and the man’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:72)
15 The term ‘term’ is here used in the Functional Grammar sense, as an element that is used to refer
to things, rather than to predicate.
3.6. Coordination of Nouns
63
(26) Koma-t-po
sanip=o
oi=o
die-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST cassowary=COORD pig=COORD
ande-l-e-mbo.
eat-REAL-NON 1 PL-PST
‘She died and cassowaries and pigs ate (her).’
Digul Wambon (Jang 2008:131)
(27) Na-mbap=o
na-yop=o
nuk=o
noxop ilumtaxemo
1SG.POSS-father=COORD my-mother=COORD 1SG=COORD 1PL three
ka-t-ewa-mbo.
go-REAL-1PL-PST
‘My father, my mother and I, we three went.’
Digul Wambon (Jang 2008:108)
The Yonggom Wambon nominal coordinator o can have a conjunctive ‘and’ (28) or
a disjunctive ‘or’ reading (29) and is repeated after each noun in the enumeration
(Drabbe 1959:145).16
(28) Taemba-r-in
de
nan
ip
tamburum rogo-na-tir
o
Shoot-REAL-NON 1 PL CONN 1SG.POSS name just
say-IMP-PROH CONN
nde-t;
mun mberon o,
ran
mbari o,
kagup
say-REAL[NON 1 SG] child little COORD women grown COORD men
pari
o
mimir atik kaendi-y-iw-e
o
nde-t.
grown COORD back bite break-LIG-1SG[FUT] CONN say-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘They shoot him and he says: “you may not just speak my name, (because
then) I will break with my teeth the back of small children, grown women
and grown men” he says.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:149)
(29) Ui o
itir
o
ragae o
ra mando-nan-in=e
pig COORD cassowary COORD fish COORD take come-NON 1 PL-FUT=TOP
tagimo-y-ip.
buy-LIG-1SG[FUT]
‘If they bring pig or cassowary or fish, I shall buy it.’
Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe
1959:145)
The Kombai nominal coordinator -o can mean either ‘and’ or ‘or’ (de Vries 1993:50).
Kombai -o optionally harmonizes with the first vowel of the noun that follows -o.
De Vries (1993:12) notes that when the noun has a front vowel, -o may appear as
/e/, when the noun has a back vowel in the first syllable, -o does not change, and
when the noun has a central vowel in the first syllable, -o may harmonize to /a/.
16 In
Yonggom Wambon, o also occurs as a connective between a verb of speaking and that which
was said, as happens twice in (28). In Digul Wambon, =o is a coordinating connective that occurs on
nearly all medial verbs.
3. Nouns and Adjectives
64
(30) Ay-o
duwoy-o
rül-o
el-o
nage foro
pig-COORD fish-COORD banana-COORD bird-COORD you bring
ma-non-a
nu ade.
come[REAL]-NON 1 PL-CONN 1SG eat[IRR.1SG]
‘You have to bring pig, fish, bananas and/or birds in order that I (may) eat.’
Kombai (de Vries 1993:50)
3.7
Summary
Although Awyu-Dumut languages have little nominal morphology, some proto morphology can be reconstructed. In Section 3.1, it was pointed out that all AwyuDumut languages have adjectives that follow the noun, while some Awyu-Dumut
languages make use of intensifiers or adjectival markers. Three ways of forming
compound nouns that Awyu-Dumut languages share were described in Section 3.2.
Section 3.3 pointed out that juxtaposition is the most common way to mark possession in Awyu-Dumut languages, although all Awyu-Dumut languages also use
possessive pronouns, which will be reconstructed in Chapter 4. The plurality of
nouns was then discussed in Section 3.4, where it was found that reduplication is
a pluralization strategy shared by all Awyu-Dumut languages. Kinship terms in
Awyu-Dumut languages have a separate plural marker, which was reconstructed
as *-gi for Proto Awyu, *-ŋŋgu(i) for Proto Dumut and *-ŋŋgV for Proto Awyu-Dumut.
Concerning kinship terms, it was also noted in Section 3.5 that they tend to occur
with a possessive element n-, and that several Awyu-Dumut languages have address kinship terms as well as reference kinship terms. This chapter concluded with
a discussion of the coordination of nouns, and two nominal coordinators were reconstructed: *kup for Proto Dumut and Proto Awyu-Dumut (*ku for Proto Awyu),
and *te for Proto Dumut. The nominal coordinator kup originates as a comitative
marker, while nominal coordinator te is a grammaticalized focus marker. AwyuDumut languages have polysyndetic nominal coordination; the coordinating conjunction is repeated after each element of the coordination.
4
Awyu-Dumut Pronouns
Pronouns have fulfilled a central role in historical Papuan linguistics as conducted
since the 1960’s. Wurm (1975:191-217) noted the existence of a certain set of pronouns as a characteristic of Trans New Guinea (TNG) languages. However, the classification methods employed by Wurm and his colleagues, as well as their proposal
of a Trans New Guinea family, has received much critique, which can be summarized in a quote from Foley (1986:13): “At this stage, these [groups proposed by
Wurm] remain hypotheses and conjectures, because detailed comparative work according to the rigorous methods of comparative linguistics ... has yet to prove these
links.” Ross’ publication of a careful reconstructive study of Papuan pronouns in
2005 gave a new impetus to Papuan historical linguistics (Ross 2005). Ross was able
to use pronouns as a primary, albeit preliminary, diagnostic in classifying Papuan
languages, resulting in a revitalization of the Trans New Guinea hypothesis.
The detailed, bottom-up reconstructions of Awyu-Dumut personal pronouns
presented in this chapter meet all criteria for ‘a rigorous application of the comparative method’ and confirm that Awyu-Dumut languages belong to the larger
Trans New Guinea family, based on the TNG pronouns reconstructed by Ross (2005).
Section 4.1 presents Awyu-Dumut personal pronouns and their reconstructions, taking into consideration all Awyu-Dumut and Greater Awyu languages for which
pronominal data are available. The possessive pronouns discussed in Section 4.2
shed further light on the diachronic development of Awyu-Dumut pronouns. The
chapter ends with a short discussion on the use of pronouns in Awyu-Dumut languages, introducing frequently used Awyu-Dumut emphatic pronouns.
4.1
Reconstruction of Awyu-Dumut Personal
Pronouns
Awyu, Dumut, Ndeiram and Becking-Dawi languages all have six personal pronouns, making a three-way distinction in person and a two-way distinction in num-
4. Awyu-Dumut Pronouns
66
ber.1 The pronouns found in each language, as well as the proto forms of all six
personal pronouns for Proto Awyu, Proto Dumut and Proto Awyu-Dumut reconstructed in the rest of this chapter are given in Table 4.1. A first glance at Table 4.1
reveals many similarities between the pronouns of different branches of the Greater
Awyu language family which, to refresh the reader’s memory, can be schematically
represented as in Figure 4.1.
Table 4.1: Greater Awyu and Awyu-Dumut pronouns
1SG
2SG
nöp
nup
nuk
ŋgöp
ŋgup
ŋgup
no
nu
nu
nu
go
gu
gu
gu
3SG
1PL
2PL
3PL
ege
yup
nexep
noŋŋgüp
naŋŋgup
noxop
ewe/ege
ewi/egi
eki
efe/eke
noxo
nugu
nugu
nügu
goxo
gugu
gugu
gügu
yoxo
yoxo
yoxo
yoxo
xe
-
nagu
naŋŋgu
nage
naŋŋgiP
ya
-
Dumut
MAN
YWB
DWB
neŋŋgip
gaŋŋgup
ŋgoxop
yeŋŋgip
yaŋŋgup
yaxop
Awyu
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
Ndeiram
nu(f)
nuP
gu(f)
ŋguP
KYD
nup
nu
nonu
gup
gu
gonu
yup
yu
ye
noxup
nau/nahu
nau
gexenép
gau
gagu
yexenép
yau
-
PD
*nup
*ŋŋgup
*yup, *eke
*nakup
*yakup
PA
*nu
*nup
*gu
*ŋŋgup
*eke
*yup, *eke
*nüku
*nakup
*ŋŋgakup,
*nakip
*güku
*ŋŋgakup,
*nakip
KOM
WNG
BeckingDawi
KOR
TSA
PAD
*yaku
*yakup
Sources: Mandobo, Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959); Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992); Shiaxa, Pisa, Yenimu
(Drabbe 1950); Aghu (Drabbe 1957); Kombai (de Vries 1993); Wanggom (Hughes 2009); Korowai (van Enk & de Vries 1997);
Tsaukwambo (Baas 1981); Komyandaret (Hughes 2009)
1 Awyu-Dumut
pronouns have a wide range of functions, appearing both in subject, object and
indirect object positions. Genitive meaning is expressed using possessive pronouns, discussed in
Section 4.2.
4.1. Reconstruction of Awyu-Dumut Personal Pronouns
67
Greater Awyu
Becking-Dawi
KOR
TSA
Awyu-Dumut
KYD
Dumut
MAN
YWB
Ndeiram
Awyu
DWB
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
KOM
WNG
TYN
Figure 4.1: Greater Awyu language family
The following sound changes, as described in Chapter 2 on Awyu-Dumut Proto
Phonology, are relevant when reconstructing pronouns. They correctly predict, among
other things, that Proto Awyu pronouns do not have prenasalized stops or final consonants, while Proto Dumut pronouns do.
1.
PAD
final *p dropped in PA, underlying /f/ in KOM2
2.
PAD
medial *k before low vowels >/x/ in PA and KOM
3.
PD
medial *k >/x/ in DWB
4.
PD
medial *k >/g/ in MAN and YWB
5.
PAD
6.
PD
*u >Mandobo /ö/
7.
PD
*a >Mandobo /e/ before /i/ or /e/
8.
PD
*a >Mandobo /o/ before /a/, /o/ or /u/
9.
PA
*/ü/ >/u/ in all Awyu languages except Aghu
10.
PA
*u >Shiaxa /o/
11.
PA
*e >/i/ in SHI, YEN, PSA (not always)
*mb, *nd and *ŋŋg denasalized in PA
In the rest of this chapter, each personal pronoun will be reconstructed for Proto
Awyu, Proto Dumut, and Proto Awyu-Dumut. The pronouns from the BeckingDawi languages, although not descended from Proto Awyu-Dumut, will prove to be
useful in determining which form to reconstruct for Proto Awyu-Dumut. Pronouns
will not be reconstructed for Greater Awyu because no proto phonology and regular
sound correspondences have yet been established for Greater Awyu.
2 Kombai
is here treated as a direct descendent of Proto Awyu-Dumut, whereas Proto Ndeiram is
a node between Kombai and Proto Awyu-Dumut. However, Proto Ndeiram cannot be reconstructed
due to paucity of data, and hence Kombai is for the time being used as a proxy for Proto Ndeiram.
4. Awyu-Dumut Pronouns
68
4.1.1
First person singular
MAN
1SG nöp
YWB
DWB
AXU
PSA
SHI
YEN
KOM
WNG
KOR
TSA
KYD
nup
nuk
nu
nu
no
nu
nu(f)
nuP
nup
nu
nonu
The 1SG pronoun is reconstructed as *nu in Proto Awyu and *nup in Proto Dumut
and Proto Awyu-Dumut. In Proto Awyu, the Proto Aywu-Dumut final consonant
/p/ was dropped. The final /p/ has also disappeared in the Becking-Dawi languages of Tsaukwambo and Komyandaret. The final consonant /p/ is underlying in Kombai (sound rule 1), where it is realized as /f/ whenever the pronoun is
followed by a vowel-initial morpheme, for example the focus marker -a: nuf-a ‘IFOC ’ (de Vries 1993). The Digul Wambon first person pronoun does not end in /p/
but in /k/. Drabbe does note that final /p/ is often not realized in Dumut speech
(Drabbe 1959:6); Digul Wambon could have dropped the /p/ and replaced it with
/k/, though it is unclear where the /k/ would have come from. The reconstructed
vowel /u/ is straightforward; /u/ occurs in all languages except Shiaxa and Mandobo. The different vowels in Shiaxa and Mandobo can be explained by regular
sound changes (6) and (10) as found in Section 4.1; Proto Dumut *u always changes
to /ö/ in Mandobo, while Proto Awyu *u always changes to /o/ in Shiaxa.
4.1.2
Second person singular
MAN
2SG ŋgöp
YWB
DWB
AXU
PSA
SHI
YEN
KOM
WNG
KOR
TSA
KYD
ŋgup
ŋgup
gu
gu
go
gu
gu(f)
ŋguP
gup
gu
gonu
The Proto Awyu-Dumut 2SG form is *ŋŋgup, as it is in Proto Dumut, while in Proto
Awyu the 2SG pronoun is *gu. In Shiaxa and Mandobo, we find the same vowel
change as in the 1SG pronouns, namely *u to /o/ and /ö/ respectively. The Proto
Awyu-Dumut and Proto Dumut 2SG forms have an initial prenasalized stop /ŋŋg/
while Proto Awyu has /g/, due to prenasalized stops having become regular stops
in Proto Awyu (sound change 5). Regarding the 2SG form, it is interesting to note
Drabbe’s statement that in Mandobo, ŋgöp is also sometimes found as a 3SG pronoun, though it clearly is the 2SG pronoun. Drabbe ascribes this to contamination
from verbal person-number marking, where no distinction is made between second
and third person (Drabbe 1959:10).
4.1.3
Third person singular
MAN
3SG ege
YWB
DWB
AXU
PSA
SHI
YEN
KOM
WNG KOR
yup
nexep
efe/eke
eki
ewe/ege
ewi/egi
xe
-
yup
TSA
KYD
yu
ye
4.1. Reconstruction of Awyu-Dumut Personal Pronouns
69
The 3SG pronoun is the most diverse of all Awyu-Dumut pronouns across multiple languages and hence complicated to reconstruct. The first thing to note is that
the Becking-Dawi languages and Yonggom Wambon share the form yup, reflecting
a shared retention from a proto-form *yup, which can be reconstructed for Proto
Awyu-Dumut and which can be related to Proto Trans New Guinea *[y]a/*ua. The
other Awyu-Dumut 3SG pronouns all reflect a common form eke or ege, while three
of the four Awyu languages also have a form ewe or efe in common. These forms
could well have originated in an Awyu-Dumut deictic element ep or e ‘there’.
When discussing Papuan third person pronouns, Ross notes that “it is common
to find that third person forms are actually members of demonstrative sets, and
this often means that they are not comparable and that third person reconstructions
cannot be made” (Ross forthcoming:5) and also that “the reconstruction of third
person forms is less easy because they are readily replaced by demonstratives” (Ross
forthcoming:3).
The 3SG pronoun forms with /k/, /g/ or /x/ are a combination of the deictic
element e(p) or ewe (‘there’), found in all Awyu-Dumut languages, and an element
ke, a topic marker found in Awyu languages. For Aghu pronouns, Drabbe notes
that the 3SG eke consists of the 3SG efe plus ke. The Aghu form efe never occurs by
itself but can occur with ke or with te, which is an emphatic or focus marker found
in both Awyu and Dumut languages (Drabbe 1957:6). Similarly, Shiaxa ewe only cooccurs with a focus marker te, while Shiaxa ege never combines with te but is better
analyzed as ke fused with ewe. In the Pisa 3SG form eki, -ki is discernable, which
is cognate to the topic marker ke found in Shiaxa and Aghu. Thus the Awyu 3SG
pronouns that contain a /k/, /g/ or /x/ are a combination of e(p) and ke, while the
forms with a /w/ or /f/ only co-occur with a focus marker te.
As was noted by Ross, demonstrative-based 3SG pronouns are difficult to reconstruct. For Proto Awyu, it is clear that the 3SG pronoun was based on a deictic
because only reflexes of such a pronoun are found in Awyu languages. Therefore for
Proto Awyu, **eke3 is reconstructed; the alternative form is *ewe, but as it only occurs
as a subject pronoun together with focus marker te and does not occur at all in Pisa,
*eke is chosen as the more likely proto-form. The second vowel is reconstructed as
an *e, since /i/ in Pisa, Shiaxa and Yenimu is a reflex of *e (sound change 11).
What is clear is that Digul Wambon, Mandobo and Kombai did not independently and individually develop their 3SG forms nexep4 , ege and xe after they split
off from Proto Awyu-Dumut and Proto Dumut because no topic marker ke cognate to Awyu ke is found in these languages. It is unclear where the Mandobo,
Digul Wambon and Kombai 3SG pronouns came from; one possibility is that Digul
Wambon, Mandobo and Kombai copied the eke form from Awyu languages, but it
is just as likely that in Proto Dumut and Proto Awyu-Dumut, yup was already being
3A
double asterisk reflects the fact that there were multiple reconstructions to choose from but
that one of them was chosen as more likely than the other(s).
4 The initial /n/ and final /p/ in the Digul Wambon 3 SG form are thought to have been added to
reach uniformity with the rest of the Digul Wambon pronoun paradigm.
4. Awyu-Dumut Pronouns
70
replaced by a deictic-based pronoun. Therefore both *yup and *eke are reconstructed
as competing 3SG pronouns in both Proto Awyu-Dumut and Proto Dumut.
4.1.4
First person plural
MAN
1PL noŋŋgüp
YWB
DWB
AXU
naŋŋgup
noxop nügu
PSA
SHI
YEN
KOM
WNG
KOR
TSA
KYD
nugu
noxo
nugu
nagu
naŋŋgu noxup na(h)u nau
The first person plural pronoun is reconstructed as *nüku in Proto Awyu and *nakup
in Proto Dumut and Proto Awyu-Dumut. The middle consonant is reconstructed as
*k. For Dumut languages, regular sound changes (3) and (4) state that Proto Dumut
medial *k turns into /(ŋŋ)g/ in Mandobo and Yonggom Wambon and into /x/ in
Digul Wambon. For Awyu languages, it cannot be established with certainty that
Proto Awyu medial *k changes to /g/ before high vowels, but nonetheless it is not
unlikely that the medial /g/ in Awyu pronouns reflects an original *k that became
voiced intervocalically, and hence the Proto Awyu form is reconstructed with a *k.
In the case of Shiaxa, which has goxo as its 2PL form, the regular sound change
Proto Awyu *k >/x/ before low vowels applies (sound change 2). The /h/ in Tsaukwambo is also a reflex of /x/ and ultimately of *k. De Vries (2012a:18) notes that
where Korowai has a velar fricative /x/, Tsaukwambo has either a corresponding
‘h with friction’ or complete deletion.
The first vowel of the Dumut 1PL pronoun is *a, while in Proto Awyu it is *ü.
In Proto Dumut, *a is reconstructed because Mandobo /o/ reflects PD *a (sound
change 8), which means that two Dumut languages have a reflex of Proto Dumut *a
in the 1PL form. Although Digul Wambon often has an /o/ where Mandobo and
Yonggom Wambon have /a/, this correspondence is not regular. In Proto Awyu, the
vowel is *ü as this is the vowel found in Aghu; in all other Awyu languages, Proto
Awyu *ü always changes to /u/ (sound change 9). In Kombai and Wanggom, the
vowel in the 1PL pronominal form is /a/, and as Proto Dumut also has *a, the Proto
Awyu-Dumut 1PL pronoun is reconstructed with *a rather than with *ü. The second
vowel in the 1PL pronoun is *u in all three proto languages.
4.1.5
Second person plural
MAN
YWB
DWB
AXU
2PL neŋŋgip gaŋŋgup ŋgoxop gügu
PSA
SHI
YEN
KOM
WNG
TSA
KYD
gugu
goxo
gugu
nage
naŋŋgiP gexenép gau
KOR
gagu
The Proto Awyu 2PL pronoun is güku, while for both Proto Dumut and Proto AwyuDumut, two forms are reconstructed, namely *nakip and *ŋŋgakup. The form with
initial /n/, *nakip, is reconstructed to account for the 2PL pronouns found in Kombai, Wanggom and Mandobo, which all start with /n/. This initial /n/ is seen as a
4.1. Reconstruction of Awyu-Dumut Personal Pronouns
71
shared retention, rather than a shared innovation, between Mandobo and the two
Ndeiram languages. At the same time, *ŋŋgakup is reconstructed in Proto Dumut to
account for the Digul Wambon and Yonggom Wambon 2PL pronouns. A *ŋŋg-initial
proto-form is also reconstructed for Proto Awyu-Dumut because a reflex of *ŋŋg is
found in Proto Awyu *g as well as in the Proto Dumut *ŋŋgakup form. Furthermore,
the three Becking-Dawi languages also have initial /g/. Note that Proto Trans New
Guinea (see Table 4.2 below) also has two alternatives for 2PL: ŋgi and nja, which reflects a similar situation as the one found in Proto Awyu-Dumut and Proto Dumut.
4.1.6
Third person plural
MAN
3PL yeŋŋgip
YWB
DWB
yaŋŋgup yaxop
AXU
PSA
SHI
yoxo
yoxo
yoxo yoxo ya
YEN KOM WNG KOR
-
TSA
KYD
yexenép yau
-
The third person plural pronoun is *yaku in Proto Awyu and *yakup in Proto Dumut
and Proto Awyu-Dumut. Although PA *u to /o/ is only established as a regular
sound change between Proto Awyu and Shiaxa, it is hypothesized to have taken
place in all Awyu languages in the second syllable of the third person plural pronoun. This vowel change then led to the fricativization of the medial *k before an
/o/ (sound change 2). Note that although the Kombai 3PL pronoun consists of a
single syllable ya, the Proto Awyu-Dumut form is reconstructed as *yakup; Kombai
is thought to have dropped the second syllable -kup, a reflex of which is found in all
other Awyu-Dumut languages as well as in the Becking-Dawi languages.
4.1.7
Reconstructed Awyu-Dumut pronouns
Table 4.2 contains all pronouns reconstructed in the above paragraphs and contrasts
them with the Proto Trans New Guinea (PTNG) pronouns as reconstructed by Ross
(2005:29).
Table 4.2: Awyu-Dumut and Trans New Guinea proto pronouns
1SG
2SG
3SG
1PL
2PL
3PL
PD
*nu
*nup
*gu
*ŋŋgup
**eke
*yup, *eke
*nüku
*nakup
*yaku
*yakup
PAD
*nup
*ŋŋgup
*yup, *eke
*nakup
PTNG
*na
*ŋŋga
*[y]a/*ua
*ni/*nu
*güku
*ŋŋgakup,
*nakip
*ŋŋgakup,
*nakip
*ŋŋgi/*nja
PA
*yakup
*i
The first difference between PTNG and Proto Awyu-Dumut pronouns is that the
singular forms in Proto Awyu-Dumut all have /u/, while in PTNG /a/ occurs.
There are two further differences between the Awyu-Dumut forms and the Trans
4. Awyu-Dumut Pronouns
72
New Guinea forms: all Proto Awyu-Dumut forms end in /p/ (Proto Awyu forms
dropped this final consonant again) and the plural forms are bisyllabic. The /p/
was clearly added; Drabbe notes that it is often not pronounced in Mandobo and
Yonggom Wambon, indicating that /p/ is not always added to pronominal forms.
A possible origin of this /p/ is the deictic element ep ‘there,’ also found as the basis for the Proto Awyu 3SG pronoun. The second syllable in Awyu-Dumut plural
forms can be analyzed as a plural marker -ku added to the PTNG singular forms
na, ŋga and ya. Lastly, a similarity between Proto Awyu-Dumut and Proto Trans
New Guinea is that both proto languages have two forms for 2PL, one starting with
/ŋŋg/, the other with /n/. This comparison shows on the basis of its pronouns that
the Awyu-Dumut language family is part of the larger Trans New Guinea family;
Awyu-Dumut pronouns can be traced to Proto Trans New Guinea pronouns.
4.2
Awyu-Dumut Possessive Pronouns
Besides personal pronouns, Awyu-Dumut languages also have possessive pronouns.
The possessive pronouns occur before the possessed noun and are often found with
kinship terms, which are inherently possessed. For Digul Wambon and Kombai
(de Vries & Wiersma 1992; de Vries 1993) as well as for Korowai (van Enk & de Vries
1997), de Vries describes the possessive pronouns as prefixes, while Drabbe treats
them as separate words. As possessive pronouns are often bound forms in Papuan
languages, a reanalysis of Drabbe’s possessive pronouns as bound and not free
is a more likely reanalysis than a reanalysis of de Vries’ possessive pronouns as
free. Hence, all Awyu-Dumut possessive pronouns are analyzed as bound. Bound
pronominal forms often represent an older diachronic stratum than free forms (Ross
forthcoming:4), and thus Awyu-Dumut possessive pronouns might reflect historically older forms than Awyu-Dumut personal pronouns.
The Awyu-Dumut possessive pronouns are presented in Table 4.3. Aghu and
Kombai each have only two possessive pronouns, while all other languages have six
possessive pronouns. Aghu and Kombai employ personal pronouns as possessives
where they have no specific possessive pronouns.
For Pisa, Shiaxa, Yenimu, Aghu and Mandobo, Drabbe notes that the possessive
pronoun is followed by the possessive postposition na or ne. In Pisa and Mandobo,
this na has become part of the possessive pronoun. For Shiaxa, Yenimu and Aghu,
Drabbe notes that ne, shortened to n’, only occurs when the possessed noun begins
with a vowel. It therefore makes more sense in these languages to analyze this n’ as
a transitional nasal between vowels rather than as a possessive marker. Thus only
in Pisa and Mandobo is the possessive marker ne or na found, as was also illustrated
in Section 3.3 on possession.5 All other languages employ only possessive pronouns
to mark possession.
5 Note,
however, that the -no in Kombai 3PL.POSS pronoun might also be a reflex of a possessive
postposition na.
4.2. Awyu-Dumut Possessive Pronouns
73
Table 4.3: Awyu-Dumut possessive pronouns
1SG
2SG
3SG
1PL
e-neyanexo-
noŋŋgü-nenaŋŋgonoxo-
2PL
3PL
Dumut
MAN
YWB
DWB
ne-nenana-
ŋgo-neŋgoŋga-
neŋŋgi-neŋgaŋŋgoŋgoxo-
yeŋŋgi-neyaŋŋgoyaxo-
Awyu
nananana-
gagagaga-
wawaena-, ewa-
naxaniganuna-
gaxagigaguna-
yaxayaxayoxona-
na-
-
-
-
-
yano-
KOR
nV-
gV-
yV-
noxu-
gexené-
yexené-
PA
*na*na*na-
*ga*ŋŋga*ŋŋga-
*wa*ya-, *e*ya-, *wa-
*nVka*nakV*nVkV-
*gVka*ŋŋgakV*ŋŋgVkV-
*yaxa*yakV*yaka-
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
Ndeiram
KOM
BeckingDawi
PD
PAD
Sources: Mandobo, Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959); Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992); Shiaxa, Pisa, Yenimu
(Drabbe 1950); Aghu (Drabbe 1957); Kombai (de Vries 1993); Korowai (van Enk & de Vries 1997)
The reconstruction of Proto Awyu, Proto Dumut and Proto Awyu-Dumut possessive pronouns is straightforward, although the vowels are uncertain, and yields
reconstructions that can be compared with Proto Awyu-Dumut personal pronouns
as well as with PTNG pronouns. The addition of the possessive marker ne/na in
Mandobo and Pisa is hypothesized to have occurred after these languages split off
from their mother languages and hence ne/na is not reconstructed in Proto Awyu,
Proto Dumut or Proto Awyu-Dumut as part of the possessive pronoun. The reconstruction of the 3SG possessive pronoun is much like the reconstruction of the 3SG
personal pronoun described in Section 4.1.3; Korowai and Yonggom Wambon reflect
the older form *ya-, while Mandobo, Digul Wambon and Awyu languages reflect the
demonstrative-based form *wa-.
When the reconstructed Awyu-Dumut possessive pronouns are compared to
Proto Trans New Guinea and Proto Awyu-Dumut personal pronouns, given in
Table 4.4, they are clearly more similar to Proto Trans New Guinea personal pronouns than to Proto Awyu-Dumut personal pronouns.
The Proto Awyu-Dumut singular possessive pronouns have a vowel /a/ also found
in PTNG pronouns, while Proto Awyu-Dumut personal pronouns have /u/. The
Proto Awyu-Dumut personal pronouns also have a final /p/ not present in the Proto
Awyu-Dumut possessive pronouns or in PTNG pronouns. In other words, the personal pronouns underwent a sound change from /a/ to /u/ and added a /p/ to
the end of the forms. Hence, possessive pronouns reflect older pronominal forms,
4. Awyu-Dumut Pronouns
74
Table 4.4: PAD possessive pronouns compared to PAD and PTNG personal pronouns
1SG
2SG
3SG
1PL
2PL
3PL
PAD
*na
*nup
*ŋŋga
*ŋŋgup
*ya, *wa
**yup
*nVkV
*nakup
*yaka
*yakup
PTNG
*na
*ŋŋga
*[y]a/*ua
*ni/*nu
*ŋŋgVkV
*ŋŋgakup,
*nakip
*ŋŋgi/*nja
PAD POSS
*i
and as such they form a clear link between PTNG and Proto Awyu-Dumut personal
pronouns. This conclusion is in line with Ross’ observation that “in the majority of
micro groups, bound and free forms are obviously cognate with each other, and one
can infer that bound forms are the outcome of the clitization and affixation of earlier free forms. Often, free forms have additional material suffixed to them” (Ross
2005:26).
4.3
Awyu-Dumut Emphatic Pronouns
In many Papuan languages, the verb is the head of the clause and the only obligatory
constituent, making the realization of other types of words infrequent. Nominals in
the clause are optional modifiers of the verbal head. Often, there is no nominal at all
in the clause, or at most one nominal, as speakers tend to distribute nominals across
multiple clauses. Due to this pragmatic discourse preference for verb-only clauses,
“it is not surprising that there is little room for nouns and anaphoric pronouns to
track given, active referents. Most speakers of Papuan languages avoid nouns and
anaphoric use of independent pronouns to an extreme extent in referent tracking,
especially in the tracking of active or given subject and object referents” (de Vries
2006:813). Rather, referents are tracked through subject person number markers on
the verb and by switch reference strategies. In the rare case that a pronoun is used
to refer to the agent of an action, the pronoun is marked with pragmatic marker(s)
te and/or ke. The pragmatic marker singles the pronoun out as being unusual and
therefore worthy of the hearer’s attention.
Another strategy besides using pragmatic markers to emphasize pronouns is
found in Dumut languages, which can all add some form of -ot to the possessive
pronouns to yield emphatic pronouns. Mandobo adds -anot to its possessive pronouns, resulting in emphatic pronouns nanot, ŋgoanot, eanot, noŋŋgünot, neŋŋginot and
yeŋŋginot. In Yonggom Wambon, wot combines with possessive pronouns, yielding
emphatic pronouns nawot, ŋgowot, yawot, naŋŋgowot, ŋgaŋŋgowot and yaŋŋgowot. In Digul
Wambon, possessive pronouns function as emphatic pronouns when followed by
-votke: novotke, ŋgovotke, nexovotke, noxovotke, ŋgoxovotke and yaxovotke. When the initial w, v and an are considered ligatures, as they are by Drabbe, and Digul Wambon ke
is analyzed as the verb ke ‘to be’, a morpheme ot is left over. For Digul Wambon, Jang
notes that “probably this [-otke] has been derived from ot ‘stomach/wish’, suffixed
by -ke. Often representing the very heart of someone in many Papuan languages,
4.4. Summary
75
‘stomach’ in Wambon may also signify the very self of the corresponding pronoun.”
In Digul Wambon, Mandobo and Yonggom Wambon, as well as in Awyu languages,
ot, or or o is indeed the word for ‘insides’, ‘intestines’ and ‘faeces’. Drabbe gives an
alternative explanation of the origin of emphatic -ot in Mandobo: he states that it
is the subject marker -o followed by the focus marker te, which has shortened to
t (Drabbe 1959:10). Drabbe’s explanation seems the more likely one, as adding the
pragmatic marker te is the most common way to form emphatic pronouns in Dumut
languages. Also, if the word for ‘intestine’ was the source of -ot in emphatic pronouns, a similar form would be expected in Awyu languages. The subject marker -o
only occurs in Dumut languages.
4.4
Summary
This chapter presented a bottom-up reconstruction of Awyu-Dumut personal and
possessive pronouns. The bound possessive pronouns are older than the personal
pronouns and provide the evidence that, in Awyu-Dumut personal pronouns, a final /p/ was added. Furthermore, it was shown that the 3SG personal pronoun in
the majority of Awyu-Dumut languages is derived from the demonstrative element
ep ‘there’, while a more archaic form yup in Korowai and Yonggom Wambon reflects
*ya, the 3SG form reconstructed for PTNG. Lastly, it was shown that personal pronouns are not frequently used in Awyu-Dumut languages and that, when they are
used, they appear in their emphatic form.
5
Subject Person-Number Marking
In Awyu-Dumut languages, both the person and the number of the subject are
marked by a suffix on the verb. The subject is often not expressed explicitly in
Awyu-Dumut languages; one knows from the context and the person-number marking on the verb who or what the subject of a clause is.
It is then all the more surprising that Awyu-Dumut languages make no distinction between second and third person but only a distinction between first person
and non-first person. This way, the Mandobo clause
(31) ande-n-en
eat[IRR .]-tr.nasal-FUT[non1.SG]
could mean either ‘you (SG) will eat’, ‘she will eat’, ‘he will eat’ or ‘it will eat’. The
correct meaning can only be determined from the context in which the clause appears.
According to Foley, the conflation of second and third person in the non-singular
is common in (highland) Papuan languages (Foley 1986:72). However, Cysouw
(2003) has found that in many Papuan languages that were described as having 2/3
person homophony (a conflation of second and third person), a dual form also exists. The only Papuan languages where he found a complete 2/3 homophony and no
dual form are Kombai, Digul Wambon and ‘Awyu’ (an old term for Awyu-Dumut
languages excluding Digul Wambon), which are all Awyu-Dumut languages, and
Moroari, a Trans-Fly language (Cysouw 2003:131-132). Cysouw found a complete
2/3 homophony only in two other languages worldwide besides these Papuan languages. Thus the conflation of second and third person in both the singular and the
non-singular found in Awyu-Dumut languages is typologically rare.
There are four different subject person-number markers in Awyu-Dumut languages, which make a two-way distinction in both person (first person versus nonfirst person) and number (singular versus plural). The four different person-number
markers are: (a) first person singular, (b) non-first person singular, (c) first person
plural and (d) non-first person plural. Subject markers occur in Awyu-Dumut semifinite and finite verbs; semi-finite verbs consist of a verb stem, a mood marker and
5. Subject Person-Number Marking
78
a subject marker, while finite verbs consist of a verb stem, a mood marker, a subject
marker and a tense marker. In Dumut languages, subject person-number markers
always appear at the end of the verb, after the mood and tense morphemes. In
Awyu languages, the subject markers most often occur right after the mood marker
but they occur before the tense marker if there is one. Furthermore, in different
tenses and moods, Awyu-Dumut subject person-number markers vary slightly in
form. The subject person-number markers found in each mood and tense will be
presented for each language in this chapter, although only one subject marker will
be reconstructed for multiple moods and tenses for Proto Awyu, Proto Dumut and
Proto Awyu-Dumut.
This chapter will present descriptions and reconstructions of 1SG (Section 5.1),
NON 1 SG (Section 5.2), 1 PL (Section 5.3) and NON 1 PL (Section 5.4) subject markers.
5.1
First Person Singular Subject Marker
The first person singular subject person-number marker is -ep, or a variant thereof,
in all Awyu-Dumut languages. It occurs in all verbal tense and mood forms, as
illustrated in Table 5.1.
Table 5.1: Awyu-Dumut first person singular subject markers
Irrealis
Future
Realis
Dumut
past
-p
-p
-p
-p
-p
-ep
-ep
-ep
-ep
-op
-ep
-ep
AXU
-Ewe
-∅
-∅
-we
-fi
-∅
-∅
-i
-i
-e
KOM
-f
-f
-e(f)
MAN
YWB
DWB
SHI
YEN
PSA
Awyu
hodiernal
Awyu
hesternal
Awyu
distant
Awyu
historical
-owe
-iki
-ewe
-fi
-i
-e
-ewe
-fi
-ri
-e
-we
-efi
Sources: Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:10); Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:127-129); Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:23,
31); Shiaxa, Pisa, Yenimu (Drabbe 1950:111-116; 123); Aghu (Drabbe 1957:10-14); Kombai (de Vries 1993:22-25)
The initial /e/ of -ep is dropped when it occurs after another vowel; the elision of
/e/ is a common morphophonemic change in Awyu-Dumut languages. In verbs
realized in realis mood or in past tense, the subject person-number marker follows
a realis marker or a past tense marker that consists of or ends in a consonant, and
/e/ is not dropped. In most Awyu-Dumut languages, irrealis and future verb stems
end in a vowel, the subject person-number marker directly follows the verb stem
in irrealis, and future forms and hence the initial /e/ of ep is not found in these
verb realizations. Digul Wambon (32) and Shiaxa (33) form an exception to this rule:
in Digul Wambon -ep follows the future marker -mat, while in Shiaxa, verb stems
5.1. First Person Singular Subject Marker
79
that end in a consonant prevent the initial /e/ of the 1SG subject marker from being
dropped.
(32) ande-p-mal-ep
eat-1SG-FUT-1SG
‘I will eat’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:27)
(33) ader-Ewe
hear.II-[IRR]1SG
‘I want to/let me hear’ Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:123)
What is perhaps more remarkable about the Shiaxa first person marker is its final
vowel, rather than its initial vowel. All Shiaxa and most Yenimu realizations of the
1SG subject marker end in a vowel /e/ or /i/. It is not uncommon for Shiaxa to
have an extra vowel that the other Awyu languages do not have; some examples
are given in Table 5.2. The Shiaxa epenthetic vowel is hypothesized to be added to
a word or morpheme in order to reach a CV. CV syllable structure; a CV. CV syllable
structure is found in all Awyu languages. As noted in Chapter 2 on phonology,
Proto Awyu had underlying consonants, like Kombai, which only surfaced when
followed by a vowel. Some Shiaxa reflexes of Proto Awyu words retained these
underlying consonants, allowing them to resurface in certain instances when an
epenthetic vowel is added to them. Aghu, Pisa and Yenimu deleted the underlying
Proto Awyu consonants. When Shiaxa has added an epenthetic vowel, the Proto
Awyu form is reconstructed with an underlying consonant, indicated by placing
parentheses around it, as in Table 5.2.
Table 5.2: Shiaxa epenthetic vowel examples
breadfruit
flower
hair
yuwato
yowo
yawo
xã
*yowo(t)
kete
ki
ki
ki
*ke(t)
moxo
mo
rõ
mu
*mu(x)/*rõ
PD
rawot
rawot
*rawot
ket
ket
mutmut
*ket
ron
ron
lon, muk
*ron/*muk
KOM
aluwo
xe
lo
PAD
*rawot/*yawot
*ket
*ron/*muk
SHI
YEN
PSA
AXU
PA
MAN
YWB
DWB
The Proto Awyu 1SG form is reconstructed as *-e(fe),1 where the regular sound
1 The
1SG subject marker in Shiaxa and Yenimu is much like the 3SG pronoun in these languages,
which, as was shown in Chapter 4 on pronouns, consist of the deictic element ep ‘there’ plus a vowel
/e/. This similarity is striking enough to be noteworthy, although probably coincidental.
5. Subject Person-Number Marking
80
change *e to /i/ occurred in Yenimu and Pisa. The consonant is reconstructed as *f.2
Yenimu has a 1SG form -iki in the hodiernal past, which is not a reflex of Proto Awyu
*-e(fe) but whose origin is unknown.
The Kombai language gives further evidence which supports the reconstruction
of the Proto Awyu-Dumut 1SG subject marker as *-ep. Kombai has no past tense,
only a realis mood. In the realis mood, the final /f/ (a fricativized reflex of /p/)
of the 1SG subject marker is only realized when the verb is followed by a word
or morpheme starting with a vowel. The following example from a Kombai story
contains three occurrences of a 1SG subject marker in a semi-finite realis form, twice
realized as -e at the end of the verb, and once realized as -ef in badefa when followed
by the connective -a:
(34) Deyalu nu hutan fa-d-e.
Xo ba-d-ef-a
hari Jumat
Recover 1SG jungle go-REAL-1SG go stay-REAL-1SG-CONN day Friday
x-en-a
nu sakit-ma-d-e.
be-NON 1 SG-CONN 1SG ill-do-REAL-1SG
‘I recovered and went to the jungle. I stayed there and when it was Friday,
I became ill.’ Kombai (de Vries 1993:105)
In irrealis mood and future tense, the Kombai 1SG subject marker consists only of
/f/ because the initial /e/ is elided after stem-final vowels. There are no attested
occurrences of 1SG -f in semi-finite irrealis verb forms, but there are examples of 1SG
-f in future tense forms. In future tense forms, the person-number marker is always
followed by the vowel-initial future tense marker -e, as illustrated by emonemalefe
in (35).
(35) Mo-ro
umo-ma-no lü
menana marora mene
thus.do-CONN tell-HAB-3PL word this
and this
umo-n-e-male-f-e.
tell-tr.nasal-FUT-DUR-1SG-FUT
‘Thus they used to tell and this is what I shall be telling about.’
Kombai (de Vries
1993:114)
To conclude, the Proto Awyu-Dumut and Proto Dumut 1SG subject person-number
marker is reconstructed as *-ep, which was often realized as *-p if it occurred after a
vowel. In Proto Awyu, the final *p had fricativized to *f when an epenthetic vowel
followed to retain a CV. CV pattern. The reconstructed Proto Awyu form is
thus *-e(fe).
5.2
Non-first Person Singular Subject Marker
The non-first person singular subject marker is often not realized overtly in AwyuDumut languages, as expressed by -∅ in Table 5.3. However, sometimes it is expressed as either -e or -n.
5.2. Non-first Person Singular Subject Marker
81
Table 5.3: Awyu-Dumut non-first person singular subject markers
Irrealis
Future
Realis
Dumut
past
-n
-n
-n
-n
-∅
-∅
-∅
-∅
-∅
-∅
-∅
-en
AXU
nas. stem
nas. stem
-ne
-ni
nas.stem
-n
-∅
-∅
-i
-e
KOM
-n
-n
-∅, -n,
-e
MAN
YWB
DWB
SHI
YEN
PSA
Awyu
hodiernal
Awyu
hesternal
Awyu
distant
Awyu
historical
-rea
-i
-ere
-∅
-i
-e
-ere
-i
-i
-i
-re
-a
-∅
(a) The Shiaxa past forms of the NON 1 SG subject marker are different from those found in any other Awyu-Dumut language.
They appear to consist of -e plus re, a demonstrative marker. This addition of -re is a Shiaxa innovation.
Sources: Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:10); Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:127-129); Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:23,
31); Shiaxa, Pisa, Yenimu (Drabbe 1950:111-116; 123); Aghu (Drabbe 1957:10-14); Kombai (de Vries 1993:22-25)
The reconstructed Proto Awyu-Dumut form *-en best explains both occurrences of -e
and -n as NON 1 SG subject markers in Awyu-Dumut languages. Shiaxa irrealis verbs
are the only verb forms in Awyu-Dumut languages that have an exact reflex of *-en;
reflexes consisting of just -n can be explained by the phonological rule stating that
the vowel /e/ elides when it follows another vowel, while reflexes of *-en consisting
of just -e can be explained by the regular sound change stating that Aghu, Pisa and
Yenimu may not have syllables that end in a consonant.
Thus a reflex -n is often found in irrealis and future forms where the subject
marker follows vowel-final verb stems that cause the elision of /e/, while -e3 or -en
occurs in realis and past forms where the subject marker is preceded by a consonantfinal mood or tense marker.4 In Dumut realis and past forms, as well as in some
Kombai forms, the NON 1 SG subject marker is left off altogether. In Kombai realis
forms, this happens when there is no mood marker5 and the verb is clause-final
or is followed by a consonant-initial word or morpheme. In Kombai realis forms,
-n occurs as the NON 1 SG subject marker when no realis mood marker -g occurs and
when it is followed by a vowel-initial word or morpheme, as illustrated by xumoleina
in (36).
(36) Xumolei-n-a
ifama-no.
die-NON 1 SG-CONN bury-NON 1 PL
‘He died and they buried him.’ Kombai (de Vries 1993:108)
De Vries (1993) analyzes the /n/ in xumoleina as a transitional nasal, but a compari3 /e/
changes to /i/ in Yenimu and Pisa due to a regular sound change.
discussed above, Shiaxa has irrealis verb stems that do end in consonants, and hence -en,
rather than -n, is found in Shiaxa irrealis forms.
5 In Kombai, the realis mood marker -g only occurs after verb stems that end in a nasal vowel.
4 As
5. Subject Person-Number Marking
82
son with other Awyu-Dumut languages makes it clear that it is a realization of the
NON 1 SG marker. In Kombai realis forms where the realis mood marker -g occurs,
the NON 1 SG subject person-number marker is realized as -e (37).
(37) ũ-g-e.
kill-REAL-NON 1 SG
‘He killed’ Kombai (de Vries 1993:23)
In Dumut, Awyu and Kombai irrealis and future forms, -n is the most common
realization of the NON 1 SG subject marker. In finite future forms, the subject marker
is followed by a future tense marker -en, -in, -e or -i in Mandobo, Yonggom Wambon,
Aghu and Kombai, respectively, as illustrated in Table 5.4.
Table 5.4: Future NON 1 SG Forms
NON 1 SG
MAN
YWB
AXU
KOM
future form
ande-n-en
mayo-n-in
atü-n-e
ai-n-i
Gloss
Meaning
eat-NON 1 SG-FUT
come.down-NON 1 SG-FUT
go.up-NON 1 SG-FUT
go-NON 1 SG-FUT
he/she/it will eat
he/she/it will come down
he/she/it will go up
he/she/it will go
The Pisa future tense form ends in a nasal vowel (thus mariõ means ‘he/she/it will
come down’); the -n of the subject marker merges with the verb stem because there
is no future tense marker in Pisa. This results in a final nasal vowel. In Shiaxa and
Yenimu, -e (in Yenimu -i) is added to the subject person-number marker. However,
this -e is not a future tense marker because it does not occur in other person-number
forms. The origin of this -e (or -i) is unclear.
Essential to the analysis of Awyu NON 1 SG subject markers is the analysis of -k,
rather than -ke, as the Awyu realis marker used in non-first person verb forms. For
a detailed account of this mood marker, see Chapter 5 on Mood. Here, however,
it must be explained why the Awyu realis mood marker is -k and not -ke, in other
words, why -e is analyzed as belonging to the subject marker (Analysis II in Table
5.5) rather than to the mood marker (Analysis I in Table 5.5).
Table 5.5: Two analyses of realis mood in Awyu languages
KOM
AXU
PSA
Analysis I
Analysis II
ũ-ge
kill-REAL.NON 1[SG]
da-xe
hear-REAL.NON 1[SG]
ada-ki
bind-REAL.NON 1[SG]
ũ-g-e
kill-REAL.NON 1-NON 1 SG
da-x-e
hear-REAL.NON 1-NON 1 SG
ada-k-i
bind-REAL.NON 1-NON 1 SG
There are two reasons why the realis mood marker is analyzed as not containing an
/e/. First, /e/ also occurs as a part of the NON 1 SG subject marker in irrealis forms,
5.3. First Person Plural Subject Marker
83
that is, in Shiaxa irrealis forms, such as ader-en ‘he/she/it wants to hear’. Therefore,
it must be posited that -e (or reflex -i) is always part of the subject person-number
marker, rather than of a realis mood marker. Secondly, in some Awyu past tenses, -e
(or reflex -i) occurs as (part of) the subject person-number marker following a tense
marker rather than the mood marker -k, for example in the Yenimu hesternal past,
given in (38).6
(38) oto-d-i
rise-HEST-NON 1 SG
‘he/she/it rose yesterday’ Yenimu (Drabbe 1950:114)
Thus /e/ belongs to the NON 1 SG subject marker, rather than to the realis mood
marker -k, although it must be noted that synchronically these two morphemes are
best analyzed as fused morphemes.
Hence, *-en is reconstructed as the Proto Awyu-Dumut, Proto Awyu and Proto
Dumut NON 1 SG subject person-number marker, which due to morphophonemic
rules of vowel elision and final consonant deletion is thought to at times have been
realized as *-e or *-n in the proto languages, just as in their daughter languages.
5.3
First Person Plural Subject Marker
The first person plural marker in Awyu-Dumut languages consists of the 1SG form
-ep combined with a plural marker -an, leading to the form -ewan or a reflex thereof
in all Awyu-Dumut languages. The 1PL subject markers as found in various tenses
and moods are given in Table 5.6.
Table 5.6: Awyu-Dumut first person plural subject markers
Irrealis
Future
Realis
Dumut
past
-won
-wan
-va
-won
-wan
-eva
-ewon
-ewan
-eva
-un
-ewan
-eva
AXU
-ewan
-a
-oã
-wa
-fa
-a
-oã
-a
-a
-a
-oã
KOM
-fo
-fo
-efo
MAN
YWB
DWB
SHI
YEN
PSA
Awyu
hodiernal
Awyu
hesternal
Awyu
distant
Awyu
historical
-owa
-a
-owa
-fa
-a
-oã
-owa
-fa
-ya
-oã
-wa
-efa
-oã
Sources: Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:10); Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:127-129); Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:23,
31); Shiaxa, Pisa, Yenimu (Drabbe 1950:111-116; 123); Aghu (Drabbe 1957:10-14); Kombai (de Vries 1993:22-25)
For Proto Dumut, *-ewan is reconstructed. In the irrealis and future forms, the initial
/e/ is elided, except in Digul Wambon future forms because there the 1PL subject
6A
full Yenimu hesternal past paradigm can be found in Table 7.4 in chapter 7 on tense.
5. Subject Person-Number Marking
84
person-number marker follows the Digul Wambon future tense marker -mat. In
Digul Wambon, furthermore, the final /n/ is dropped. The Mandobo past tense
1PL form -un, not relatable to *-ewan, will be discussed below. The /w/ in *-ewan
is the /p/ of 1SG -ep, which fricativizes between vowels and is written by de Vries
in Digul Wambon as /v/. Furthermore, in Mandobo, due to regular sound change
rules, PD *a has changed to /o/.
The Proto Awyu 1PL form is reconstructed as *-efan. The final /n/ is dropped or
realized as nasalization of the final vowel. The /f/ is written by Drabbe as /w/ in
some daughter languages of Proto Awyu; in Aghu it has been dropped altogether.
In Shiaxa and Aghu, the initial /e/ has changed to /o/; for Aghu, Drabbe notes that
this vowel is short and that oã sounds like a diphthong. In Pisa, little is left of PA
*-efan except the /a/ of the plural *-an; realizations consisting only of /a/ are also
found in Shiaxa and Yenimu.
The Mandobo 1PL marker -un, found only in Mandobo past tense verbs, cannot
be related to *-ewan. However, it is not a Mandobo idiosyncracy, because -un is
also found as a 1PL subject person-number marker in Korowai (van Enk & de Vries
1997:98). More specifically, -un only appears in the hodiernal past in Korowai, while
in other Korowai verbs, -le and -te are the 1PL subject markers used. The fact that -un
is found in remote branches of the Greater Awyu family means that it is most likely
an older, archaic form.7 In Proto Awyu-Dumut and Proto Dumut, -un must have
been a past tense marker existing alongside *-epan/*-ewan in order to still be realized
in Mandobo past tense. Thus, *-un is reconstructed in both Proto Dumut and Proto
Awyu-Dumut as the 1PL subject marker in past tense. In all Awyu-Dumut languages
except Mandobo, *-epan, the newer 1PL subject person-number marker, has spread
through the entire language system.
5.4
Non-first Person Plural Subject Marker
Table 5.7 contains realizations of NON 1 PL subject person-number markers from all
Awyu-Dumut languages in different tenses and moods.
The Proto Awyu-Dumut NON 1 PL subject marker is reconstructed as *-enan and is
a combination of the NON 1 SG subject marker *-en plus a plural marker -an, much
like the 1PL subject marker reconstructed above is a combination of 1SG *-ep and
the plural marker -an. It is clear that the Awyu languages have NON 1 PL reflexes of
*-enan; the final /n/ is dropped or realized as a nasal vowel, while the initial /e/
often elides. In Pisa, the initial /e/ has changed to /i/, as it has in the Pisa NON 1 SG
subject form; in Yenimu, both /e/ and /i/ occur. In the realis forms of Shiaxa and
Yenimu, the initial /e/ has been replaced by /o/, as also occurs in Shiaxa and Aghu
1PL subject markers. For Proto Awyu the NON 1 PL subject person-number marker is
therefore reconstructed as *-enan.
7 Note the similarity to the situation of the 3 SG personal pronoun:
yup was the older form found in
Yonggom Wambon and Korowai, while in all other Awyu-Dumut languages, demonstrative-derived
ewe or ege had replaced yup.
5.5. Summary
85
Table 5.7: Awyu-Dumut non-first person plural subject markers
Irrealis
Future
Realis
Dumut
past
-non
-nan
-non
-nan
-na
-on
-in
-e
-in
-in
-e
-enan
AXU
-nã
-enã
-na
-na
-nã
-enã
-ona
-ona
-inã
-enã
KOM
-no
-no
-eno
MAN
YWB
DWB
SHI
YEN
PSA
Awyu
hodiernal
Awyu
hesternal
Awyu
distant
Awyu
historical
-ena
-ina
-ena
-na
-ina
-enã
-ena
-ena
-ina
-ena
-na
-ena
-nã
Sources: Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:10); Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:127-129); Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:23,
31); Shiaxa, Pisa, Yenimu (Drabbe 1950:111-116; 123); Aghu (Drabbe 1957:10-14); Kombai (de Vries 1993:22-25)
Kombai also has reflexes of *-enan; the final nasal has been dropped and the
final /a/ has changed to /o/, a common sound change in Kombai. The same
sound change occurs between PD and Mandobo, where the irrealis, future and realis
NON 1 PL subject markers have /o/ rather than /a/.
The Dumut languages have reflexes of *-enan in the irrealis and future verb
forms, where the initial /e/ has elided. However, the Mandobo, Yonggom Wambon
and Digul Wambon realis and past tense NON 1 PL markers are not clear reflexes of
*-enan; at best they could be seen as shortened forms. Nonetheless, *-enan is reconstructed as the Proto Dumut NON 1 PL form, as reflexes are found in the Dumut
languages, and *-enan is reconstructed for Proto Awyu and Proto Awyu-Dumut.
5.5
Summary
The four subject person number-markers reconstructed for Proto Awyu-Dumut are
*-ep (1 SG), *-en (NON 1 SG), *-epan (1 PL) and *-enan. For Proto Awyu the same forms
are reconstructed as *-e(fe), *-en, *-efan and *-enan, while the corresponding Proto
Dumut forms are *-ep, *-n, *-ewan and *-enan.
The four reconstructed subject markers occurred in all moods and tenses in the
three proto languages, although Proto Dumut, like its daughter languages, did not
overtly mark NON 1 SG subject. There is quite some variation in the surface forms
of the subject markers due to morphophonemic changes, which are thought to have
also occurred in the proto languages. The initial /e/ found in all four subject personnumber forms elides when it follows a vowel, while in PA, the final /n/ was often
dropped or realized as nasalization on the vowel preceding it.
Some forms found in the daughter languages of PA and PD did not express the
reconstructed forms exactly. The most noteworthy of these is the Mandobo past
tense 1PL subject marker *-un, which could not be related to Proto Dumut *-ewan.
86
5. Subject Person-Number Marking
This form -un was also found as a 1PL marker in Korowai’s past tense. Hence
*-un was reconstructed as a 1PL form used in past tense in Proto Dumut and Proto
Awyu-Dumut, and *-epan is thought to be a newer form that replaced *-un.
Often subject person-number markers are derived from personal pronouns; they
are personal pronouns that have cliticized to the verb. This is not the case in AwyuDumut subject person-number markers, which are quite distinct from the personal
pronouns. One parallel that can be drawn is between the 1 SG subject marker *-ep
and the 3SG personal pronoun ewe found in multiple Awyu-Dumut languages. It
could be said that both of these forms are newer forms based on the deictic element
ep ‘there’. For the 3SG pronoun, an older form yup occurs and is reconstructed, and
for the 1PL subject marker, an older form -un is found and reconstructed. A comparison with more Papuan languages might reveal whether indeed the 1SG subject
person-number marker *-ep is a newer form only found in Awyu-Dumut languages.
Awyu-Dumut subject person-number markers in most cases follow the mood
marker and interact with it, as became apparent in the discussion in Section 5.2 on
whether the mood marker found in Awyu languages should be analyzed as -k or
-ke. The next chapter focuses on this and other mood markers.
6
Mood
Mood describes a speaker’s attitude towards a situation, while tense locates a particular situation in time. A main modal distinction is between realis and irrealis
mood, which can be defined as follows:
The realis portrays situations as actualized, as having occurred or actually happening, knowable through direct perception. The irrealis portrays situations as purely within the realm of thought, only knowable
through imagination. (Mithun 1999:173)
The opposition between realis and irrealis mood1 is at the heart of the Awyu-Dumut
verb system, which is mood-driven. With regard to mood-driven languages, Foley
& Van Valin (1984) note that in these languages mood is a more basic category than
tense and that
The likelihood of the proposition along the realis-irrealis dimension is
first established, and then the temporal orientation of this modified proposition is established with respect to the time of the speech act. (Foley &
Van Valin 1984:216)
Thus, in mood-driven languages, a verb form is first specified for what mood it is in,
and then for tense. This is certainly true in Awyu-Dumut languages, where mood is
always expressed, while tense is optionally expressed.
Mood and tense interact with each other; events that occur in the past will largely
be categorized as realis, whereas events that occur in the future are typically in irrealis mood. Hence mood and tense are sometimes realized as one morphological
category, though they can also be represented separately (Foley 1986:159). In AwyuDumut languages, mood and tense are expressed as two separate morphological categories. Awyu-Dumut finite verb forms contain a mood marker and a tense marker,
1 The
terms ‘mood’ (Palmer 2001), ‘mode’ (Payne 1998), ‘status’ (Foley & Van Valin 1984) and
‘modality’ are all used when the distinction between realis and irrealis is discussed. Following
Palmer (2001), I will use the term ‘mood’ to refer to realis and irrealis, and the term ‘modality’ to
refer to constructions such as the adhortative, the conditional and the imperative.
6. Mood
88
while semi-finite verb forms only contain a mood marker. In Awyu languages and
Kombai, a distinction in mood is also made in the verb stems of non-finite, semifinite and finite verb forms, while Dumut languages do not have specific realis and
irrealis verb stems.
After discussing the role of mood in non-finite verb forms (Section 6.1), this chapter explores Awyu-Dumut irrealis mood (Section 6.2) before turning to realis mood
(Section 6.3). Mood realizations in each Awyu-Dumut language will be discussed
before mood morphemes for Proto Awyu, Proto Dumut and Proto Awyu-Dumut
are reconstructed (Section 6.4).
6.1
Verb Stems and Mood
Realis and irrealis mood are distinguished on verb stems in Awyu languages and
Kombai but not in Dumut languages. All Awyu-Dumut languages have primary
and secondary verb stems. The secondary stems are derived from the primary
stems, sometimes regularly, at other times irregularly. Some Awyu-Dumut verbs
have just one stem. In glosses, primary stems will be marked with I, while secondary stems will be glossed with II.
In Awyu languages, primary verb stems are only used in realis conditions, while
Awyu secondary stems are restricted to appearing in irrealis forms. Thus Awyu
primary and secondary stems express a distinction in mood; mood is marked on
the verb stem. Kombai primary and secondary stems express the same difference in
meaning: primary stems occur in realis forms, while Kombai secondary stems occur
only in irrealis or future verb forms.
There are some regular ways in which Awyu secondary stems are derived from
primary stems. In Aghu, Pisa and Shiaxa, secondary stems can be formed by adding
a prefix a-, a suffix -me (if the primary stem ends in a nasal vowel) or a suffix -fV to
the primary verb stem. Table 6.1 contains examples of Awyu verbs that employ
one of these three derivational strategies.2 Shiaxa and Pisa share further ways of
deriving secondary stems, by adding the suffix -rV or -xo(y), as illustrated by the
examples in Table 6.2.
Besides these verbs where the derivation of secondary stems from primary stems
is transparent and straightforward, many Awyu secondary stems are derived irregularly and can only be recognized as secondary stems by the context in which they
appear.
Many Dumut verbs have primary verb stems and derived secondary verb stems.
For Mandobo, Drabbe notes that there are many verbs with only a primary stem, as
well as quite a few verbs with a primary and a secondary stem (Drabbe 1959:12).
2 Drabbe represents all Aghu secondary stems as ending in a nasal vowel and then claims that the
stem is denasalized when these secondary stems are used in future and adhortative/optative verb
forms, except in non-first person singular verb forms. I reanalyze the secondary verbs as ending in
a normal vowel, just like the secondary stems in the other Awyu languages. The nasalization that
occurs in NON 1 SG verb forms reflects the realization of the NON 1 SG subject person-number marker
-n.
6.1. Verb Stems and Mood
89
Table 6.1: Awyu primary and secondary stems
primary stem
secondary stem
meaning
imisiükũoxo kidaxodofosunariroxo-
aiamiasiagüakumeoxo akimeadeaxiadoafoatuadeariaroxo-
to mention
to drink
to dig
to fell
to die
to bathe
to hear
to go
to bake
to marry
to rise
to eat
to call
to say
kũifĩtũtigi-
kumeifimeatumotigimo-
to put in
to bind
to beat sago
to build
adaagudaderaagure-
adfeagufedafidefirafiaguforefe-
to bind
to seek
to come
to come
to take
to search
to take
prefix aAXU
PSA
SHI
suffix -me
AXU
PSA
SHI
suffix -fV
AXU
PSA
SHI
Sources: Aghu (Drabbe 1957:12-14); Pisa (Drabbe 1950:116-117); Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:119-121)
If a Mandobo verb has a secondary stem, the primary stem is only used in semifinite realis -ken forms, while the secondary stem is used in all other verb forms. In
Yonggom Wambon, as in Mandobo, not every verb has a secondary stem; Drabbe
notes that only verbs whose primary stem ends in a consonant tend to have a secondary stem. Yonggom Wambon secondary stems can be used in finite past tense
forms, semi-finite realis -t forms, semi-finite irrealis forms, finite future forms and
non-finite SS forms. As in Mandobo, the Yonggom Wambon primary stem is then
largely used with semi-finite realis -ken forms (Drabbe 1959:124-131).
Whereas Mandobo and Yonggom Wambon verbs have a primary stem and sometimes one secondary stem, most Digul Wambon verbs have past and future secondary stems in addition to a primary stem. The past secondary stem is often formed
by adding -a to the primary stem and is used for finite past tense forms and semifinite realis -t forms. Future secondary stems are often formed by adding -o to the
6. Mood
90
Table 6.2: Additional Pisa and Shiaxa verb stems
primary stem
secondary stem
meaning
dotoedoogokoroefetokudatoedeaxookufetebo-
adotoxoyedoxoogoxoykoxoyroxoefetoxoakoxodatoxoedoxoaxoxookoxofetoxobaxa-
to get up
to give
to go away
to go towards river
to say
to see, to know
to dig
to get up
to give
to go away
to go towards river
to see
to sit
gixaxaniridafewiE-
giroxaxarodiromaseroadereferowuru-
to become
to swell
to say
to stand
to hear
to place
to hit
suffix -xo
PSA
SHI
suffix -rV
PSA
SHI
Sources: Pisa (Drabbe 1950:117), Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:119-121)
primary stem and are used in finite future forms and semi-finite irrealis forms. The
primary stem is then used with semi-finite realis -ke(nd) forms, as in Mandobo and
Yonggom Wambon. Digul Wambon verbs do not always have two secondary stems;
some verbs have one secondary stem that is then used for all verb forms except
semi-finite realis -ke(nd) forms. For example, the verb en- ‘to eat’ has a secondary
stem ande- that can be used in both finite past tense forms and finite future tense
forms.
Thus in Dumut languages a distinction in mood is not marked by different verb
stems, although it is likely that, at one point in time, Dumut verb stems did mark
this distinction: Dumut primary stems are still never used with irrealis verb forms
and hence could be analyzed as realis verb stems. However, the secondary verb
stem occurs with either realis or irrealis meaning, so no specific irrealis verb stem
exists.
Proto Awyu-Dumut did mark a distinction in mood on its verb stems, a distinction that was carried on in Proto Awyu and Kombai but became blurred in Proto Dumut. As not all Dumut verbs have secondary stems, and because they do not mark a
distinction in mood, Dumut verb stems will not be glossed with I or II. Awyu verbs
stems, where the distinction between primary and secondary verbs carries meaning,
6.2. Irrealis Mood
91
will be glossed with I or II.
6.2
Irrealis Mood
Irrealis verb forms express wishes, doubts, questions and events that might happen in the future. Awyu-Dumut languages have two types of irrealis verb forms:
(1) semi-finite irrealis forms consisting of a (secondary) stem and a person-number
marker that express adhortative, optative or intentional meaning, and (2) finite future tense forms encoding actions that will occur in the future. This section focuses
on the semi-finite irrealis forms, while the finite future forms will be discussed in
Chapter 7 on Tense.
All Awyu-Dumut languages have a semi-finite irrealis paradigm, called the ‘zero
form paradigm’ by Drabbe (1950, 1957, 1959) because they consist of only a verb
stem, a subject person-number marker and no further morphological markers. Irrealis mood is not expressed overtly by a separate morpheme in Awyu-Dumut languages. Thus a typical semi-finite irrealis form is wagaemo-p ‘do.good-1SG’ (Drabbe
1959:128, Yonggom Wambon) which can mean ‘I want to do good’ (intentional), ‘let
me do good’ (adhortative), or ‘that I may do good’ (optative). Table 6.3 contains a
semi-finite irrealis paradigm for all Awyu-Dumut languages except Yenimu.3
Digul Wambon and Kombai only have first person semi-finite irrealis forms.
De Vries & Wiersma (1992:31) note that, in Digul Wambon, NON 1 forms were elicited
but were never used outside elicitation; they do not give the elicited forms. For
Kombai, de Vries (1993:25) states that finite NON 1 future tense forms are also used
with intentional meaning.
Thus Awyu-Dumut semi-finite irrealis forms consist of a verb stem (in Awyu
languages and Kombai a secondary irrealis verb stem), a non-overt irrealis mood
marker and a subject person-number suffix. The non-overt irrealis mood is indicated
in the glosses as IRR between square brackets before the person-number marker. The
example given in (39) contains three Mandobo semi-finite irrealis forms.
(39) Orat ke-n
do
kotoma-on do
light become-[IRR]NON 1 SG CONN pull-[IRR]1PL CONN
moto-n.
come.out-[IRR]NON 1 SG
‘When it has become morning, let us pull it (the canoe) and it will come out.’
Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:37)
Example (40) illustrates the use of a semi-finite irrealis form in Aghu.
3 When
describing the optative mood for Awyu languages, Drabbe (1950) does not mention Yenimu at all, so nothing can be said about a possible semi-finite irrealis paradigm in Yenimu. Drabbe
does note that Pisa does not have a specific optative modality; that is, the same forms are used to
express optative, intentional or adhortative meaning as are used to express future tense. However, it
would be speculative to state that the same is true of the future tense paradigm found in Yenimu.
6. Mood
92
Table 6.3: Awyu-Dumut semi-finite irrealis forms
1 SG
NON 1 SG
AXU
ade
hearII[IRR.1SG]
adẽ
ad-oã
hearII[IRR].NON 1 SG hearII-[IRR]1PL
PSA
adi
hearII[IRR.1SG]
adı̃
adi-a
hearII[IRR].NON 1 SG hearII-[IRR]1PL
SHI
ader-ewe
hearII-[IRR]1SG
ader-en
hearII[IRR]NON 1 SG
ader-ewan
hearII-[IRR]1PL
MAN
ande-p
eat-[IRR]1SG
tami-p
make.canoe[IRR]1SG
ka-p
go-[IRR]1SG
ande-n
eat-[IRR]NON 1 SG
tami-n
make.canoe[IRR]NON 1 SG
ande-won
eat-[IRR]1 PL
tami-wan
make.canoe[IRR]1PL
ka-va
go-[IRR]1PL
YWB
DWB
KOM
ade-(f)
hearII-[IRR]1SG
1 PL
NON 1 PL
ad-enã
hearII[IRR]NON 1 PL
adi-nã
hearII[IRR]NON 1 PL
ader-enan
hearII[IRR]NON 1 PL
ande-non
eat-[IRR]NON 1 PL
tami-nan
make.canoe[IRR]NON 1 PL
ade-fo
hearII-[IRR]1PL
Sources: Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:58); Pisa (Drabbe 1950:118); Aghu (Drabbe 1957:14); Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:23); Yonggom
Wambon (Drabbe 1959:128); Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:31); Kombai (de Vries 1993:25)
(40) Xati bagidi, xati mi-di-k
xo-x-enã.
Dü ni
again next.day again come.down-SS-CONN go-REAL-NON 1 PL sago for
kiam-enã
xo-x-enã.
search.II-[IRR]NON 1 PL go-REAL-NON 1 PL
‘Again the next day, again they descend (from the house) and go. In order to
look for sago they go.’ Aghu (Drabbe 1957:63)
A common use of semi-finite irrealis forms in Digul Wambon is in quotative constructions, which express intention or volitionality. The intention is expressed as
silent speech or thought directed by the agent to himself (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:32),
as in the next two examples:
(41) Oi taximo-p
ne-mbel=o
ka-t-mbo.
pig buy[IRR]-1SG say-SEQ=CONN go-REALNON 1 SG-PST.
‘I want to buy a pig’ he said and went (In order to/with the intention of
buy(ing) a pig he went).’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:32)
6.3. Realis Mood
93
(42) Xitulop nombo-n=e
nux=eve mba-mba-mo ka-p
ne-mbel=o
Thursday this-tr.nasal=TOP I=TOP hunt-hunt-do go-1SG say-SEQ=CONN
mba-mba-mo ka-l-ep-mbo.
hunt-hunt-do go-REAL-1SG-PST
‘That Thursday ‘I want to hunt’ I said, and I did so (that Thursday I wanted
to go hunting)’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:92)
To summarize, all Awyu-Dumut languages have semi-finite irrealis forms that express adhortative, intentional or optative meaning and that consist of a verb stem (a
secondary verb stem in Awyu languages and Kombai) and a person-number marker.
Proto Awyu, Proto Dumut and Proto Awyu-Dumut all had semi-finite irrealis forms
consisting of a verb stem and a person-number marker. In Proto Awyu and Proto
Awyu-Dumut, specific irrealis secondary verb stems existed. The reconstruction of
Awyu-Dumut semi-finite realis verb forms in the next section will prove to be less
straightforward than the reconstruction of Awyu-Dumut semi-finite irrealis verb
forms.
6.3
6.3.1
Realis Mood
Introducing realis markers in Awyu-Dumut through
reanalysis
In the Awyu-Dumut grammar descriptions written by Drabbe (1950, 1957, 1959),
de Vries & Wiersma (1992) and de Vries (1993), there is no mention of realis mood
markers. However, there are two verbal markers in Dumut languages as well as two
verbal markers in the Awyu languages and in Kombai, as described by Drabbe and
de Vries, that are better reanalyzed as realis markers. In the Dumut languages the
reanalysis concerns the morphemes -t and -ken, which immediately follow the verb
stem and which Drabbe and de Vries analyze as ‘neutral-present tense markers’,
that is, as tense markers that can express both present and past meaning. De Vries
& Wiersma (1992)also call -t in Digul Wambon a ‘non-future tense marker’. In the
Awyu languages, the markers are -d and -k, analyzed by Drabbe as either part of the
person-number marker (-d) or as a ligature between the verb stem and the personnumber marker (-k). Kombai also has -d and -g (an allomorph of -k); de Vries (1993)
analyzes -d as a non-future tense marker but seems to analyze Kombai -g as part of
the NON 1 subject person-number marker. An analysis of -t, -ken, -d and -k as realis
markers is logical for a number of reasons.
When Dumut -t is analyzed as either a present-neutral or a non-future tense
marker, there are two Dumut past tense markers. A Dumut past tense consists of a
verb stem, the morpheme -t, a person-number marker, and past tense marker
-an (Yonggom Wambon, Mandobo) or -mbo (Digul Wambon). A way around this
problem would be to state that -t...-an/-mbo is a discontinuous tense marker that
expresses past tense. The co-existence of a past tense marker and a non-future or
6. Mood
94
present-neutral tense marker in Dumut languages would be odd, and is an analysis
best avoided by reanalyzing the ‘present-neutral tense marker’ -t as a realis marker.
The introduction of a realis marker in Dumut languages leads to a symmetric
verbal system: a past tense form corresponds to a future tense form, while a realis
form corresponds to an irrealis form. The future and past forms are then fully finite, while the realis and irrealis forms are semi-finite because they do not express
tense. A reanalysis of Awyu -d and -k yields a similar symmetric system in Awyu
languages, although Awyu languages have multiple past tenses and not all Awyu
languages have a future tense marker.
For Awyu languages, there are additional reasons to reanalyze -d and -k as realis
markers. Drabbe analyzes -d as part of the first person person-number markers.
There are two problems with this analysis. First, if -d is analyzed as being part
of the first person person-number marker, then when a tense marker occurs after
-d, the person-number marker is discontinuous, as Drabbe notes for Aghu: “the
tense marker -k we find in between the two parts of the person-number markers.”4
Second, -d only occurs in verbs with realis and past tense meaning, which, if it is
part of the person-number marker, would mean that there are two sets of personnumber markers. It makes sense to analyze the phoneme that constitutes the only
difference between these two supposed sets of person-number markers as a marker
of realis mood. The same argument applies to -k in non-first person verb forms; it
only occurs in realis contexts and hence is better analyzed as a realis marker than as
part of the subject person-number marker. For Aghu, Drabbe does not analyze -k as
part of the person-number marker but as a ligature between the verb stem and the
person-number marker. A ligature occurs to ease pronunciation, and the ligatures
that occur elsewhere in Awyu-Dumut languages are n, y and w, but not k; k is not
a prototypical transitional sound. An analysis of -k as a realis marker takes care of
this odd ‘ligature’ explanation by Drabbe.
Thus Awyu languages have two realis markers, one that occurs in first person
forms and one that occurs in non-first person forms. Kombai has the same realis
markers as the Awyu languages. Dumut languages have two realis markers, -t and
-ken, which both occur throughout the paradigm, that is, with all person-number
markers. One problem which remains after this reanalysis is that the two realis markers in the Dumut languages appear to have the same function. In the paragraphs
on realis mood in each individual Dumut language below, it will be shown that -t
and -ken do have differentiated functions.
6.3.2
Dumut realis forms
Table 6.4 contains realis -t and -ken paradigms from Mandobo, Yonggom Wambon
and Digul Wambon. The realis marker -t also occurs in past tense forms, which are
discussed in Chapter 7 on Tense.
4 “De
tijdwijzer k vinden we tussen de beide delen van de subjectwijzers” (Drabbe 1957:11).
6.3. Realis Mood
95
Table 6.4: Dumut realis paradigms
1 SG
NON 1 SG
1 PL
NON 1 PL
mende-r-ep
come-REAL-1SG
ti-gin-ep
build-REAL-1SG
mende-t
come-REAL[NON 1 SG]
ti-gen
build-REAL[NON 1 SG]
menda-r-ewon
come-REAL-1PL
ti-gin-iwon
build-REAL-1PL
menda-r-on
come-REAL-NON 1 PL
ti-gin-on
build-REAL-NON 1 PL
etaga-r-ep
see-REAL-1SG
ti-gen-ep
build-REAL-1SG
etaga-t
see-REAL[NON 1 SG]
ti-gen
build-REAL[NON 1 SG]
etaga-r-ewan
see-REAL-1PL
ti-gen-ewan
build-REAL-1PL
etaga-r-in
see-REAL-NON 1 PL
ti-gin-in
build-REAL-NON 1 PL
aktu-l-ep
wrap-REAL-1SG
ndat-kend-ep
hear-REAL-1SG
aktu-t
wrap-REAL[NON 1 SG]
ndat-ke
hear-REALNON 1 SG
aktu-l-ewa
wrap-REAL-1PL
ndat-kend-eva
hear-REAL-1PL
aktu-l-e
wrap-REAL-NON 1 PL
ndat-kend-e
hear-REAL-NON 1 PL
MAN
-t
-ken
YWB
-t
-ken
DWB
-t
-ken
Sources: Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:11, 32); Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:128-129); Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma
1992:25); (Jang 2008:33)
Digul Wambon has several allomorphs for -ken: -kend, -knd, -ke and -xe. The -ke and
-xe allomorphs only occur in NON 1 SG verb forms; -xe occurs when the verb stem
ends in a vowel, -ke when it is consonant-final. De Vries & Wiersma (1992) and Jang
(2008) describe the -kend and -knd forms as ending in an /e/ (thus as -kende and knde), but it makes more sense, especially in the NON 1 PL form, to analyze this -e as
belonging to the subject person-number marker that follows the mood marker. The
final -d then found in Digul Wambon 1SG, 1PL and NON 1 PL forms is absent in both
Yonggom Wambon and Mandobo; unfortunately it is at this point not known (1)
how this -d became attached to the Digul Wambon -ken form or (2) what its function
is.
Besides the Digul Wambon allomorphs of -ken, some other phonological changes
also occur in the paradigms in Table 6.4. The realis marker -t changes to /r/ intervocalically in Mandobo and Yonggom Wambon, and to /l/ in Digul Wambon. In
Mandobo and Yonggom Wambon, the /k/ of -ken changes to /g/ intervocalically,
while vowel harmonization also occurs, for example in Yonggom Wambon ti-gin-in
‘they are/were building’. These changes can be accounted for by the morphophonemic sound changes listed in Chapter 2 (Section 2.2).
All Dumut semi-finite realis forms are used to express actions that are currently
happening or that happened in the recent past. In the three Dumut languages, -t and
-ken forms have various other functions as well as different distribution frequencies.
The following paragraphs offer a synchronic description of -t and -ken forms in the
three Dumut languages.
6. Mood
96
Mandobo semi-finite realis forms
In Mandobo, semi-finite realis -ken forms are far more frequent than semi-finite realis -t forms; in all Mandobo texts (Drabbe 1959:10-102), there are only six occurrences of -t forms, while there are hundreds of -ken forms. There are so few -t forms
because they only occur in what Drabbe (1959:32,104-105) describes as conditional
constructions. These constructions have a -t form in the protasis and a semi-finite
irrealis form or an imperative form in the apodosis. So in (43), ŋgwandet is the -t form
and the apodosis is formed by the semi-finite irrealis keaon, whereas in (44) mendaron
ends the protasis and noa forms the apodosis. The occurrence of Mandobo realis -t
forms is further discussed in Sections 11.3.3 and 11.3.6.
(43) Murup ŋgwande-t
kea-on.
rain stop-REAL[NON 1 SG] go[IRR]-1PL.
‘If it stops raining, let us go.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:32)
(44) Mbe kee-r-in-an
ane ro menda-r-on,
that bring-REAL-NON 1 PL-PST eat with come-REAL-NON 1 PL
noa.
give[IRR.NON 1 SG]
‘if you (PL) brought something with you to eat, give (it to me).’
Mandobo (Drabbe
1959:31)
Thus the difference between -t and -ken forms in Mandobo is that -t forms occur
specifically in clauses with a conditional interpretation, while -ken forms occur in
all other contexts where a Mandobo speaker wants to express realis meaning. The
Mandobo sentences in (45) contain ten -ken forms occurring with perception verbs
(itigio-gen, ndot-ken), before the connective doro in a tail-head linkage construction
(ra-ŋŋgen), with the sequence marker -aro, and in its usual position, clause-final position (ko-gen, ra-ŋŋgen, taga-ŋŋgen, ra-ŋŋgen).
(45) Teen-gen
do
ko-gen.
Ko itigio-gen
shoot-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN go-REAL[NON 1 SG] go see-REAL[NON 1 SG]
Kümo ra-ŋŋgen
doro,
kümo ra-ŋŋgen.
lie-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN
CONN die lie- REAL[ NON 1 SG ] die
do,
ndot-ken
do,
a
wüop mbo u mun
mbo
hear-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN inside center stay pig young.one DUR
taga-ŋŋgen.
Ko küap tagamo, me-re
make.sound-REAL[NON 1 SG] go human tell
come-NON . CLOSE
itigio-gen
do,
u mun
mbo mangor o
namo
see-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN pig young.one stay mouth CONN through
meri-gin-aro
ra-ŋŋgen.
come.down-REAL[NON 1 SG]-SEQ lie-REAL[NON 1 SG]
6.3. Realis Mood
97
‘When he (Ngou) shot (it), it (the pig) went. He (Ngou) goes and sees (that)
(the pig) is dead. (The pig) is dead and Ngou hears a piglet make sound
inside the pig (in the pig’s belly). He goes and tells the humans, he comes
and sees (that) the piglet has come out (of the pig) through the mouth and is
lying down.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:17)
Yonggom Wambon semi-finite realis forms
From Drabbe’s description of Yonggom Wambon, it appears that semi-finite realis
-t and -ken forms have very similar functions. He notes that “in general, the same
thing can be said about the use of -t forms as about the use of -ken forms.”5 However,
languages hardly ever have two very different forms with exactly the same function.
The question that therefore needs to be answered is what distinguishes -t forms from
-ken forms in Yonggom Wambon.
A detailed study of Drabbe’s analysis of Yonggom Wambon reveals two possible
differences between -t and -ken forms. First, the sequential marker -a may only occur
after -t forms, and such sequential forms will always be followed by a -ken form or a
past finite -ran verb form (Drabbe 1959:134). According to Drabbe, a second instance
in which only -ken forms but no -t forms may occur is after a switch in subject has
occurred in a sentence (Drabbe 1959:133). However, both of these claims by Drabbe
can be disproved by examples from Yonggom Wambon texts. In (46) and (47), a
-t form, rather than Drabbe’s prescribed -ken or -ran form follows the verb form to
which the sequence marker -a is attached.6
(46) Mbanep mende-r-a
mbarukrawa-t.
crocodile come-REAL[NON 1 SG]-SEQ sleep.with-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘The crocodile comes and sleeps with (the daughter).’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe
1959:149)
(47) Mberema-r-a
turo-ro
enop jojomara ko
take-REAL[NON 1 SG]-SEQ go.up-NON - CLOSE tree tree.type go
andawa-t.
bind-REAL[NON 1 SG].
‘He takes (them) and goes up and binds one tree to another.’
Yonggom Wambon
(Drabbe 1959:153)
5 “In
’t algemeen kunnen we over het gebruik der -t vormen hetzelfde zeggen als over dat der
-ken vormen” (Drabbe 1959:129).
6 The Yonggom Wambon sequence marker is -a, whereas in Mandobo it is -ra or -aro. The Yonggom Wambon sequence marker -a cannot be reanalyzed as actually being -ra, as -a occurs after
NON 1 PL forms in which it is not directly preceded by an /r/:
(1)
ra ko mbukma-r-in-a
and-r-in-an.
hold go stay-REAL-1PL-SEQ eat-REAL-1PL-PST
‘They take it, stay (sit down) and eat (it).’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:149)
6. Mood
98
The second difference claimed by Drabbe – that realis -t forms would not occur
immediately after a change of subject – is invalidated by (48) and (49), where a semifinite -t form occurs in a sentence after a change of subject has occurred.
(48) irow=e
soma-t
mari
ŋgamburu ke-t.
stone=TOP throw-REAL[NON 1 SG] come.down thump be-REAL[NON 1 SG]
“He throws the stone and it comes down with a thump.” Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe
1959:154)
(49) Ri-r-in
kande
ok rira-t...
cut.down-REAL-NON 1 PL fall.down river go.down-REAL[NON 1 SG]...
‘They cut down (the tree), it falls down, it goes down the river...’
Yonggom
Wambon (Drabbe 1959:154)
Thus, the differences in function between -t and -ken forms proposed by Drabbe
are not supported by his own Yonggom Wambon textual data. A further look at
Yonggom Wambon texts will reveal some differences between Yonggom Wambon
semi-finite -t and -ken forms.
A quick glance at Yonggom Wambon texts reveals that -t forms are far more
frequent than -ken forms. A count of all semi-finite verb forms in Yonggom Wambon
texts (Drabbe 1959:145-157) results in 25 -ken forms and 258 -t forms.7 Thus, in these
texts, 91% of all semi-finite realis forms are -t forms, whereas only 9% are -ken forms.
Although this difference in frequency is significant, it does not reveal when
Yonggom Wambon speakers use a -ken form rather than a -t form. Hypothetically,
Yonggom Wambon -t and -ken forms could still be used interchangeably. However,
there are circumstances in which -ken forms are more likely to be used than -t forms.
When looking at the 25 -ken forms found in the Yonggom Wambon texts, one finds
that a high percentage of them, 60% to be precise, are formed with position verbs
mba- ‘sit’, jaŋŋ- ‘lie’ and ri- ‘stand,’ which are used in progressive or durative constructions in Yonggom Wambon. Furthermore, almost half (40%) of all -ken forms
found occur in the final clause of a sentence rather than in sentence-medial clauses.8
However, these are only tendencies of Yonggom Wambon -ken forms, as they do
also occur non-finally and with verbs other than position verbs. Furthermore, these
tendencies towards occurring finally and with position verbs do not distinguish -ken
forms from -t forms, as 27% of all -t forms occur finally and 10% of all -t forms are
made with position verbs. These results are given in Table 6.5.
To conclude, -t forms are far more frequent than -ken forms in Yonggom Wambon,
while -ken forms tend to occur with position verbs and clause-finally. Hypothetically, the two forms could be used interchangeably because no individual identifying difference between the two forms was found. Only when the sequence marker
7 Fifty-five
of these -t forms occur with the sequence marker -a.
sentence-medial clauses with semi-finites are far more frequent than sentence-final
clauses with semi-finites. Of 283 clauses containing semi-finite verbs in Yonggom Wambon, only
80 were sentence-final clauses. Of semi-finite realis -t forms, only 27% occurred in sentence-final
clauses.
8 Overall,
6.3. Realis Mood
99
Table 6.5: Comparison of -t and -ken forms in Yonggom Wambon texts
total
of which are final
of which are position verbs
-ken forms
25/283 = 9%
10/25 = 40%
15/25 = 60%
-t forms
258/283 = 91%
70/258 = 27%
26/258 = 10%
-a attaches to a semi-finite form must it be a -t form. Knowing the exact difference in
meaning or function between Yonggom Wambon -t and -ken forms is, based on the
current data, beyond our grasp.
Digul Wambon semi-finite realis forms
Digul Wambon, like Yonggom Wambon and Mandobo, has two realis mood markers, -ke(nd) and -t. The allomorphs of Digul Wambon -ke(nd) were discussed above:
in NON 1 SG the mood marker is realized as -ke or, if the verb stem preceding the
mood marker ends in a vowel, as -xe. In 1SG, 1PL and NON 1 PL verb forms, the
mood marker is realized as -kend or, if shortening occurs, as -knd. The mood marker
-t is realized as -t except when it occurs intervocalically; it is then realized as -l.
When Digul Wambon realis semi-finites occur clause-medially, they are obligatorily
followed by the coordinating connective =o.
A study of Digul Wambon texts (de Vries and Wiersma 1992:83-96 and Jang
2008:125-131) reveals a difference between the two Digul Wambon semi-finite realis verb forms. The -ke(nd) forms occur in constructions with connective verbs that
express aspectual meaning,9 while -t forms do not.10 Two aspectual constructions
exist with which -ke(nd) forms often co-occur. The first construction is with the nonfinite form of the verb kit ‘to finish’, indicating that an ongoing action has finished.
In 50, the measuring of string is the action which is completed before another action.
(50) yat-ke-l=o
awaiktop=ka
lavi-lo
light-be-REAL[NON 1 SG]=CONN early.morning=ERG descend-NON . CLOSE
kono sifal=e
hano-mo-knd-eva-n=o
and measure.string=TOP measure-do-REAL-1PL-tr.nasal=CONN
kit-mbel=o
mbup-ma-l-eva-mbo.
finish-SEQ=CONN split-do-REAL-1PL-PST
‘When it became light we descended and we finished measuring string and
we split (the logs).’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:88)
9 See
also Section 8.3.
(2008) recognizes that -ke(nd) forms occur with an ongoing or progressive meaning: “The
majority of the frequent uses of the final verb present form [= Jang’s analysis of ke(nd) forms] in
medial clauses are understood to be pragmatically analogous to the progressive aspect of final verbs”
(Jang 2008:60). De Vries & Wiersma (1992) only note that -ke(nd) forms are present narrative verb
forms.
10 Jang
6. Mood
100
The second aspectual construction is formed with the NON 1 SG -ke(nd) of the verb ko
‘to go,’ and has means ‘until’.11 A verb conjugated with -ke(nd) precedes koxeno and
expresses an ongoing action. In (51), the sawing is continued until something else
happens.
(51) Osak osax-a
waxot han lap-kend-eva-n=o
koxeno
Again again-CONN month one saw-REAL-1PL-tr.nasal=CONN until
taxemo miŋŋgu-n=eve
taxem-ka lav=o
nda-mbel=o
three week-tr.nasal=TOP three-ERG saw=CONN not.be-SEQ=CONN
yat-ke-l=o
nux=e hitulov=e
ndave-l-ep-mbo.
light-be-REAL[NON 1 SG]=CONN I-TOP Thursday=TOP return-REAL-1SG-PST
‘Again one month we sawed until three weeks had gone, the sawing finished
and when it became light on Thursday I returned.’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma
1992:92)
Of 25 -ke(nd) forms found in Digul Wambon texts, 16 occur in either of these two
aspectual ‘until’ or ‘finish’ construction.12 Thus Digul Wambon -ke(nd) forms, like
Yonggom Wambon -ken forms, tend to occur in aspectual contexts, a tendency that
is not shared by Digul Wambon -t forms.
Rather, Digul Wambon -t forms occur when there is a switch in subject, as illustrated in (52), where the subject changes after loxolevo from ‘I’ to ‘they’ and after
akmoxeleno from ‘they’ to ‘we’.
(52) Et-mbel=o
ap
nda-no
loxo-l-ev=o
kav=e
Leave-SEQ=CONN house come-SIM speak-REAL-1SG=CONN people=TOP
nuk akmoxe-l-en=o
kono oy=e
talemo hali-mbel=o
me follow-REAL-NON 1 PL=CONN next pig=TOP cut
carry-SEQ=CONN
lap-ndave-l-eva-mbo.
take-come-REAL-1PL-PST
‘I left and came to the house speaking and people followed me and we cut
up the pig and carried it and came (back).’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:84-85)
On the other hand, -ke(nd) forms do not necessarily mark a switch in subject. Thus
the main difference between Digul Wambon -t and -ke(nd) forms is not their frequency (besides 25 -ke(nd) forms, 22 -t forms were found in Digul Wambon texts),
but in whether or not they mark a switch in subject. In addition, Digul Wambon
kend- forms tend to occur in continuous or progressive contexts.
11 The
stem of the verb ‘to go’, namely ko, can also have the meaning ‘until’.
-ke(nd) forms that were followed by a time clause such as ‘4 weeks’ or ‘afternoon’ were also
counted as occurring in an ‘until’ construction. It must also be noted that -ke(nd) verbs are not the
only verb forms that can precede kitmbelo or koxeno; non-finite SS forms and fully finite past tense
forms also occur in that position.
12 The
6.3. Realis Mood
6.3.3
101
Awyu realis forms
The realis verb form found in all four Awyu languages consists of a verb stem followed by a realis marker and a person-number marker. In these forms, no tense
marker occurs, and the realis forms can be used to express both events occurring
presently (Aghu, Pisa, Shiaxa, Yenimu) and those occurring in the recent past (Aghu,
Pisa). All Awyu languages have two realis mood markers, either of which follows
the verb stem; -d in first person forms and -k in non-first person forms.
Table 6.6: Awyu realis paradigms
1SG
NON 1 SG
1PL
NON 1 PL
AXU
da-d-e
come.I-REAL.1-1SG
da-d-oã
come.I-REAL.1-1PL
PSA
de-d-i
come.I-REAL.1-1SG
SHI
da-d
hear.I-REAL.1
da-k-e
come.I-REAL.NON 1NON 1 SG
de-x-i
come.I-REAL.NON 1NON 1 SG
da-g
hear.I-REAL.NON 1
da-d-a
hear.I-REAL.1-1PL
YEN
wu-d-i
come.I-REAL.1-1SG
wu
come.I
wu-d-a
come.I-REAL.1-1PL
da-k-enã
come.I-REAL.NON 1NON 1 PL
de-x-enã
come.I-REAL.NON 1NON 1 PL
da-gox-ona
hear.I-REAL.NON 1NON 1 PL
wu-gox-ona
come.I-REAL.NON 1NON 1 PL
de-d-a
come.I-REAL.1-1PL
Sources: Aghu (Drabbe 1957:10); Shiaxa, Pisa, Yenimu (Drabbe 1950:111-112)
Table 6.6 contains a realis paradigm from each of the four Awyu languages,
clearly showing the alternation between realis marker -d in first person forms and
realis marker -k in non-first person forms. The realis marker -k has several allomorphs. In Aghu, -g, -x and -ox are allomorphs of -k; Drabbe states that there is
no rule governing which allomorph is chosen (Drabbe 1957:10). For Pisa, Drabbe
notes that allomorph -g is used when the verb stem ends in /e/ or /o/, allomorph
ŋg occurs after a nasal vowel, while -k appears after /i/ or /a/ (Drabbe 1950:112). In
Shiaxa and Yenimu, -kox or -gox are found in the NON 1 PL forms; -kox is not an exact
allomorph of -k, but rather is -k plus -ox. However, it is unclear how this form came
about; it will be glossed as an allomorph of -k.
Unlike for Dumut languages, little can be said about the distribution or specific
function of semi-finite realis forms in Awyu languages, as a complete grammar is
available only for Aghu.13
6.3.4
Kombai realis forms
Kombai marks realis mood like Awyu languages: -d is the mood marker in first
person forms, while -k (allomorph -g intervocalically) is the non-first person mood
marker. However, -g only occurs as a mood marker with verbs whose stems end in
13 The
function of Aghu semi-finites is discussed in Chapter 11 on Clause Linkage.
6. Mood
102
a nasal vowel; the realis marker does not appear in non-first person forms when the
verb stem does not end in a nasal vowel. These two situations are illustrated by two
paradigms in Table 6.7.
Table 6.7: Kombai realis paradigms
1 SG
NON 1 SG
PL
NON 1 PL
non-nasal stem
nasal stem
xa-d-e(f)
go.I-REAL.1-1SG
xa
go.I[REAL . NON 1 SG]
xa-d-efo
go.I-REAL .1-1PL
xa-no
go.i-[REAL]NON 1 PL
ũ-d-e(f)
kill.I-REAL.1-1SG
ũ-g-e
kill.I-REAL . NON 1-NON 1 SG
ũ-d-efo
kill.I-REAL .1-1PL
ũ-g-eno
kill.I-REAL . NON 1-NON 1 PL
Source: de Vries (1993:22-23)
The non-first person forms for the verb xa ‘to go’ are formed by adding a personnumber marker to the verb stem; no mood marker occurs.14 In the non-first person
forms of the verb ũ ‘to kill’, the non-first person realis marker -g appears. Note that
the analysis of -d and -g as mood markers differs from the analysis given in de Vries
(1993), where -d and -g are analyzed as being part of the person-number markers.
6.4
Reconstruction
Proto Dumut
Dumut languages have two realis mood markers, -t and -ken, which occur in separate paradigms. In Digul Wambon, -ken occurs mainly in aspectual contexts with
completive kitmbelo ‘finish’ and progressive koxeno ‘until’ constructions. In Yonggom
Wambon, 60% of all -ken forms occur with position verbs, which in Awyu-Dumut
languages express progressive meaning (see Chapter 8 on Aspect). Interestingly,
Aghu has a durative marker -ke to express ongoing action; thus bey-oa-ŋŋge15 means
‘we are beating sago’ in Aghu (Drabbe 1957:21). The origin of Dumut -ken is likely
to be this progressive marker -ke, now only found in Aghu; this marker, in turn, possibly derived from the auxiliary verb *ke ‘to be’. In Proto Dumut, *-ken forms then
only occurred in progressive contexts.
Thus *-ken is reconstructed as a realis marker in Proto Dumut. Proto Dumut
*-ken occurred in constructions that express progressive meaning and is thought to
have originated from a progressive marker -ke derived from *ke ‘to be’. Realis
14 Kombai
irrealis non-first person forms are also formed by adding a person-number marker to a
verb stem. The non-first person realis forms can be distinguished from irrealis non-first person forms
because different stems are used.
15 The /k/ of -ke has become ŋg because it occurs intervocalically and after a nasal vowel.
6.4. Reconstruction
103
*-t is reconstructed as the older Proto Dumut realis marker; the *-ken form entered
Proto Dumut later and started competing with realis *-t forms. The reason to reconstruct *-t as the older form is because it has been marginalized in Mandobo and
restricted in Digul Wambon. Linguistic archaisms tend to survive in marginalized
or less basic functions, while the new forms that replace them are more widespread
(Koch 1996:219). In Mandobo, -ken forms pushed -t forms aside to the point where
Mandobo -t forms only occur in conditional clauses. In Yonggom Wambon, -t forms
remained frequent while very few -ken forms occur. The -ken forms that do occur
in Yonggom Wambon do not all appear in a progressive context, unlike in Proto
Dumut. In Digul Wambon, -t and -ken forms are about equally frequent.
To summarize, Proto Dumut had two realis markers, *-t and *-ken. Proto Dumut *-ken originated as a progressive marker and only occurred in progressive contexts. In Proto Dumut’s daughter languages, especially in Mandobo, *-ken forms
expanded in function and frequency, pushing aside the more archaic *-t forms.
Proto Awyu
All four Awyu languages have -d as a realis marker in 1SG and 1PL verb forms,
and realis marker -k in NON 1 SG and NON 1 PL verb forms. Hence for Proto Awyu
*-d is reconstructed as REAL.1 marker and *-k as REAL.NON 1 marker. The only difference in meaning and function of Proto Awyu *-d and *-k mood markers is the
subject person-number marker with which they co-occur. Proto Awyu might have
started to use two different mood markers in 1SG and NON 1 SG contexts because
final consonant deletion leveled out the difference between 1SG and NON 1 SG subject person-number markers. Thus Proto Awyu Dumut *-ep 1SG and *-en eventually
both became *-e in Proto Awyu because of the deletion of final /p/ and /n/.
Before final consonant deletion took place in Proto Awyu, mood markers were
not needed to distinguish between first and non-first person, and the proto language
at that stage might have had only one mood marker. This one mood marker is most
likely to have been *-d, which is still found in both first and non-first person in
several Awyu past tense paradigms (see Chapter 7 on Tense). The mood marker *-k
then later entered Proto Awyu, replacing *-d in non-first person forms.
Proto Awyu-Dumut
For Proto Dumut, two realis markers were reconstructed, *-t and *-ken, where *-t is
the older realis marker and *-ken has its origin in a progressive aspectual marker
-ke. For Proto Awyu, *-d REAL.1 and *-k REAL.NON 1 were reconstructed; *-d was
hypothesized to be the older form, while *-k came to be used as a realis marker once
the distinction between first and non-first person became unclear in Proto Awyu.
Given these reconstructed situations in the daughter languages, what can be said
about mood in Proto Awyu-Dumut?
In both Proto Dumut and Proto Awyu, *-t or *-d was reconstructed as the older
form, while *-ken and *-k entered these proto languages at a later stage. Proto Awyu
104
6. Mood
*-k and Proto Dumut *-ken are false cognates. Although both express realis mood,
they differ in form, function and origin.16 These differences are hard to explain, and
thus, following the form-function constraint introduced in Chapter 1, neither *-ken
nor *-k is reconstructed for Proto Awyu-Dumut. Rather, Proto Awyu-Dumut had
one realis marker *-t,17 which occurred in both first and non-first person forms. In
Proto Awyu and Kombai, the Proto Awyu-Dumut realis marker *-t was replaced in
NON 1 forms by *-k when 1 SG and NON 1 SG endings became the same due to final
consonant deletion; in Proto Awyu, *-k was then pressed into use as a non-first person realis marker in all instances, while in Kombai, -k only came to be used as a
realis marker if the verb stem ended in a nasal vowel. Thus Kombai illustrates an
intermediate step between Proto Awyu-Dumut and Proto Awyu, in which the realis
marker *-k has not spread to all NON 1 verb forms. The fact that Kombai and Proto
Awyu share the innovation of a realis marker -k supports a subgrouping of Kombai
with the Awyu languages rather than with the Dumut languages, a hypothesis to
which I will return in the conclusion of this book.
16 Proto
Dumut *-ken has its origins in a progressive marker -ke and has aspectual functions, while
Proto Awyu *-k marks non-first person, besides expressing realis meaning.
17 *-t rather than *-d is reconstructed for Proto Awyu-Dumut because /t/ is likely to have changed
to /d/ intervocalically in Proto Awyu. It must be noted however that /t/ to /d/ is not a regular
sound change occurring (intervocalically) between Proto Awyu-Dumut and Proto Awyu.
7
Tense
Awyu-Dumut languages are mood-driven, as demonstrated in the chapter on Mood.
Awyu-Dumut verbs are first marked for mood and then optionally for tense. Thus
tense is only marked on the verb if mood is expressed as well; if the verb is in realis
mood, a past tense marker may occur, whereas if the verb is in irrealis mood, a future tense marker may attach to the verb. Figure 7.1 depicts the interaction between
mood and tense in Awyu-Dumut languages. The verbs that are marked for both
mood and tense are finite verb forms, those only marked for mood are semi-finite
verb forms, whereas non-finite verb forms mark neither tense, mood, nor subject
person-number, but may contain a temporality marker.1 Both semi-finite and finite verbs do mark subject person-number. In semi-finite verb forms, the subject
person-number marker always follows the mood marker. In Dumut and Kombai finite verbs, the tense marker comes after the subject person-number marker, whereas
in the majority of Awyu finite verbs, the tense marker precedes the subject personnumber marker.
Verbs
+Mood
–Mood
–person-number(PN)
+REAL
+IRR
+temporality
+TNS,+PN
(past)
–TNS,+PN
+TNS,+PN
(future)
-temporality
–TNS,+PN
Figure 7.1: Awyu-Dumut verb structure
Semi-finite verbs, which do not contain a tense marker but which are marked for
mood, are far more frequent than finite forms, which express both tense and mood.
1 As
was pointed out in Chapter 6 on mood, Awyu non-finite verbs do express mood, although
not by a separate mood marker.
7. Tense
106
Indeed, in the Aghu text “Two Orphan Girls” (Drabbe 1957:55-62), there is one occurrence of a historical past form at the very end of the story, which places the whole
story, a myth, in the historical past. In the same story, there are a few occurrences
of distant past forms but only with the verb e- ‘to sit’ in durative contexts (Drabbe
1957:40).2 On the other hand, there are hundreds of semi-finite realis forms in this
story. Five of the nine other Aghu stories and myths recorded by Drabbe also have
a historical past form at the end of the story but few or no other finite past tense
forms, while semi-finite forms are abundant.
The two tenses that occur in Awyu-Dumut languages are past tense and future
tense. There is no present tense; rather, actions that occur at or near the moment
of speaking are expressed using a semi-finite realis form, as described in Chapter 6
on Mood. The Dumut morphemes -t and -ken were originally analyzed as ‘presentneutral’ tense forms by both Drabbe (1959) and de Vries & Wiersma (1992) but were
re-analyzed as realis mood markers in Section 6.3.1.
In Awyu languages multiple past tenses are found, while Dumut languages have
one past tense. A future tense is found in most but not all Awyu-Dumut languages.
In Section 7.2, future tense is discussed after past tenses are treated in Section 7.1.
Reconstructions are presented at the end of each section.
7.1
Past Tense
Foley notes that “tense systems in Papuan languages are generally more elaborate
than in European languages. In almost all cases more than one past tense is distinguished” (Foley 1986:159). This is true for Awyu languages, where a distinction can
be made between the recent past of today, yesterday’s past, the distant past and the
historical past. Dumut languages have only one past tense, while Kombai has no
past tense at all. Both Awyu and Dumut past tenses are expressed through tense
markers.
7.1.1
Dumut Past Tense
All three Dumut languages have one past tense, which is formed by suffixing a past
tense marker to a semi-finite realis -t form after the subject person-number marker.
The Dumut past tense is used to refer to any action or process that took place before
the time of speaking. The past tense marker in Yonggom Wambon and Mandobo
is -an, while Digul Wambon employs -mbo as a past tense marker. A past tense
paradigm for each of these three languages is presented in Table 7.1.
A few changes that occur in these paradigms due to morphophonemic rules need
to be explained. When the realis marker -t occurs intervocalically, it changes to
/r/ in Yonggom Wambon and Mandobo, and to /l/ in Digul Wambon. In Digul
Wambon the sounds /p/ and /mb/ combine to yield /p/, which then does not
2 For
an explanation of how position verbs are used in durative contexts in Awyu-Dumut languages, see Section 8.1.
7.1. Past Tense
107
Table 7.1: Dumut past paradigms
1SG
NON 1 SG
1PL
NON 1 PL
Mandobo
Yonggom Wambon
Digul Wambon
roroan
ro-t-op-an
put-REAL-1SG-PST
roran
ro-t-an
put-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST
rorunan
ro-t-un-an
put-REAL-1PL-PST
rorinan
ro-t-in-an
put-REAL-NON 1 PL-PST
etagarewan
etaga-t-ep-an
see-REAL-1SG-PST
etagaran
etaga-t-an
see-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST
etagarewanan
etaga-t-ewan-an
see-REAL-1PL-PST
etagarinan
etaga-t-in-an
see-REAL-NON 1 PL-PST
andelepo
ande-t-ep-mbo
eat-REAL-1SG-PST
andetmbo
ande-t-mbo
eat-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST
andelevambo
ande-t-eva-mbo
eat-REAL-1PL-PST
andelembo
ande-t-e-mbo
eat-REAL-NON 1 PL-PST
Sources: Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:10); Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:130); Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:26)
fricativize, unlike /p/ in the Yonggom Wambon 1SG form, which fricativizes to
/w/. The /p/ that would be expected in the Mandobo 1SG form disappears between the /a/ and the /o/, as Drabbe notes: “between /a/ and /o/ the /p/ is
dropped, and /w/ does not occur as a ligature”3 in Mandobo.
For Proto Dumut, *-an is reconstructed as the past tense marker, as it occurs in
both Mandobo and Yonggom Wambon. It is likely that Digul Wambon introduced
-mbo as a past tense marker after losing Proto Dumut *-an. Digul Wambon -mbo
might have its origin in the durative marker -mbo, which in turn is derived from the
locative verb mba ‘to sit, to stay’.
7.1.2
Awyu Past Tenses
Awyu languages can have up to four past tenses. The four past tenses found in
Awyu languages are the hodiernal and hesternal pasts, respectively used to express
actions that occurred today or yesterday, and the distant and historical pasts. Not
all Awyu languages have all four tenses. Aghu, for example, distinguishes only
two past tenses, the distant and the historical, and uses semi-finite realis forms to
express events that occurred recently, as described in Section 6.3.3. Pisa also has just
two past tenses; hesternal past and distant past. Shiaxa and Yenimu each have four
past tenses. The semantic use of the past tenses is not exact. Rather, it is based on
how much time the speaker feels has passed. Drabbe observes the following about
the use of past tenses in Aghu:
The boundary between the use of both past tenses is of course not exactly
marked off, all the more because the Papuan, and especially the Aghu
Awyu who has no wet and dry season to measure time by, has a very bad
3 “Tussen
1959:6).
/a/ en /o/ vervalt echter de /p/, en treedt geen /w/ op als verbinding” (Drabbe
7. Tense
108
sense of time. In many cases both past tenses might be used, depending
on how much time one feels has passed.4
The following paragraphs give a description of each of the four past tenses found in
Awyu languages.
Hodiernal past
The hodiernal past form is used to express actions that took place on the same day as
when the utterance was spoken. Only Shiaxa and Yenimu have specific hodiernal
past forms; Aghu and Pisa use semi-finite realis forms, consisting of a verb stem,
a mood marker and a person-number marker, to express hodiernal actions. Semifinite realis paradigms for all four Awyu languages can be found in Table 6.6 in
Chapter 6, while Table 7.2 gives hodiernal past paradigms for Shiaxa and Yenimu.
Table 7.2: Shiaxa and Yenimu hodiernal past paradigms
1SG
NON 1 SG
1PL
NON 1 PL
Shiaxa
Yenimu
dadowe
da-d-owe
come.I-REAL.1-1SG
dagore
da-k-ore
come.I-REAL.NON 1-NON 1 SG
dadowa
da-d-owa
come.I-REAL.1-1PL
dagena
da-k-ena
come.I-REAL.NON 1-NON 1 PL
atidiki
ati-di-k-i
bite.I-REAL.1-HOD-1SG
atiki
ati-k-k-i
bite.I-REAL.NON 1-HOD-NON 1 SG
atidika
ati-di-k-a
bite.I-REAL.1-HOD-1PL
atikina
ati-k-k-ina
bite.I-REALNON 1-HOD-NON 1 PL
Sources: Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:113); Yenimu (Drabbe 1950:113-114)
Shiaxa forms its hodiernal past by using a specific set of person-number markers,
different from the one it uses for semi-finite realis verb forms. The hodiernal past
person-number markers are also used in all other Shiaxa past tenses. The two different person-number sets Shiaxa uses are listed in Table 7.3. The initial vowels of
the singular person-number markers vary according to the final vowel of the stem:
if a stem ends in /a/, then the singular marker start with /o/; otherwise, the initial
vowel of the singular person-number marker is the same as the final vowel of the
verb stem.
In Yenimu, a hodiernal marker -k occurs throughout the paradigm; in first person
forms it comes after the mood marker -d and in non-first person forms it combines
4 “De
grens tussen het gebruik der beide praeterita is natuurlijk niet nauwkeurig afgebakend,
temeer daar de Papoea, en vooral de Aghu-Awyu die geen natte en droge seizoenen kent om er de
tijd mee te meten, een zeer slecht begrip van tijd heeft. In veel gevallen zal men zowel het ene als het
andere praeteritum gebruiken, al naar gelang men de verstreken tijd aanvoelt” (Drabbe 1957:12).
7.1. Past Tense
109
Table 7.3: Shiaxa person-number markers
1SG
NON 1 SG
1PL
NON 1 PL
finite past
forms
semi-finite
realis forms
-(V)we
-(V)re
-owa
-ena
–
–
-a
-ona
with the mood marker -k. The subject person-number markers in the Yenimu hodiernal past paradigm do differ from the subject person-number markers it uses in other
paradigms, but this variation in form does not express a (distinctive) variation in
meaning.
Hesternal past
Awyu speakers use a hesternal past verb form when talking about an action that
happened on the day before the time of speaking. Each Awyu language has its own
way of forming the hesternal past. Table 7.4 gives hesternal past paradigms for Pisa,
Shiaxa and Yenimu.
Table 7.4: Awyu hesternal past paradigms
1SG
NON 1 SG
1PL
NON 1 PL
Pisa
Shiaxa
Yenimu
dedira
de-d-i-ra
come.I-REAL-1SG-HEST
dexira
de-k-i-ra
come.I-REAL-1SG-HEST
dagodewe
da-go-d-ewe
hear.I-HEST-REAL-1SG
dagodere
da-go-d-ere
hear.I-HEST-REALNON 1 SG
dagodowa
da-go-d-owa
hear.I-HEST-REAL-1PL
dagodenã
da-go-d-enã
hear.I-HEST-REAL-NON 1 PL
otodifi
oto-d-ifi
ascend.I-REAL-1SG
otodi
oto-d-i
ascend.I-REAL-NON 1 SG
dedara
de-d-a-ra
come.I-REAL-1PL-HEST
dexenãra
de-k-enã-ra
come.I-REAL-NON 1 PL-
otodifa
oto-d-ifa
ascend.I-REAL-1PL
otodina
oto-d-ina
ascend.I-REAL-NON 1 PL
HEST
Sources: Pisa (Drabbe 1950:114); Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:114); Yenimu (Drabbe 1950:114)
In Pisa, a tense marker -ra is added after the semi-finite realis form. This is the only
Awyu past tense marker that occurs at the end of the verb form; all other Awyu past
tense markers occur in between the mood marker and the subject person-number
marker. In Dumut languages, past tense markers always occur verb-finally.
In Shiaxa, a hesternal tense marker -go is positioned in between the verb stem
and the mood marker -d, which in this paradigm occurs in both the first person
7. Tense
110
and non-first person forms. The vowel in Shiaxa’s hesternal mood marker is not
always -o but rather depends on the vowel which occurs in the stem. In Yenimu,
the hesternal paradigm is distinguished from other Yenimu past paradigms by the
occurrence of realis marker -d throughout the paradigm.
Aghu uses its semi-finite realis paradigm to also express hesternal meaning, just
as it uses these forms to express hodiernal meaning; the Aghu semi-finite realis
paradigm is not included in Table 7.4 but can be found in Table 6.6.
Distant past
All four Awyu languages have the possibility of expressing the distant past for
events that did not take place recently nor a very long time ago. Table 7.5 contains a
distant past paradigm from Aghu, Pisa, Shiaxa and Yenimu.
Table 7.5: Awyu distant past paradigms
1SG
NON 1 SG
1PL
NON 1 PL
1SG
NON 1 SG
1PL
NON 1 PL
Aghu
Pisa
fidke
fi-d-(a)k-e
come.I-REAL.1-DIST-1SG
fiaki
fi-ak-i
come.I-DIST-NON 1 SG
fidkoã
fi-d-(a)k-oã
come.I-REAL.1-DIST-1PL
fiakenã
fi-ak-enã
come.I-DIST-NON 1 PL
dedaxari
de-d-aka-ri
come.I-REAL.1-DIST-1SG
daki
de-ak-i
come.I-DIST-NON 1 SG
dedaxaya
de-d-aka-ya
come.I-REAL.1-DIST-1PL
dakinã
de-ak-inã
come.I-DIST-NON 1 PL
Shiaxa
Yenimu
atimakewe
ati-mak-ewe
bite.I-DIST-1SG
atimakere
ati-mak-ere
bite.I-DIST-NON 1 SG
atimakowa
ati-mak-owa
bite.I-DIST-1PL
atimakena
ati-mak-ena
bite.I-DIST-NON 1 PL
tagamafi
taga-ma-fi
tell.I-DIST-1SG
tafamaki
tafa-mak-i
tell.I-DIST-NON 1 SG
tagamafa
taga-ma-fa
tell.I-DIST-1PL
tagamakina
taga-mak-ina
tell.I-DIST-NON 1 PL
Sources: Aghu (Drabbe 1959:10); Pisa (Drabbe 1950:115); Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:115); Yenimu (Drabbe 1950:115)
In the Pisa and Aghu paradigms, the realis marker -d occurs in first person forms,
while realis -d is absent in the Shiaxa and Yenimu distant past paradigms. In Aghu
7.1. Past Tense
111
and Pisa, the distant past marker is -ak, with variants -k in Aghu and -axa in Pisa.
Drabbe does not analyze the /a/ in Aghu as being part of the tense marker but
writes it separately, without a gloss. A comparison with Pisa, however, justifies
analyzing Aghu’s distant past marker as -ak. The initial /a/ only occurs in NON 1
forms, and then only if the verb stem ends in /i/ or /ü/. If the verb stem ends in an
/a/ or an /e/, the /a/ of -ak replaces that vowel. Thus, the distant past paradigm
for the Aghu verb ede ‘to give’ is
Table 7.6: Aghu distant past paradigm
1
NON 1
SG
PL
ededke
ede-d-(a)k-e
give-REAL.1-DIST-1SG
edaki
ede-ak-i
give-DIST-NON 1 SG
ededkoã
ede-d-(a)k-oã
give-REAL.1-DIST-1PL
edakenã
ede-ak-enã
give-DIST-NON 1 PL
In Shiaxa, the distant past marker is -mak, while Drabbe claims that the Yenimu
distant past marker is -ma (Drabbe 1950:115). However, in NON 1 verb forms, a /k/
follows Yenimu -ma, and it makes more sense to analyze Yenimu as having a distant
past marker -mak, like Shiaxa, of which the final /k/ was dropped in first person
verb forms.
Historical past
Aghu, Shiaxa and Yenimu each have a historical past to express events that took
place a long time ago. All three languages have a tense marker that occurs in
between the mood marker -d(i), found throughout the paradigm, and the personnumber marker. The tense marker in Aghu is -ia, in Shiaxa it is -ra and in Yenimu
it is -r. Table 7.7 contains three historical past paradigms, one for each of the Awyu
languages with a historical past.
Comparison and reconstruction of Awyu past tenses
Great diversity exists within and between the different Awyu past tenses. Not one
tense is formed the same way in any of the four languages. In some paradigms, -d
occurs throughout as a realis marker (Yenimu hesternal past, all historical pasts); in
another paradigm it is absent altogether (Shiaxa distant past). Three distinct past
tense markers occur throughout the paradigms: -(a)k, -ra and -ma(k). We find -(a)k
as a hesternal past marker (Yenimu) and as a distant past marker (Aghu, Pisa). The
marker -ra is a hodiernal past tense marker in Pisa, but the historical past tense
marker in Shiaxa and Yenimu. The marker -ma is only found as a distant past marker
in Shiaxa and Yenimu, while the variant -mak occurs throughout the Shiaxa distant
7. Tense
112
Table 7.7: Awyu historical past paradigms
Aghu
dadia
da-d-ia
come.I-REAL-HIST[1SG]
NON 1 SG dadia
da-d-ia
come.I-REALHIST [ NON 1 SG ]
1PL
dadiaoã
da-d-ia-oã
come.I-REAL-HIST-1PL
NON 1 PL dedianã
da-d-ia-nã
come.I-REAL-HISTNON 1 PL
1SG
Shiaxa
Yenimu
atidirawe
ati-di-ra-we
bite.I-REAL-HIST-1SG
atidirare
ati-di-ra-re
bite.I-REAL-REALNON 1 SG
atidirawa
ati-di-ra-wa
bite.I-REAL-HIST-1PL
atidirana
ati-di-ra-na
bite.I-REAL-HISTNON 1 PL
atidrefi
ati-d-r-efi
bite.I-REAL-HIST-1SG
atidra
ati-d-r-a
bite.I-REAL-REALNON 1 SG
atidrefa
ati-d-r-efa
bite.I-REAL-HIST-1PL
atidrena
ati-d-r-ena
bite.I-REAL-HISTNON 1 PL
Sources: Aghu (Drabbe 1957:11); Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:116); Yenimu (Drabbe 1950:116)
Table 7.8: Awyu past tenses
Aghu
Pisa
Shiaxa
Yenimu
hodiernal past 1SG
hodiernal past NON 1 SG
hodiernal past 1PL
hodiernal past NON 1 PL
realis form
realis form
realis form
realis form
realis form
realis form
realis form
realis form
realis form+PN1
realis form+PN1
realis form+PN1
realis form+PN1
di+k+PN
k+k+PN
di+k+PN
k+k+PN
hesternal past 1SG
hesternal past NON 1 SG
hesternal past 1PL
hesternal past NON 1 PL
realis form
realis form
realis form
realis form
d+PN+ra
k+PN+ra
d+PN+ra
k+PN+ra
g(V)+d+PN1
g(V)+d+PN1
g(V)+d+PN1
g(V)+d+PN1
d+PN
d+PN
d+PN
d+PN
distant past 1SG
distant past NON 1 SG
distant past 1PL
distant past NON 1 PL
d+(a)k+PN
(a)k+PN
d+(a)k+PN
(a)k+PN
d+axa+PN
ak+PN
d+axa+PN
ak+PN
mak+PN1
mak+PN1
mak+PN1
mak+PN1
ma+PN
mak+PN
ma+PN
mak+PN
historical past 1SG
historical past NON 1 SG
historical past 1PL
historical past NON 1 PL
d+ia
d+ia
d+ia+PN
d+ia+PN
–
–
–
–
d+ra+PN1
d+ra+PN1
d+ra+PN1
d+ra+PN1
d+r+PN
d+r+PN
d+r+PN
d+r+PN
past paradigm and in NON 1 forms in the Yenimu distant past paradigm. Diversity
is also found in the order of the morphemes; sometimes the tense marker precedes
the mood marker (Shiaxa hesternal past, Shiaxa distant past, Yenimu distant past),
while in other paradigms it follows the person-number marker (Pisa hesternal past).
In all other cases the tense marker is placed in between the mood marker and the
person-number marker. Table 7.8 summarizes the past tenses found in Aghu, Pisa,
7.2. Future Tense
113
Shiaxa and Yenimu.
Concerning the use of Awyu past tenses, little is known because only the Aghu
grammar description contains texts. It is therefore unclear in what contexts or with
what frequency Awyu past tenses are used. For Aghu, it is clear that distant past
forms are very infrequent (only two occurrences in all the texts), while historical past
forms only occur at the beginning or the end of a story. Thus it can be hypothesized
that the past tenses are not used very frequently in the other Awyu languages either.
For these two reasons (great diversity and paucity of data) I do not consider it
possible to reconstruct past tense(s) for Proto Awyu, except to say that Proto Awyu
most probably had at least one past tense.
7.2
Future Tense
If a language has a distinction between realis and irrealis forms, as Awyu-Dumut
languages do, that does not necessarily mean that the language also has a specific
future tense. As Comrie notes:
Some languages have a basic modal distinction between realis and irrealis, where realis refers to situations that have actually taken place or are
actually taking place, while irrealis is used for more hypothetical situations, including situations that represent inductive generalisations, and
also predictions, including also predictions about the future [...] Since future time reference in these languages is subsumed under irrealis, while
present time reference (in the absence of any other modal value) is subsumed under realis, it is indeed the case that present and future time
reference will have different grammatical realisations, but without it being the case that these languages have a distinct future tense [...] We are
therefore left with the problem of finding a language in which there is
a separate grammatical form used for future time reference, but where
the use of this form cannot be treated as a special use of a grammatical
category with basically non-tense meaning. (Comrie 1985:45-46)
In two Dumut languages (Mandobo and Yonggom Wambon), one Awyu language
(Aghu) and in Kombai, such a future tense is found. These languages have a specific
future tense marker that is attached to the semi-finite irrealis form. In the three
Awyu languages without a future tense marker (Pisa, Shiaxa and Yenimu), future
meaning is expressed by the semi-finite irrealis forms.
The future tense marker in Yonggom Wambon is -in, the Mandobo future marker
is -en, while Aghu has a future tense marker -E and Kombai expresses future tense
meaning by adding the future tense marker -i, which de Vries (1993) states is in free
allomorphic variation with -e. Table 7.9 contains future tense paradigms for these
four languages.
In Yonggom Wambon and Mandobo, the future tense marker comes before the 1SG
subject person-number marker. It then loses its final /n/ before the 1SG marker -ep,
7. Tense
114
Table 7.9: Dumut future tense paradigms
1SG
NON 1 SG
1PL
NON 1 PL
1SG
NON 1 SG
1PL
NON 1 PL
Mandobo
Yonggom Wambon
andeyep
ande-y-e-ep
eat[IRR]-LIG-FUT-1SG
I will eat
andenen
ande-n-en
eat[IRR]-NON 1 SG-FUT
you/he/she/it will eat
andewonen
ande-won-en
eat[IRR]-1PL-FUT
we will eat
andenonen
ande-non-en
eat[IRR]-NON 1 PL-FUT
they will eat
mayoyip
mayo-y-i-ep
descend[IRR]-LIG-FUT-1SG
I will descend
mayonin
mayo-n-in
descend[IRR]-NON 1 SG-FUT
you/he/she/it will descend
mayowanin
mayo-wan-in
descend[IRR]-1PL-FUT
we will descend
mayonanin
mayo-nan-in
descend[IRR]-NON 1 PL-FUT
they will descend
Aghu
Kombai
adeyE
ade-y-E
hear.II[IRR.1SG]-LIG-FUT
I will hear
adenE
ade-n-E
hear.II[IRR]-NON 1 SG-FUT
you/he/she/it will hear
adoanE
ad-oan-E
hear.II[IRR]-1PL-FUT
we will hear
adenanE
ad-enan-E
hear.II[IRR]-NON 1 PL-FUT
they will hear
aifi
ai-f-i
go.II[IRR]-1SG-FUT
I will go
aini
ai-n-i
go.II[IRR]-NON 1 SG-FUT
you/he/she/it will go
aifoni
ai-fon-i
go.II[IRR]-1PL-FUT
we will go
ainoni
ai-non-i
go.II[IRR]-NON 1 PL-FUT
they will go
Sources: Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:23); Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:128); Aghu (Drabbe 1957:14); Kombai (de Vries
1993:23)
and a ligature /y/ connects the verb stem and the future tense marker. In all other
instances, the future tense marker follows the subject person-number marker.
Digul Wambon,Pisa, Shiaxa and Yenimu do not have a future tense marker that
can be added to irrealis semi-finite forms. Drabbe does note that Pisa and Shiaxa can
add the affirmative postposition ni after semi-finite irrealis forms when they want
to express indicative future meaning. Drabbe even notes that this ni is never left out
when future meaning is expressed in Shiaxa, although he leaves it out in his Shiaxa
7.2. Future Tense
115
future paradigm.
Although Digul Wambon does not have a future tense marker, it does have a
construction that expresses immediate future meaning. By placing a realis conjugated form of the verb ma ‘to do’ after a semi-finite irrealis form, immediate future
tense is realized in Digul Wambon, as illustrated by the paradigm given in Table
7.10.
Table 7.10: Digul Wambon immediate future paradigm
1SG
NON 1 SG
1PL
NON 1 PL
atkip malep
atki-ep ma-t-ep
wrap[IRR]-1SG do-REAL-1SG
I will wrap soon
atki mat
atki ma-t
wrap[IRR.NON 1 SG] do-REAL[NON 1 SG]
you/he/she/it will wrap soon
atkiwa ma(le)wa5
atki-ewa ma-t-ewa
wrap[IRR]-1PL do-REAL-1PL
we will wrap soon
atkina mat
atki-na ma-t
wrap[IRR]-NON 1 PL do-REAL[NON 1 PL]
Source: Digul Wambon (Jang 2008:34)
Jang (2008:34) further notes that if ma ‘to do’ is conjugated with the realis marker
ke(nd) instead of with the realis marker -t, the construction has a remote future meaning. De Vries & Wiersma (1992:27) have a different analysis than Jang (2008), claiming that -mat is Digul Wambon’s future tense marker and that in 1SG and 1PL forms
the person-number markers appear twice, before and after ma(t). Thus de Vries &
Wiersma (1992) analyze atkip malep as in (53).
(53) atki-p
mal-ep
wrap[IRR]-1SG FUT-1SG
‘I will wrap’
Jang’s analysis is more elegant and has more credibility because Kombai also uses
the verb ma to express immediate future meaning, as in (54). In Kombai, a realis form
of the verb ma ‘to do’ follows an infinitive verb, marked by the infinitive marker -ni,
to express what the speaker is about to do or say.
(54) Doü ade-ni ma-d-e
Sago eat-INF do-REAL-1SG
‘I am about to eat sago’ Kombai, de Vries (1993:17)
5 Jang
(2008) places le in the 1PL form malewa in parentheses, while de Vries & Wiersma (1992)
also note that the /l/ does not appear in the 1PL form. This is an idiosyncracy for which the current
data offer no explanation.
7. Tense
116
Reconstruction of Awyu-Dumut future tense
Yonggom Wambon, Mandobo, Aghu and Kombai respectively have future tense
markers -in, -en, E and -i/-e. These are all reflexes of the same proto future tense
marker, which is reconstructed as *-e in Proto Awyu and as *-en/*-in in Proto Dumut
and Proto Awyu-Dumut. Kombai and Proto Awyu dropped the final consonant
/n/. Whether the vowel in the Proto Dumut and Proto Awyu-Dumut future tense
marker should be *e or *i cannot be determined because no regular sound changes
were found which could help answer this question. The Awyu-Dumut languages
that do not have a reflex of Proto Awyu-Dumut/Proto Dumut *-en/*-in or Proto
Awyu *-e are thought to have dropped future tense marking altogether, which is
not unlikely if one considers how infrequent finite verb forms are in Awyu-Dumut
languages. The use of the support verb ma ‘to do’ to express immediate future tense
in Kombai and Digul Wambon is a shared retention, a construction that was lost - or
not attested - in all other Awyu-Dumut languages.
7.3
Summary
Awyu-Dumut languages, which are mood-driven, all have distinct verb forms in
which tense is marked. These tensed verb forms occur very infrequently, which
perhaps explains why the Proto Awyu-Dumut future tense marker does not appear
in all Awyu-Dumut languages, and why Digul Wambon lost Proto Dumut past tense
marker *-an. At the same time, there is great freedom for Awyu-Dumut languages to
vary in their realizations of tense, resulting in a plethora of past tenses. Indeed, the
diversity within Awyu-Dumut past tenses is so great that no Proto Awyu or Proto
Awyu-Dumut past tense(s) can be reconstructed.
8
Aspect
While tense is concerned with the sequence of events in real time and mood marks
the speaker’s attitude towards the situation, aspect describes the internal temporal or phasal structure of actions or states. Thus, amongst other things, the aspect of a verb can express whether an action is ongoing, whether it has been completed, if it occurs over a long period of time or whether it happens once or multiple
times. Within Awyu-Dumut languages, aspectual structures are employed to express whether an action is ongoing (progressive) or completed, whether an action
takes place habitually, and whether or not an action is repeated and/or iterative.
A continuous or progressive aspect implies an ongoing, dynamic process. The habitual aspect on the other hand describes a situation that is characteristic of an extended period of time.
Section 8.1 describes how Awyu-Dumut locative verbs can express durative meaning, Section 8.2 discusses how iterative verb forms express habitual meaning, while
Section 8.3 introduces connective verbs used to either encode completed action or
bounded ongoing action.
8.1
Position Verbs
The Proto Awyu-Dumut position verb *mba ‘to sit/to stay’ has reflexes in all eight
Awyu-Dumut daughter languages, and in all Awyu-Dumut languages except Shiaxa, this verb can express durative meaning when joined to another verb. More
specifically, if a conjugated form of the verb mba ‘to sit/to stay’ follows a non-finite
verb form in Digul Wambon (55), Yonggom Wambon (56), Aghu (57) or Kombai,
that non-finite verb expresses an ongoing action.
(55) Yaxop hetax=o
mba-knd-e.
3PL look=CONN stay-REAL-NON 1 PL
‘They are looking.’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:33)
118
8. Aspect
(56) Waepmo-no mboge-nan
rakonmo ok kimbarukmo-nan-in.
travel-SIM sit-[IRR]NON 1 PL capsize river swim-NON 1 PL-FUT
(while) you(pl) will be traveling, you will capsize and will swim (across) the
river.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:149)
(57) Gobümü-du-k
emu xasu
axı̃ si-k-enã.
Si-di-k
cut.off-SS-CONN then nibung.leaf hut build-REAL-NON 1 PL build-SS-CONN
ba-de-k
syü
e-ŋŋg-enã.
E-ne-k
okem’ ba-de-k
sit-SS-CONN banana eat-REAL-NON 1 PL eat-SS-CONN forever sit-SS-CONN
syü
enigomo-do-k ba-dia-na.
banana eat.it-SS-CONN sit-DIST. PST-NON 1 PL
‘They cut of nibung leaves and built a hut. They built it, stayed there and ate
bananas. They ate, stayed forever eating bananas.’ Aghu (Drabbe 1957:62)
In Aghu example (57), the non-finite forms of the verb ‘to sit’ (badek) do not have
durative meaning, while the fully finite distant past form of ba, badiana, does result in
a durative reading of the preceding verb. Besides ba ‘to sit’, two other position verbs,
namely e ‘to stand’ and i ‘to lie down’ may also function in a durative construction in
Aghu. In Pisa, position verbs baxamo- ‘to sit’ or ri(mo)- ‘to lie down’ can occur after
another verb, giving it a durative interpretation. From the description by Drabbe
(1950:126) it is not clear, however, whether or not in Pisa the first verb is non-finite
and whether or not the position verb is inflected. As examples, Drabbe gives radi
rimo- ‘to continue holding’ and bu baxamo- ‘to fast for an extended period of time’.
In Mandobo, the conjugated form of the verb mba does not express durative aspect, but a durative marker mbe, clearly derived from the verb mba, occurs before a
conjugated verb, giving it a durative reading (58).
ö
(58) Wemin ge-gen
do,
kinum raŋŋgi-ro
Night be-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN sleep lie.down-NON . CLOSE dream
itigio-gen:
yomorop u te mbe ŋ-gen.
see-REAL[NON 1 SG] fruit
pig FOC DUR eat-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘When it was night, he lie down asleep and in a dream he saw: a pig was
eating the fruit’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:14)
Like Mandobo, Aghu has a durative marker before the verb, namely bu,1 derived
from the Aghu position verb ba (59). Kombai similarly has a pre-verbal durative
marker bo (60).2
1 The
durative marker bu is shortened to b’ before a vowel-initial verb. The /u/ of bu often
changes due to vowel harmony.
2 The durative marker is written separately from the verb by Drabbe and attached to the verb
by de Vries. Therefore they imply different levels of grammaticalization. What is certain is that the
durative marker in Awyu-Dumut languages is not part of a serial verb construction or simply a nonfinite form of the verb ‘to sit’, as the marker always has a slightly different form than the stem of the
verb ‘to sit’.
8.1. Position Verbs
119
(59) Büsyaghatigi yoxo mida-de-k
oxo bi
Büsyaghatigi they downstream.come-SS-CONN river DUR
ki-ŋŋg-enã.
Oxo bi ki-ŋŋg-enã,
mi-di-k
bathe-REAL-NON 1 PL river DUR bathe-REAL-NON 1 PL come.down-SS-CONN
fe u-g-e.
one stab-REAL-NON 1 SG
‘The Büsyaghatigi clan, they come downstream and are bathing in the river.
They are bathing in the river, he comes down and stabs one.’ Aghu (Drabbe 1957:58)
(60) Nu doü bo-ne-d-e.
I sago DUR-eat-REAL-1SG
‘I am eating sago’ Kombai (de Vries 1993:28)
Pisa has a pre-verbal durative marker ri, derived from the position verb ri(mo) ‘to lie
down’. Thus ri mari means ‘to descend over an extended period of time’ and ri nı̃
means ‘to eat lots, to keep eating’ (Drabbe 1950:126).
Yonggom Wambon and Digul Wambon have a durative marker that occurs after
the verb rather than before it, as in the other Awyu-Dumut languages. The Yonggom Wambon post-verbal durative marker mbon (61) and Digul Wambon durative
marker mbo (62) are both derived from the verb mba ‘to sit’.
mbon
(61) Kagup te,
raramun de,
munotit t’
i-ŋŋgin-in
men COORD women COORD children COORD eat-REAL-NON 1 SG DUR
‘Men and women and children are eating’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:145)
(62) Yu
si-knd-ep-o3
String.bag make-REAL-1SG-DUR
‘I am making a string bag’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:33)
So far, Shiaxa has not been discussed, although it does also have a position verb
with an aspectual function. Drabbe (1950:125) notes that baxamo in Shiaxa encodes
habitual meaning. Emed-baxemo, for example, means ‘to be used to doing’. Comrie explains how habitual meaning can be expressed by a position verb or another
element which expresses location:
Of the languages examined where habitual meaning is expressed by means
of a locative, it is always the case that progressive meaning is also expressed as a locative, indeed it is usually the case that the same locative
construction is used for both meanings [...] the locative expression of
progressive meaning is basic, and only if a language has this possibility
3 In
this Digul Wambon example, the morphophonemic rule /p/+/mb/=p applies, and thus the
durative marker -mbo is expressed as -o in this example. Note that the past tense marker in Digul
Wambon is also -mbo. However, the past tense marker only attaches to realis -t forms, not to realis
-kend forms.
8. Aspect
120
can it further extend the same form to habitual meaning, and this extension is rather an extension of the earlier progressive to become the only
imperfective form. (Comrie 1976:103)
Thus Shiaxa baxemo is hypothesized to have, at one point, expressed a durative meaning as well. Indeed, it might be the case that baxemo still has a durative reading in
Shiaxa in addition to its habitual reading, but that Drabbe did not note it in his short
grammar sketch. The use of a position verb to express both durative and habitual
meaning is not found in other Awyu-Dumut languages. Rather the habitual tends
to be formed with iterative verb stems in other Awyu-Dumut languages, as will be
illustrated in the next section.
To summarize, there are two ways in which durative meaning is expressed in
most Awyu-Dumut languages:
1. a conjugated form of the position verb mba- ’to sit’ (and in Awyu also i- or ri‘to lie down’) following a non-finite SS verb form
2. the use of a separate durative marker before or after the verb; the durative
marker is always derived from a position verb.
Table 8.1 contains the durative markers found in each Awyu-Dumut language, as
well as the stems of the position verbs that can express durative meaning.4
Table 8.1: Durative markers and verbs in Awyu-Dumut languages
YWB
DWB
MAN
AXU
PSA
KOM
durative marker
position verb expressing durative meaning
...mbon
-mbo
mbe...
mba/mbage to sit
mba to sit
-
bu..., i...
ri...
bo-
ba to sit i to lie down, -e to stand
ba to sit , ri to lie down
ba to sit
The durative markers are derived from position verbs, most often from the position
verb mba- ‘to sit, stay’. In many languages, there is a similarity between durative
aspect and position adverbs or verbs (Comrie 1976:98-102). Examples in Dutch are
ik ben aan het schrijven, literally ‘I am at the writing’, where aan is a preposition, and
hij staat koffie te drinken, literally ‘he stands coffee to drink’, where a position verb
‘to stand’ combines with the infinitive form of the verb ‘to drink’. Thus, although
all Awyu-Dumut languages have position verbs that express durative meaning, this
similarity may not be best explained by a common linguistic history but rather by
general typological tendencies in languages. Nevertheless, the forms of the position
verbs are clearly cognate, and clearly stem from a shared linguistic ancestor.
4 The
[...] preceding or following the durative markers in Table 8.1 indicate whether the durative
marker precedes or follows the verb.
8.2. Iterative Verb Stems
8.2
121
Iterative Verb Stems
Iterative or repeated actions can express a habit, an action that occurs regularly over
an extended period of time. Habitual aspect might express an action that is repeated
regularly, as in The bird used to chirp at five every morning, or a general truth that held
for a bounded period of time, such as The city of Oslo used to be called Christiania. In
Awyu-Dumut languages, iterative verb stems are used to express both repeated and
general habitual aspect.
Iterative verb stems are formed in all Awyu-Dumut languages through partial or
full reduplication of the basic or suppletive verb stem. In most cases, the auxiliary
verb mo ‘to do’ is then added to the reduplicated stem. Table 8.2 contains some
iterative verb stems from each Awyu-Dumut language.
Table 8.2: Awyu-Dumut iterative verb stems
YWB
DWB
MAN
AXU
PSA
SHI
KOM
verb stem
meaning
ti-/titimombikmo-/mbikgimbikmoip-/iwipmondat-/ndatndatmokunomo-/kunomomorü-/rürüomokaremo-/kageremotömo-/tötömo-
to build/to build repeatedly
to give a shot/to give multiple shots
to twist rope/to twist rope continuously
to listen/to listen usually
to kiss/to kiss repeatedly/habitually
to go down/to go down several times
to treat well/to always treat well
to pull X from ground/to pull several X
from ground
to go/to go repeatedly
to bake/to bake repeatedly or thoroughly
to burst/to burst over a period of time
to eat/to eat repeatedly
to plant/to plant repeatedly
to call/to call repeatedly
to come/to come repeatedly
to have pity/to have pity repeatedly
to listen/to be obedient
to eat/to eat repeatedly or usually
xo-/xoxomofio-/fiogomoponi-/poponinı̃-/ninı̃kitı̃-/kikitimori-/ririmimode-/modedemewako-/wakowakomoxaxe-/xaxexaxemane-/nenema-
Sources: Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:126-127); Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:15); Mandobo (Drabbe
1959:34,57,86); Aghu (Drabbe 1957:22); Pisa (Drabbe 1950:125); Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:126); Kombai (de Vries 1993:15)
In Digul Wambon (63) and Kombai (64), the use of a verb formed with an iterative
verb stem implies habitual meaning.
(63) Evo-n-amil=e
nexo-ni-n=o
luk
that-tr.nasal-child=TOP his-mother-tr.nasal=CONN word
ndatndat-mo-xe.
listen.IT-do-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘That child usually obeys his mother.’
Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:33)
8. Aspect
122
(64) Ya doü nene-ma-no.
They sago eat.IT-do-[REAL]NON 1 PL
‘They usually eat sago/they are sago-eaters.’
Kombai (de Vries 1993:16)
In Yonggom Wambon and in the Awyu languages, besides an iterative stem, additional morphology is needed to form a habitual construction. In Yonggom Wambon,
the habitual marker -op5 is added to the iterative stem before mo-, and this construction is followed by a conjugated form of the verb mba- ‘to sit, stay’, so that
(65) kogo-y-op
mo na-mbon
go.IT-LIG-HAB do IMP-sit
Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:142)
means ‘continue to always go (there)’, formed with the iterative stem of ko- ‘to go’
and the imperative form of mba- ‘to sit, stay’. A Yonggom Wambon habitual construction with an iterative, reduplicated verb stem is exemplified in (66).
(66) Ndun e
yugup ra me enene-y-op-mo
mbage-t.
...sago TOP he
take come eat.IT-LIG-HAB-do sit-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘He takes the sago, comes (home) and always he (is the one who) eats it.’
Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:154-155)
Awyu languages do not have a habitual marker like Yonggom Wambon. Rather,
they make use of several other strategies to form habituals. In Aghu, the support
verb -sumo is added to iterative stems in order to yield a form with habitual meaning. Thus Aghu xoxomoxe means ‘he kept going away’, while xoxomsumoxe means
‘he habitually went away’ (Drabbe 1957:23). For Shiaxa, Drabbe notes about iterative verb stems that “many such derived verb stems can be used to express a habitual process also.”6 Drabbe does not state that Pisa iterative verb stems express
a habitual process. He does state that they imply an ongoing process, or at times
that either the subject or the object of the iterative verb is plural. That an iterative
verb indicates a plural subject is also found in Kombai; in (67) the iterative verb gege
‘to inspect’ has a plural subject, namely multiple males involved in ‘inspecting’ a
village fight (de Vries 1993:28).
(67) Yademo-ra
xuro
ũgino-no
lu
mene
come.together-CONN each.other hit-[REAL]NON 1 PL quarrel this
gege-mo-ra
irabi irabi rimo-fo-nene.
inspect.IT-do-CONN hand hand shake-[IRR]1PL-QUOTE.PL
‘They said: ‘let us have a meeting and then discuss this quarrel that they
want to hit each other, and then make peace.’ Kombai (de Vries 1993:27)
5 The
Yonggom Wambon habitual marker -op can also occur with other verb forms to yield a
habitual meaning; Drabbe does not describe an iterative stem as being required in the Yonggom
Wambon habitual construction (Drabbe 1959:141-142).
6 “Veel van de aldus afgeleide secundaire stammen gebruikt men ook wel om een habitueel proces
aan te duiden” (Drabbe 1950:127).
8.3. Connective Verbs
123
In summary, it can be said that all Awyu-Dumut languages except Pisa use iterative
verb stems to express habitual meaning but that an Awyu-Dumut iterative verb
stem need not necessarily express a habitual process.
8.3
Connective Verbs
Connective verbs are Awyu-Dumut verbs that have a specialized function in connecting clauses. Certain connective verbs imply aspectual meaning, either completive meaning or bounded continuative meaning. Although examples of connective
verbs in other Papuan languages can be cited,7 a detailed study into the typology of
connective verbs in Papuan languages is lacking.
Two categories of connective verbs exist in Awyu-Dumut languages: (1) verbs
with meaning ‘to finish’ and (2) motion verbs. The connective motion verbs can
be translated as ‘until’ and imply that the verb preceding the motion verb has a
prolonged duration, which ends when the action expressed by the verb following
the motion verb begins. The connective ‘finish’ verbs express a completive aspectual
meaning. It is not always easy to determine whether a connective verb still functions
as a verb or has grammaticalized into a connective (de Vries 1986:48). Most often the
connective verb appears in 3SG form and therefore seems petrified, as in (69) below,
but at times connective verbs can also be conjugated in 1SG or any other form, as
in (74) below. I therefore gloss connective verbs as conjugated verbs; they are used
periphrastically. Table 8.3 contains the motion verbs and ‘finish’ verbs that are used
as connective verbs expressing aspectual meaning in five Awyu-Dumut languages.
Table 8.3: Awyu-Dumut connective verbs
YWB
DWB
MAN
AXU
KOM
motion
verb
meaning finish verb
ko
ko
xa
to go
to go
to go
mbumo, ndoimo, oro
kit(mo)
etamo, ndamo
eme, buomo, mũ
lei
meaning
to finish, to not do, to put down
to finish
to finish, to not do
to do thus, to continue, to not want
to lie down
Connective motion verbs were found in Yonggom Wambon, Digul Wambon and
Kombai grammars, but were not attested in the other Awyu-Dumut languages. Examples of how the verb ‘to go’ can express the aspectual meaning ‘until’ in these
three languages is illustrated in Section 8.3.1. The connective ‘finish’ verbs found in
five different Awyu-Dumut languages are discussed in Section 8.3.2.
7 For
example, Reesink (1987:83-84) notes that several Usan verbs act as connective verbs.
8. Aspect
124
8.3.1
Connective motion verb ‘to go’
In Yonggom Wambon, Digul Wambon and Kombai, the verb ku/ko/xa ‘to go’ can
function as a connective verb with meaning ‘until’. In Yonggom Wambon, the most
common form of this connective verb is kura, which is a NON 1 SG realis form with a
sequence marker -a attached (68). In Digul Wambon, koxeno is the most commonly
used form of the connective verb ko ‘to go’ (69). In Kombai, the motion verb xa combines with a marker nege ‘until’ when functioning as a connective verb expressing
aspectual meaning (70).
(68) Ngop tare-r-in
ku-r-a
arrow scrape-REAL-NON 1 PL go-REAL[NON 1 SG]-SEQ
wagae-ke-r-an.
smooth-be-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST
‘They scraped an arrow until it was smooth.’
Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:135)
(69) Nda-knd-eva-n-o
ko-xe-n-o
come-REAL-1PL-tr.nasal-CONN go-REAL[NON 1 SG]-tr.nasal-CONN
kutipke-lo
Kui mata-l-eva-mbo.
dark.become-NON . CLOSE Kouh arrive-REAL-1PL-PST
‘We traveled until the night fell and arrived in Kouh’ Digul Wambon (de Vries 1986:48)
(70) Dunorof-a ox-a
b-adiya-non-a
xa-nege
food-CONN drink-CONN DUR-give-NON 1 PL-CONN go-until
fa-n-a
gone-n-a...
put.aside-NON 1 SG-CONN overfull.be-NON 1 SG-CONN...
‘They gave him food and drink until he put it aside (because) he was overfull...’ Kombai (de Vries 1993:127)
8.3.2
Connective verb ‘to finish’
When a verb with the meaning ‘to finish’ or ‘to stop’ follows another verb in AwyuDumut languages, it indicates that the action expressed by the first verb has ended.
The ‘finish’ verb might be conjugated as a non-finite, semi-finite or finite verb, and
may follow non-finite, semi-finite or finite verbs. The ‘finish’ verb acts as a connective verb, indicating that the action in a second clause takes place after the action
in a first clause; ‘finish’ verbs, like connective motion verbs, have not been attested
sentence-finally. A sentence that contains a ‘finish’ verb can be translated as ‘after
(subject) finished X, Y happened’.
Drabbe describes connective finish verbs as emphasizing anteriority (Drabbe
1959:136), and de Vries (1993:29) notes that the Kombai verb lei ‘to lie down’ expresses both completion and posteriority of the next event, as in (71). In the Mandobo and Yonggom Wambon verbs ndamo and ndoimo the negative element nda/ndoi
is present, and these verbs literally mean ‘to not do’. When they function as connective verbs they express completed action, as in (72).
8.3. Connective Verbs
125
(71) Gana
fa-d-ef-a
lei-n-a
bush.knife take-REAL-1SG-CONN lie-[REAL]NON 1 SG-CONN
xi-d-ef-a...
run-REAL-1SG-CONN...
‘After I had taken the bush knife, I ran and...’
Kombai (de Vries 1993:29)
(72) Kou mba-gen
do,
noŋŋgun-irandop u meto ane
just sit-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN 1PL.POSS-tuber pig TOP eat
ndamo-gen
ne-gen-on.
not.do-REAL[NON 1 SG] say-REAL-NON 1 PL
‘While you just sit there, that pig is eating completely (all) our tubers’ they
said.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:26)
In (73) and (74) the other Yonggom Wambon and Mandobo verbs for ‘to finish’ are
used, namely etamo and mbumo.
(73) Roa etamo-gen-ep to
togümo-r-an.
work finish-REAL-1SG CONN pay-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST
‘After I finished working he paid (me)’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:101)
(74) Ande-r-ew-a
mbumo-gon-ep te
me-gen.
eat-REAL-1SG-SEQ finish-REAL-1SG CONN come-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘After I finished eating, he came.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:136)
Example (75) contains multiple instances of the Digul Wambon verb kit(mo) ‘to finish’,8 while (76) illustrates the use of connective verb eme ‘to do thus’ in Aghu.
(75) Ndano la-l-eva-mbo-n=o
yat-ke-lo
next sleep-REAL-1PL-PST-tr.nasal=CONN light-be-NON . CLOSE
wesat-ke-lo
kono enov-andil=e
li-no
day-be-NON . CLOSE and tree-trunk=TOP cut-SIM
nda-ndaxa-mo-knd-eva-n=o
kit-mo-mbel=o
odo sini=ŋŋga
put-put-do-REAL-1PL-tr.nasal=CONN finish-do-SEQ=CONN and stick=ERG
uxumo
ndatkap-mo lap-ko-tulo
mbait=ka
put.under lift.up-do take-go-ascend hill=ERG
halo-knd-eva-n=o
kit-mbel=o
epka lavo
put.down-REAL-1PL-tr.nasal=CONN finish-SEQ=CONN there bring
ŋguliŋŋge-no lap-ko hala-l-eva-mbo.
roll-SIM
take-go put.down-REAL-1PL-PST
‘Next we slept until daybreak and after we finished cutting down some tree
trunks, we put sticks under them and we lifted the sticks and brought the
tree trunks uphill and after we finished putting them down, we rolled them
(from) there and put them down.’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:87-88)
8 In
Digul Wambon, kit means ‘enough’ or ‘full’ (de Vries, p.c.)
8. Aspect
126
(76) Xasu-axı̃ si-d
eme-de-k
widi küto-d-oã.
leaf-hut build-SS finish-SS-CONN river descend-REAL-1PL
‘After we finished building the leaf hut, we went down to the river.’
Aghu (Drabbe 1957:36)
8.4
Reconstruction
This chapter looked at how Awyu-Dumut languages express durative, habitual and
completive aspects. Durative meaning is expressed in all Awyu-Dumut languages
except Shiaxa by a conjugated position verb and/or a durative marker derived from
the position verb mba ‘to sit/stay’. The use of position verbs to express durative
meaning is common in the languages of the world (Comrie 1976). Concerning connective verbs, it can be said that the indication of completed action lies within the
semantics of the verb ‘to finish’, while the verb ‘to go’ implies moving, ongoing action. Similarly, a habitual reading lies within the semantics of iterative verbs; any
action that is repeated several times might become a habit. Therefore the fact that
position verbs, motion verbs and connective verbs have aspectual meanings in all
Awyu-Dumut languages cannot be used to proof that these languages are genealogically related, as all Awyu-Dumut languages might have developed the aspectual
meanings independently from the same verbs. In other words, the similarities in
expression of aspectual meaning in Awyu-Dumut languages might be reflections of
general typological tendencies. Nevertheless, as it has become clear in other parts of
the morphology that Awyu-Dumut languages are indeed related, it is not unlikely
that these changes and broadening of meaning of position, location and connective
verbs already took place in Proto Awyu-Dumut, and hence were inherited by Proto
Awyu, Proto Dumut and their daughter languages.
9
Negation
This chapter explores the development of double negation in Awyu languages, as
well as the abundance of negation strategies found in Dumut languages. In Proto
Awyu, negated verbal clauses were emphasized, and the emphatic marker turned
into a second negation marker, resulting in double negation in Proto Awyu and
Awyu languages. Dumut languages do not have double negation; they employ a
number of other negation strategies. Section 9.1 offers a description of negation
in Awyu languages, culminating with a description in Section 9.1.4 of how the Jespersen cycle is visible in Awyu negation. The ways in which various negation strategies function in Dumut languages is shown in Section 9.2. The negation constructions of Kombai (Section 9.3), as well as of Korowai and Tsaukwambo, will shed
light on the reconstruction of Proto Awyu-Dumut negation in Section 9.4.
9.1
Awyu Negation
All Awyu languages have double verbal negation, but each Awyu language has a
slightly different double negation construction. A diachronic path in the development of double negation in Awyu languages can be traced, and will be discussed
in Section 9.1.4. The descriptions of negation in the Awyu grammars are much less
detailed than those in Dumut grammars. For one Awyu language, Yenimu, no information at all is available on how its nouns and verbs are negated. Descriptions of
negation strategies in Aghu, Pisa and Shiaxa are given in the following paragraphs.
9.1.1
Aghu negation
Aghu has double and sometimes triple negation. The three negative elements are
fede, de and oxo. The element oxo is a copula, or as Drabbe calls it, a predicative element, and in negative constructions is glossed as NEG.COP to show that it functions
more as a third negator than as a copula. Besides the negator de, there is also an emphatic marker de with copular function in Aghu, but Drabbe warns his readers that
the emphatic de should not be confused with the negative de (Drabbe 1957:8). How-
128
9. Negation
ever, given that according to Croft (1991:5) negative markers often derive from emphatic markers, it is not unlikely that diachronically the negator de derived from emphatic marker de. In the following section, non-verbal predicate negation in Aghu is
examined first before Aghu verbal negation is described.
non-verbal predicate negation in Aghu
Nominal predicates are negated in Aghu by placing de oxo after the noun (77 and
78). The morpheme oxo always shortens to xo if it follows a vowel-final morpheme
such as de.
(77) Nu de xo.
I NEG NEG.COP
‘It was not me.’ Aghu (Drabbe 1957:9)
(78) Xofe te Eba
n’
axu
de xo.
man TOP Eba.river POSS human.being NEG NEG.COP
‘That man is not a man from the Eba river.’ Aghu (Drabbe 1957:9)
Existential clauses are negated not with de oxo but with fede oxo (79 and 80).
(79) Büshü tadiga fede xo.
house big NEG NEG.COP
‘There are no big houses.’ Aghu (Drabbe 1957:9)
(80) Dü fede xo.
sago NEG NEG.COP
‘There is no sago.’ Aghu (Drabbe 1957:9)
verbal predicate negation in Aghu
Aghu semi-finite realis verbs, finite past tense verbs and finite future tense verbs are
all negated by de oxo following the verb, while a negator fede may optionally precede
the verb. Table 9.1 contains a negated semi-finite realis paradigm, a negated distant
past tense paradigm and a negated future tense paradigm. In negated verb forms,
Drabbe writes the negator de attached to the verb, whereas when de follows a noun,
it is written separately; Drabbe’s notation is followed here.
Note that the Aghu future tense marker -e is not present in the negated future
tense forms. Hence the negated future tense paradigm looks like a negated semifinite irrealis paradigm. However, the semi-finite irrealis verb forms are negated by
adding kuoxo to the verb, resulting in a prohibitive (81) or a negative wish (82).
(81) Amse
xo büshü aghinang-guoxo.
children TOP house go.II[NON 1 SG]-NEG
‘Do not let the children go home.’ Aghu (Drabbe 1957:14)
9.1. Awyu Negation
129
Table 9.1: Aghu negated paradigms
1SG
NON 1 SG
1PL
NON 1 PL
1SG
NON 1 SG
1PL
NON 1 PL
semi-finite realis
future
(fede) da-d-e-de xo
(fede) ade-de xo
(NEG) come.I-REAL.1-1SG-NEG NEG.COP
(NEG) come.II[1SG]-NEG NEG.COP
I did not come recently
I will not come
(fede) da-x-e-de xo
(fede) ade-n-de xo
(NEG) come.I-REAL.NON 1-NON 1 SG-NEG NEG.COP
(NEG) come.II-NON 1 SG-NEG NEG.COP
he/she/it did not come recently
he/she/it will not come
(fede) da-d-oa-de xo
(fede) ad-oan-de xo
(NEG) come.I-REAL.1-1PL-NEG NEG.COP
(NEG) come.II-1PL-NEG NEG.COP
we did not come recently
we will not come
(fede) da-x-enan-de xo
(fede) ad-enan-de xo
(NEG) come.I-REAL.NON 1-NON 1 PL-NEG NEG.COP
(NEG) come.II-NON 1 PL-NEG NEG.COP
you(pl)/they did not come recently
you(pl)/they will not come
distant past
historical past
(fede) da-d-k-e-de xo
(fede) da-dia-de xo
(NEG) come.I-REAL.1-DIST. PST-1SG-NEG NEG.COP
(NEG) come.I-HIST[1SG]-NEG NEG.COP
I did not come a while ago
I did not come a long time ago
(fede) da-ak-i-de xo
(fede) da-dia-de xo
(NEG) come.I-DIST. PST-NON 1 SG-NEG NEG.COP
(NEG) come.I-HIST[NON 1 SG]-NEG NEG.COP
he/she/it did not come a while ago
he/she/it did not come a long time ago
(fede) da-d-k-oan-de xo
(fede) da-dia-oan-de xo
(NEG) come.I-REAL.1-DIST. PST-1PL-NEG NEG.COP
(NEG) come.I-HIST-1PL-NEG NEG.COP
we did not come a while ago
we did not come a long time ago
(fede) da-ak-enan-de xo
(fede) da-dia-nan-de xo
(NEG) come.I-DIST. PST-NON 1 PL-NEG NEG.COP
(NEG) come.I-HIST-NON 1 PL-NEG NEG.COP
you(pl)/they did not come a while ago
you(pl)/they did not come a long time ago
Source: Drabbe (1957:17)
(82) Nu atosunu akume-kuoxo.
me care.for die.II[1SG]-NEG
‘Care for me lest I die.’ Aghu (Drabbe 1957:14)
A negated future tense verb form (83) has a negative declarative meaning.
(83) ... axu
fede baxe-nan-de
xo...
... people NEG stay.II-NON 1 PL-NEG NEG.COP...
‘...no people will stay (here)...’ Aghu (Drabbe 1957:80)
9.1.2
Pisa negation
Pisa has double negation, placing a negative element fa or fana before the verb and a
negator de after the verb. Both negators are obligatory. The element de also appears
in Pisa as an interrogative marker and functions as an emphatic marker with copular
meaning as well. As in Aghu, the negator de might have its origin in the emphatic
9. Negation
130
de. Table 9.2 contains negated semi-finite paradigms, while Table 9.3 contains Pisa
finite past negated paradigms.1
Table 9.2: Pisa negated semi-finite paradigms
1SG
NON 1 SG
1PL
NON 1 PL
realis semi-finite
irrealis semi-finite
fa(na) wu-d-i de
NEG enter. I - REAL -1 SG NEG
fa(na) wu-k-i de
NEG enter. I - REAL - NON 1 SG NEG
fa(na) wu-d-a de
NEG enter. I - REAL -1 PL NEG
fa(na) wu-k-inã de
NEG enter. I - REAL - NON 1 PL NEG
fa(na) awu de
NEG enter. II [1 SG ] NEG
fa(na) awũ de
NEG enter. II . NON 1 SG NEG
fa(na) awu-a de
NEG enter. II -1 PL NEG
fa(na) awu-nã de
NEG enter. II - NON 1 PL NEG
Source: Drabbe (1947:21)
Table 9.3: Pisa negated finite paradigms
1SG
NON 1 SG
1PL
NON 1 PL
hesternal past
distant past
fa(na) wu-di-ra de
NEG enter. I - REAL -1 SG - HEST NEG
fa(na) wu-k-i-ra de
NEG enter. I - REAL - NON 1 SG - HEST NEG
fa(na) wu-d-a-ra2 de
NEG enter. I - REAL -1 PL - HEST NEG NEG
fa(na) wu-k-ina-ra de
NEG enter- REAL - NON 1 PL - HEST NEG
fa(na) wu-d-axa-ri de
NEG enter. I - REAL -1 SG NEG
fa(na) wu-ak-i de
NEG enter. I - DIST. PST - NON 1 SG NEG
fa(na) wu-d-axa-ya de
enter-REAL-1PL NEG
fa(na) wu-ak-inã de
NEG enter. I - DIST - NON 1 PL NEG
Source: Drabbe (1947:21)
9.1.3
Shiaxa negation
Shiaxa negative forms are made by always adding fa or fana in front of the verb and
optionally adding de after the verb. Drabbe gives a total of two negated examples
in Shiaxa, one in the future tense (84) and one using a semi-finite realis form with
present meaning (85).
(84) Fan agoxo-ne
(de).
NEG go. II - NON 1 SG ( NEG )
‘He will not go.’ Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:118)
1 Recall
from Chapter 7 on Tense that Pisa does not have a separate future tense; it expresses
future meaning using its semi-finite irrealis verb forms.
2 Drabbe (1947:21) lists wudaxaya as the hesternal 1 PL form, but it is the distant past 1 PL form. The
correct 1PL hesternal form is wudara.
9.1. Awyu Negation
131
(85) Fana fete-d.
NEG see- REAL [ NON 1 SG ]
‘I do not see (it).’ Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:118)
9.1.4
Reconstruction of Proto Awyu negation
Aghu, Pisa and Shiaxa all have double negation. The diachronic development of
double negation has been studied and is often explained in terms of the Jespersen
cycle. In 1917, Jespersen noted explained the cycle as follows:
The history of negative expressions in various languages makes us witness the following curious fluctuation: the original negative adverb is
first weakened, then found insufficient and therefore strengthened, generally through some additional word, and this in its turn may be felt as
the negative proper and may then in course of time be subject to the same
development as the original word. (Jespersen 1917:4)
In other words, there is an original pre-verbal negator whose meaning bleaches and
which is then strengthened by a new post-verbal negator, resulting in double negation. Eventually the first negator will pass out of use and only the final negator will
remain. At different stages of this cycle either negator might be optional or obligatory. The term ‘Jespersen cycle’ was coined by Dahl, who stated that “Since we
are dealing with a cyclical process in the sense that we go from a single particle to
a double and back again, we may refer to this kind of development as ‘Jespersen’s
Cycle’ ” (Dahl 1979:88). van der Auwera (2009:38) gives a summary of the Jespersen
cycle in five stages using the French negators ne and pas:
1. neNEG
2. neNEG (...pasNEG )
3. neNEG ... pasNEG
4. (neNEG ...) pasNEG
5. pasNEG
The cycle begins with a single negator (step 1), which is then strengthened by a
second negator. The second negator is optional at first (step 2) but later becomes
obligatory (step 3). The next step is for the first negator to start fading out of use
(step 4), eventually leaving the second negator as the sole negator (step 5).
The source of the second negator is often an emphatic marker. In his article entitled The Evolution of Negation, Croft notes that negators often originate in emphatic
particles:
The primary source of verbal negation that has been observed in prior research is via the employment of emphatic particles. This has been noted,
for example, through direct historical evidence in the evolution of the
9. Negation
132
French emphatic forms pas, point, etc. in addition to the original negator
ne (Meillet 1921:140). Eventually, the original negator is fused with the
emphatic marker, or, as in modern colloquial French, drops out. (Croft
1991:5)
The second negator de in Awyu languages has its source in the emphatic marker
de; de is an emphatic marker with copular function in Aghu, Pisa and Shiaxa. For
Aghu, Drabbe notes that the negator de should not be confused with the predicating,
emphatic de (Drabbe 1957:8), which indicates that in Aghu emphatic de has fully
grammaticalized as a negative element. In Pisa, emphatic de (allomorph di) can
follow a noun (86) or a verb (87). In fact, Drabbe notes that emphatic de can also
follow a negative de (88) in Pisa, showing that emphatic de and negative de are two
distinct elements in Pisa as well.
(86) Na
nabo di.
1SG.POSS father EMPH
‘It is my father.’ Pisa (Drabbe 1950:98)
(87) Emo-xoy
de?
do.I-REAL.NON 1 SG EMPH
Did he do it? Pisa (Drabbe 1950:98)
(88) Fa
emo-xoy
de di.
do.I-REAL.NON 1 SG NEG EMPH
Indeed he did not do it. Pisa (Drabbe 1950:98)
NEG
The fact that the origin of the negator de can be traced to an element that also retains
its original function of emphatic marker, provides an additional indication that de is
a younger negator than pre-verbal fa(na).
The Jespersen cycle is represented in Awyu languages in its various stages. Shiaxa represents the oldest phase of double negation development in Awyu languages,
where the pre-verbal negator is still obligatory but where a second post-verbal negator has already entered the scene and occurs optionally after the verb. Pisa represents the next stage, where both negators are obligatory. Aghu has gone even
further, making the pre-verbal negator optional and strengthening the post-verbal
negator de with a new copular morpheme, namely oxo.
For Proto Awyu, *fa/*feNEG is reconstructed as an obligatory pre-verbal negator.
Aghu then added an element de to the Proto Awyu preverbal *fe, while Pisa and
Shiaxa (optionally) added an element -na to Proto Awyu *fa; the origin of these two
elements cannot be traced. An optional post-verbal negator *deNEG is reconstructed
for Proto Awyu as well; this *de also functioned as an emphatic marker in Proto
Awyu. The Jespersen cycle predicts that, at one point in time, *fa/*fe was the sole
negator, but because it is not attested as a sole negator in any daughter Awyu languages, it is not reconstructed as such.
9.2. Dumut Negation
9.2
133
Dumut Negation
The three Dumut languages each employ a number of negation strategies, although
none of them make use of double negation in the way Awyu languages do. The
following sections describe how nominals, non-finite verbs, semi-finite verbs and
finite verbs are negated in Mandobo (Section 9.2.1), Yonggom Wambon (Section
9.2.2) and Digul Wambon (Section 9.2.3). In Section 9.2.4, a Proto Dumut negator
is reconstructed. For the reader’s convenience, an overview of the Dumut negation
strategies is presented in Table 9.4.
Table 9.4: Dumut negation strategies
nominals
locatives/existentials
non-finites
semi-finite realis
semi-finite irrealis
finite realis
finite irrealis
9.2.1
Mandobo
Yonggom Wambon
Digul Wambon
nda
–
nda + IMP
ne...nda
–
–
notü...nda
tomba
ndoi
–
nok supp.verb
–
nok+supp.verb
-nok supp.verb+-ti
ndiknde
mbumba, tembet
ndoi
nok
-nok+-si, ndoi
nok+supp.verb
xe-t ndoi
Mandobo negation
The negator in Mandobo is nda. It can occur after a noun, for example after kerewatop
‘face’ (89) or ok ‘water’ (90).
(89) Ro
itigio-gen
do,
kerewatop nda.
form(SS) see-REAL[non1SG] CONN, face
NEG
‘He looks and they do not have faces.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:11)
(90) Ok
mbo nda taro
kater e
ndu ri-gin-on.
water TOP NEG because spit TOP sago stand-REAL-NON 1 PL.
‘There is no water, therefore they stand (and make) sago with (their) spit.’
Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:39)
The Mandobo negator nda may also follow a non-finite verb form. A negated nonfinite form in Mandobo is always followed by an imperative verb form in the next
clause (91).
nda, ok tiritiop
mberemo tarap ti
mbegi-ro
(91) ŋgo mbo kea
you TOP go[IRR] NEG, river high.wall stay
hut build live-NON . CLOSE
mbutup
ti-nok.
house.on.poles build-IMP.
‘Do not go, stay and build a hut on the river’s high wall, build a house on
poles!’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:54)
9. Negation
134
The connective -o may attach to the negator nda, yielding ndayo, as occurs in (92).
(92) No mandep itiwa to komo-nda-y-o,
nomandep wonden doro
My son
earth dig put.in-NEG-LIG-CONN, my.son good CONN
mbutüp korup teendükmo-nog-i-nin
ne-gen.
house inside put.straight.up-IMP-LIG-NON 1 PL say-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘Do not put my son in earth, put my son (standing) straight up in a good
house, she says.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:82)
Thus, Mandobo negative non-finites only occur in sentences that also contain an
imperative. Mandobo negated non-finites can be interpreted as a prohibitive or as a
negative imperative, and sentences that begin with a negated non-finite form mean
something to the effect of ‘don’t do X, do Y!’
Mandobo semi-finite realis -ken forms are negated by adding an element ne after
the verb stem and the negator nda after the person-number marker. The element ne
consists of transitional nasal /n/ and the support verb -e, which Drabbe mentions
is a support verb that means the same thing as ke-, namely ‘to be’ (Drabbe 1959:28).3
Example (93) contains a negated semi-finite realis -ken form.
(93) Matero engot keemo itigio-gen
do
yombutop
Get.up torch light see-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN door
tokmo-n-e-gen-nda
te
ran-gen.
open-tr.nasal-SUPP-REAL[NON 1 SG]-NEG CONN lie-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘She gets up, lights a torch and sees that the door is not open and lies back
down.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:36)
Drabbe does not explain how past tense forms are negated in Mandobo. For future
tense forms, however, he notes that the verb stem is followed by an element -notü
or -notürü, which is then followed by a person-number marker and negator nda.
According to Drabbe, -notü/-notürü might come from notüt ü, although he is unable
to give the meaning of notüt ü (Drabbe 1959:38). The Mandobo future tense marker
-en does not occur in these forms.
9.2.2
Yonggom Wambon negation
The most used negator in Yonggom Wambon is -nok, although a negator tomba (allomorph domba) is used to negate nominal predicates (94), while locative and existential predicates are negated by the negative element ndoi (95, 96). According to
Drabbe’s wordlist, ndoi, like Mandobo nda, means ‘nothing’ (Drabbe 1959:178).
(94) Sowen
domba.
mosquito NEG
‘It is not a mosquito.’
Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:124)
3 It must be noted that Drabbe does not analyze the element ne in negated -ken forms as /n/ plus -e.
9.2. Dumut Negation
135
Table 9.5: Mandobo negated future tense paradigm
1
NON 1
SG
PL
ndare-notü-p-nda
hear-?-1SG-NEG
I do not want to hear
ndare-notü-n-nda
hear-?-NON 1 SG-NEG
he/she/it does not want
to hear
ndare-notürü-won-nda
hear-?-1PL-NEG
we do not want to hear
ndare-notür-on-nda
hear-?-NON 1 PL-NEG
you(PL)/they do not want
to hear
Source: Drabbe (1959:38)
(95) Mitik ke-t
ye ya magomŋŋgui
mindi-r-in-a,
night be-REAL[NON 1 SG] and her grandchildren come-REAL-NON 1 PL-SEQ
etaga-r-in
de
ra-mbari
e
ndoi.
see-REAL-NON 1 PL CONN old-woman TOP NEG
‘It became night and her grandchildren came (home) and they saw that the
old woman (their grandmother) was not there.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:155)
(96) Menep e
kagup ndoi.
now TOP men NEG
‘Now there are no men.’
Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:147)
The Yonggom Wambon negator -nok follows the verb stem in negated semi-finite
and finite realis forms. According to Drabbe, adding -nok to a verb stem nominalizes
it. Therefore a verbalizing support verb ke ‘to be’ or mo ‘to do’ follows -nok. The
support verb is conjugated. Example (97) contains a negated semi-finite realis -ken
form, (98) a negated semi-finite realis -t form and (99) a negated past tense form.
(97) Rap-nok mo-gon-ep.
take-NEG do-REAL-1SG
‘I did not take (it).’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:140)
(98) Mitik ke-t
te
ndari-r-in
de
roman kup
night be-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN hear-REAL-NON 1 PL CONN crying with
me-nok
ke-t.
come-NEG do-REAL[NON 1 SG]
When it has become night, when they listen, (the sound of) crying does not
come to them.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:157)
(99) Etok-nok ke-r-ew-an
see-NEG be-REAL-1SG-PST
‘I did not see (it).’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:140)
The finite future tense form is also negated by placing the negator -nok after the verb
stem, followed by the support verb mo ‘to do’ (100). The support verb mo is conjugated with the future -ti suffix. The future tense marker -ti only occurs in negated
9. Negation
136
finite future forms with negative indicative meaning; the Yonggom Wambon future
marker -in does then not occur.
(100) Me-nok
mo-ti-p.
come-NEG do-FUT-1SG
‘I will not come.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:140)
9.2.3
Digul Wambon negation
In order to negate nominal predicates, Digul Wambon uses the negative element
ndiknde (101). In addition, either one of the negators mbumba (102) or tembet (103) is
used to negate locative or existential predicates.
(101) Ev-o
kav-e
na-mbap-ndiknde.
that-CONN man-TOP my-father-NEG
‘That man is not my father.’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:37)
(102) Ande-n-e
mbumba.
food-tr.nasal-TOP NEG
‘There is no food.’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:38)
(103) Ahituv-e
av-e
tembet.
Ahitup-TOP home-TOP NEG
‘Ahitup is not at home.’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:38)
In their paragraph on negation, (de Vries & Wiersma 1992) note that the negator ndoi
is sometimes found with non-finite verb forms, giving (104).
(104) taximo-ndoi
buy(SS)-NEG
‘not buying (same subject following)’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:36)
The exact meaning of such a negated non-finite, or its context, remains a mystery in
de Vries & Wiersma’s (1992) description; (104) is the only negated non-finite found
in their Digul Wambon grammar description. However, Jang’s (2008) description of
Digul Wambon sheds light on the matter. He states that a non-finite verb followed
by ndoi expresses a past impossibility, with meaning ‘could not’ (Jang 2008:53), as
illustrated in (105).
(105) Sit
indup=e
aphinotopke-l=o
Banana seedling=TOP be.dry.season-REAL[NON 1 SG]=CONN
sokmboghe-l=o
lo-ndoi.
become.dry-REAL[NON 1 SG]=CONN plant-NEG.
‘As it was dry season, banana seedlings had withered and (people) could not
plant (them).’ Digul Wambon (Jang 2008:53)
9.2. Dumut Negation
137
Digul Wambon semi-finite realis ke(nd) forms are negated by adding the negator
-nok, which Digul Wambon shares with Yonggom Wambon, after the verb stem
and before the realis marker -ke(nd), as in (106). No support verb occurs in Digul
Wambon semi-finite realis negation.
(106) lap-nok-kend-ep
take-NEG-REAL-1SG
‘I do/did not take’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:35)
Although semi-finite realis -t forms are just as frequent as realis -ke(nd) forms in
Digul Wambon, there is no information in Digul Wambon grammar descriptions
about how they are negated.
Semi-finite irrealis forms are negated by adding the negator -nok after the verb
stem, and a second negator -si follows -nok, while a person-number marker comes
at the end of the negated verb form (107). De Vries & Wiersma (1992:35) note that
the negator -si might have its origin in the verb soi ‘to refuse’.
(107) e-nok-si-t
eat-NEG-NEG-3SG
‘he does not want to eat’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:35)
Example (107) is the only example of a negated semi-finite irrealis form given by
de Vries & Wiersma (1992). Jang (2008) notes that the -si form encodes ‘present
impossibility’, as evident in (108).
Kolopkam-sixi
(108) Kixuw=e nda-ke-ŋŋgot=o
Digul=TOP come-REAL[NON 1 SG]-CAUS=CONN Kolopkam-for
ko-nok-si-t.
go-NEG-NEG-3SG
‘Because the Digul river is flooded, he cannot go to Kolopkam.’
Digul Wambon
(Jang 2008:52)
Jang (2008) goes on to give another paradigm of negated semi-finite irrealis forms,
which he states express negative wishes or intentions. They consist of a semi-finite
irrealis form followed by the negator ndoi. The paradigm is given in Table 9.6. Thus,
between de Vries & Wiersma (1992) and Jang (2008), two different ways of negating
semi-finite irrealis forms in Digul Wambon are described, either by a combination
of negators -nok and -si, or by negator ndoi.
In Digul Wambon finite past tense forms, the negator nok follows the verb stem,
and a support verb mo ‘to do’ conjugated in past tense follows nok, resulting in a
form like the one in (109). In Digul Wambon the support verb mo ‘to do’ occurs in
negative constructions, rather than the support verb ke ‘to be’ .
(109) e-nok-ma-l-ep-o4
eat-NEG-do-REAL-1SG-PST
‘I did not eat’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:35)
9. Negation
138
Table 9.6: Digul Wambon negated irrealis semi-finite paradigm
1
NON 1
SG
PL
atki-p-ndoi
wrap-1SG-NEG
I do not want to wrap
atki-ndoi
wrap[NON 1 SG]-NEG
you/he/she/it does not want to wrap
atki-wa-ndoi
wrap-1PL-NEG
we do not want to wrap
atki-na-ndoi
wrap-NON 1 PL-NEG
you(pl)/they do not want to wrap
Source: Jang (2008:55)
A negative indicative future action, with meaning ‘shall not’, is expressed in Digul
Wambon by placing xet ndoi after a semi-finite irrealis form consisting of a verb stem
and a person-number marker. The element xet is analyzed as a negative marker
by de Vries & Wiersma (1992:35) but is better analyzed as a (petrified) form of the
support verb ke ‘to be’. A literal translation of taximo-xet-ndoi is then ‘he shall buy do
it not’, freely translating as ‘he shall not buy it’. A paradigm of negative indicative
future forms is given in Table 9.7. Note that in the 1SG form, xet does not occur;
rather, the 1SG person-number marker -ep is repeated.
Table 9.7: Digul Wambon negated irrealis semi-finite
1
NON 1
SG
PL
taximo-ep-ep-ndoi
buy-1SG-1SG-NEG
I shall not buy
taximo-xet-ndoi
buy[NON 1 SG]-SUPP-NEG
you/he/she/it shall not buy
taximo-eva-xet-ndoi
buy-1PL-SUPP-NEG
we shall not buy
taximo-na-xet-ndoi
buy-NON 1 PL-SUPP-NEG
you(pl)/they shall not buy
Source: de Vries & Wiersma (1992:36)
9.2.4
Summary and reconstruction of Dumut negation
A plethora of negation strategies are used by the three Dumut languages, with only
some forms being the same across multiple Dumut languages. Table 9.8 provides an
overview of the various negation strategies Dumut languages employ.
Yonggom Wambon and Digul Wambon stand out together because they have a
negator nok that does not occur in any other Awyu-Dumut language. Drabbe describes nok as a nominalizer, which is then followed by a support verb with verbalizing properties. The nok negation strategy is a shared innovation of Digul Wambon
and Yonggom Wambon, not reconstructible for Proto Dumut. Rather, *nda/*ndoi is
4 Due
to morphophonemic rules, the /p/ of 1SG-ep and the /mb/ of past tense marker -mbo
combine to yield /p/.
9.3. Kombai Negation
139
Table 9.8: Dumut negation strategies
nominals
locatives/existentials
non-finites
semi-finite realis
semi-finite irrealis
finite realis
finite irrealis
Mandobo
Yonggom Wambon
Digul Wambon
nda
–
nda + IMP
ne...nda
–
–
notü...nda
tomba
ndoi
–
nok supp.verb
–
nok+supp.verb
-nok supp.verb+-ti
ndiknde
mbumba, tembet
ndoi
nok
-nok+-si, ndoi
nok+supp.verb
xe-t ndoi
reconstructed as the Proto Dumut negator. This negator, which is a grammaticalized
form of a lexical item meaning “nothing” in both Yonggom Wambon and Mandobo,
is found in all three Dumut languages. In Yonggom Wambon it occurs with locative
and existential predicates, in Digul Wambon with non-finites, negated irrealis semifinites and in negative future indicative forms. In Mandobo the negator nda occurs
in all negation constructions. The exact construction in which *nda/*ndoi occurred
in Proto Dumut cannot be reconstructed, except that the negator occurred after the
constituent it negated.
9.3
Kombai Negation
Kombai, like Awyu languages, has double negation. In negated expressions that
encode present or past meaning, the negative element fe- optionally comes before
the verb, while the negative element -do is obligatory after the verb. The mood
marker and person-number markers found in affirmative semi-finite realis forms
(110) are not found in their negated counterparts. Rather, the two negators appear
around a verb stem (111 and 112). Hence the negated verb form is the same for all
person-number conjugations in Kombai.
(110) Nu ai fera-d-e.
I pig see-REAL-1SG
‘I see a pig.’ Kombai (de Vries 1993:30)
(111) Nu ai fe-fera-do.
I pig NEG-see-NEG
‘I do not see a pig.’ Kombai (de Vries 1993:30)
(112) Ya ai fe-fera-do.
They pig NEG-see-NEG
‘They do not see a pig.’
Kombai (de Vries 1993:30)
In negated future tense forms, there are also no mood or person-number markers,
but the future tense marker -i does appear after the verb stem. The post-verbal
negator in future forms is madü rather than do (113).
9. Negation
140
(113) Nu fe-ami-n-i-madü.
I NEG-drink-tr.nasal-FUT-NEG
‘I will not drink.’ Kombai (de Vries 1993:30)
The post-verbal negative element -do can also occur in nominal predicates (114 and
115).
(114) Mene a-do.
This house-NEG
‘This is not a house.’
Kombai (de Vries 1993:30)
(115) Xo
mene n-are-do.
Person this my-father-NEG
‘This person is not my father.’
9.4
Kombai (de Vries 1993:32)
Reconstruction
In the reconstruction of Proto Awyu, it was shown that Jespersen’s cycle for double negation was at work in Awyu languages, and that the oldest form that could
be reconstructed for PA was *fa/*feNEG ...(*deNEG/EMPH ). As double negation is also
found in Kombai, in which the pre-verbal negator is optional and the post-verbal
negator obligatory, a double negation can be reconstructed for Proto Awyu Dumut.
The same stage of the Jespersen cycle is reconstructed for Proto Awyu-Dumut as
for Proto Awyu, namely the oldest stage found in any of the daughter languages.
Hence an obligatory pre-verbal negator *pe co-occurred with an optional post-verbal
negator *nde in Proto Awyu-Dumut. The pre-verbal negator is reconstructed with
a *p because Proto Awyu-Dumut *p fricativized to *f in both PA and Kombai. The
vowel in the pre-verbal negator is /e/ rather than /a/ because /e/ is found in both
Kombai and Proto Awyu, while the /d/ is prenasalized, as it always is in Proto
Awyu-Dumut.
That Proto Awyu-Dumut had double negation is further supported by Korowai
and Tsaukwambo, two Greater Awyu languages that also have double negation.
Korowai has (ba)...da as a negative construction (van Enk & de Vries 1997:106-107),
while Tsaukwambo uses (bo)...nda (de Vries 2012a:174).
For Proto Dumut, the post-verbal negator *nda/*ndoi was reconstructed, and this
occurrence of a single post-verbal negator could represent the final stage of the Jespersen cycle. However, PD *nda/*ndoi is clearly the grammaticalized form of a lexical
item meaning ‘nothing’, while the post-verbal negator *(n)de found in Proto AwyuDumut, Proto Awyu and Kombai originated as an emphatic marker. Hence Proto
Dumut *nda/*ndoi cannot be related to Proto Awyu-Dumut *nde, although the similarity in form remains striking.
10
Deictics and Demonstratives
Spatial deictics in Awyu-Dumut languages can be described in terms of a threeway distinction between a speaker-related deictic (here, close to speaker), a hearerrelated deictic (there, close to hearer) and a third-person, neither speaker-related
nor hearer-related deictic (over there at greater distance, away from both speaker
and hearer). Each Awyu-Dumut language makes this distinction between ‘here’,
‘there’ and ‘over there’ and has three basic roots to express these concepts. These
three basic deictic terms are described for all Awyu-Dumut languages in Section
10.1, while the demonstratives derived from them, namely ‘this’, ‘that’ and ‘that
over there’, are discussed in Section 10.2.
A well-known grammaticalization path is the development of spatial deictics
into textual deictics, that is, where spatial deictics are no longer used to point to
concrete objects or locations but rather to point back to what has been said earlier
in the discourse or to refer to what the speaker assumes the hearer knows. The
ways in which Awyu-Dumut spatial deictics function as textual deictic elements are
discussed in Section 10.3.
10.1
Awyu-Dumut Basic Deictics
All Awyu-Dumut languages have three deictic terms for ‘here’ (near deictic), ‘there’
(far deictic) and ‘over there’ (distant deictic), as listed in Table 10.1.1 Awyu-Dumut
deictic terms rarely occur in their bare form as found in Table 10.1; rather, they combine with a number of morphemes. Below, deictic elements in each Awyu-Dumut
language will be described before a reconstruction of Proto Aywu, Proto Dumut and
Proto Awyu-Dumut deictic elements is presented in Section 10.1.7.
10.1.1
Deictics in Yonggom Wambon
For Yonggom Wambon, Drabbe notes that me, ep and kop have derived forms mene,
ewe and kowe, a combination of the deictic elements with topic marker =e (Drabbe
1 No
information or data are available on deictic elements in Yenimu.
10. Deictics and Demonstratives
142
Table 10.1: Awyu-Dumut deictics
near deictic
far deictic
distant deictic
me
me
ne
mbe
e(p)
ep
mbego
ko(p)
kop
nego
ne
ne
wüo (wo), iu
ewe
xo
xate
xage
me
mofe
maxo
Dumut
MAN
YWB
DWB
Awyu
AXU
PSA
SHI
Ndeiram
KOM
Sources: Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:121); Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:50-52); Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:19,
30); Aghu (Drabbe 1957:25); Pisa (Drabbe 1950:102-103); Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:102-103); Kombai (de Vries 1993:37-38)
1959:121).2 Instead of kowe, kore is a more frequent derived form of kop ‘over there’;
-re is a nominalizer that also occurs with secondary deictic elements such as koture
‘the one up there’ (Drabbe 1959:121-122), which is a combination of ko ‘over there’,
tu- ‘to go up’ and -re. Drabbe goes on to note that the final p of ep is optional and that
a final p may also appear on the derived forms of me and kore when they precede a
noun, yielding menep and korep. When Yonggom Wambon deictic elements occur as
locative adverbials, the ergative marker ŋga occurs between the deictic element and
the verb, as in (116).3 When a deictic precedes a motion verb or a position verb in
Yonggom Wambon, ŋga does not occur, as in (117).
(116) Enop kore
ŋga ri-r-an.
tree over.there ERG chop-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST
‘He chopped down a tree over there.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:121)
(117) Mene me-gen-ep.
here come-REAL-1SG
‘I came to here.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:121)
10.1.2
Deictics in Digul Wambon
Like Yonggom Wambon deictic elements, the Digul Wambon far deictic ep can cooccur with circumstantial marker ka when it functions as a locative adverbial, as in
(118).
2 For
3A
further information and explanation of the topic marker =e, see Section 10.3.2.
description of ergative marker ŋga and its functions is presented in Section 11.3.2.
10.1. Awyu-Dumut Basic Deictics
143
(118) Kutip-ke-lo
Kui mata-l-eva-mbo.
Ep=ka
night-SUPP-NON . CLOSE Kou arrive-REAL-1PL-PST. There=ERG
la-l-eva-mbo-n=o...
sleep-REAL-1PL-PST-tr.nasal=CONN...
‘At nightfall we arrived at Kouh. There we slept and...’
Digul Wambon (de Vries &
Wiersma 1992:51)
The Digul Wambon near deictic ne always combines with an element mbo, yielding
nombo, according to de Vries & Wiersma (1992). De Vries & Wiersma (1992) analyze
this mbo as a predicative element originating in the verb mba ‘to sit’. Jang (2008:91)
notes that ne can also occur independently or together with ka, citing (119), while he
states that nombo has a temporal meaning ‘now’.4
(119) Nombo=ŋŋga noxop=e ko-no ambamtalok ko
etu-wa-ketoi.
here=ERG we=TOP go-SIM destination there enter-1PL-FUT.NEG
‘Now/at this time, if we continue, we will not make it to the destination.’
Digul Wambon (Jang 2008:91)
Both de Vries & Wiersma (1992) and Jang (2008) note that mbo also combines with
the distant deictic kop ‘over there’, resulting in kopo. The distant deictic may occur
without mbo and then is often shortened to ko (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:51).
10.1.3
Deictics in Mandobo
The three Mandobo deictic elements are me ‘here’, mbe ‘there’ and mbego ‘over there’.
The far deictic mbe also functions as a topic marker, a point which will be further explored in Section 10.3. For the near deictic, a derived form mene is more frequent
than me. Like Yonggom Wambon mene, Mandobo mene is a combination of the near
deictic me and topic marker =e, with a transitional nasal occurring intervocalically.
The topic marker =e does not combine with the far and distant deictics in Mandobo.
However, the far deictic mbe does combine with a nominalizer -re, cognate to the
Yonggom Wambon nominalizer -re, yielding mbere ‘the one there’. The distant deictic mbogo also combines with -re: mbogore ‘the one over there’. The distant deictic
mbogo consists of the far deictic mbe and the verb ko ‘to go’, where the final vowel
of mbe harmonizes with the /o/ of ko, and the /k/ of ko changes to /g/ intervocalically. The /e/ of mbe nearly always harmonizes with the nearest following vowel.
The locative adverbial use of Mandobo deictic elements mene, mbe and mbogo are
illustrated in (120) and (121).
(120) ...nen
etot mene makmo
mbegi-won ne-gen.
1SG.POSS etot here stay.together sit-1PL
say-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘...let us stay here together and sit in my etot he said.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:60)
4 De
Vries & Wiersma (1992) list the near deictic as being no, while Jang describes it as ne. Jang’s
analysis is correct, while no results from vowel harmony, which occurs when ne combines with mbo.
10. Deictics and Demonstratives
144
(121) Koro torogo
Ngou n’etot
torogo-gen
doro, küaw
go go.uphill Ngou POSS’etot go.uphill-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN man
agöw-agöp teriw agöw-agöp mba raŋŋ-gen.
many-many woman many-many there lie-REAL
‘When they go uphill to the etot of Ngou, many men and many women are
lying there.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:77)
(122) itigio-gen
do
riwop
mbogo
see-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN middle.of.river over.there
önö-gen.
come.above.water-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘He saw that it (the tree) came above water over there in the middle of the
river’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:52)
10.1.4
Deictics in Aghu
The Aghu deictic elements are nego ‘here’, wüo or wo ‘there’ and xo ‘over there’.
Aghu deictic elements are always followed by the topic marker ke or kemu, often
shortened to k’, when used adverbially (123-124).
(123) Pani-di-k
o-x-e:
Kiawi, nego k’ ioxe
come.up-SS-CONN say-REAL.NON 1-NON 1 SG Kiawi here TOP be.NON 1 SG
numo-x-e.
say-REAL.NON 1-NON 1 SG
‘He came up and said: Kiawi, will you stay here? he said’ Aghu (Drabbe 1957:67)
(124) Ogsu-k-e.
Bibimu wo k’
Go.up.small.way-REAL.NON 1-NON 1 SG crouched there TOP
ba-x-e.
stay-REAL.NON 1-NON 1 SG
‘He went up a little bit. He sat there crouched.’
Aghu (Drabbe 1957:70)
In Drabbe’s texts, another Aghu verbal deictic with meaning ‘there’ is found, which
Drabbe does not mention in his paragraphs on deictics and demonstratives, but
which is much more frequent than wüo ‘there’. This element is ikemu (125).
(125) Kiawi o-x-e:
kesaxe dabudotobu
Kiawi say-REAL.NON 1-NON 1 SG tree across.water
i-g-e,
ikemu onu-k-enã
lie-REAL.NON 1-NON 1 SG there go.across.stream-REAL.NON 1-NON 1 PL
numo-x-e.
say-REAL.NON 1-NON 1 SG
‘Kiawi said: “The tree lying across the river, there they went across the river,”
he said.’ Aghu (Drabbe 1957:66)
10.1. Awyu-Dumut Basic Deictics
145
The morpheme ikemu is mentioned by Drabbe in paragraph 77 of his 1957 Aghu
grammar as an element meaning ‘there’. I analyze ikemu as consisting of i ‘there’
and ke/kemu, the topic marker that also combines with all other deictic adverbials.
Thus, i- is another Aghu deictic root meaning ‘there’.
10.1.5
Deictics in Pisa and Shiaxa
The other two Awyu languages, Pisa and Shiaxa use u (Pisa) and ewe (Shiaxa) to express the concept of ‘there’. Shiaxa ewe is clearly related to the far deictic ep found in
Digul Wambon and Yonggom Wambon. The other two deictic elements are ne ‘here’
and xate ‘over there’ in Pisa, and ne ‘here’ and xage ‘over there’ in Shiaxa. In Pisa
and Shiaxa, deictic elements combine respectively with topic marker ke (Shiaxa)5 or
locative element ma (Pisa, (126)) when they occur as adverbials.
(126) U
ma ayõ.
there LOC lie.FUT[NON 1 SG]
‘He will lie there.’ Pisa (Drabbe 1947:10)
Before position verbs, adding ke is not obligatory in Shiaxa, while in Pisa, ma does
not occur after deictics before the verb ba ‘to sit, to stay’.
In addition to adding ke after deictic elements, Shiaxa deictic elements are often
preceded by da, an element that might come from the verb ‘to come’, which is mode
in Shiaxa but de and da in Pisa and Aghu, respectively. Thus da ne bax means ‘he is
here’ in Shiaxa.
10.1.6
Deictics in Kombai
Kombai has deictic elements me ‘here’, mofe ‘there’ and maxo ‘over there’. The near
and far deictics me and mofe combine with the element -e when occurring adverbially. A transitional nasal occurs, yielding mene ‘here’ and mofene ‘there’. The distant deictic maxo does not combine with -e (127).
(127) Xumo-ra maxo
Romalü bürü xa-no.
die-CONN over.there Romalü place go.REAL-NON 1 PL
‘They die and go there to Romalü’s place.’ Kombai (de Vries 1993:38)
Besides mofene, mofexo also occurs, a combination of mofe ‘there’ and xo ‘to go’. The
far deictic maxo might be analyzed as also containing xo ‘to go’ after ma, which
means ‘to come’ in Kombai.
5 ke
is analyzed as a topic marker in Shiaxa because it occurs in similar positions as Aghu topic
marker ke; Drabbe’s description of Shiaxa does not, in and of itself, provide enough information for
this analysis.
10. Deictics and Demonstratives
146
10.1.7
Reconstruction of basic deictics
Near, far and distant deictic elements can be reconstructed for Proto Awyu, Proto
Dumut and Proto Awyu-Dumut. Table 10.2 lists the basic deictic elements and their
derived forms found in the eight Awyu-Dumut languages, as well as their reconstructions.
Table 10.2: Reconstructed Awyu-Dumut deictics
near deictic
far deictic
distant deictic
me, mene
me, mene(p)
ne, nombo
mbe, mbere
e(p), ewe
ep
mbego, mbegero
kop, kowe, kore(p)
ko(p), kopo
nego (kemu)
ne
ne
wüo (wo), i- (kemu)
u
ewe
xo (kemu)
xate
xage
KOM
me, mene
mofe, mofene
maxo
PA
*ne
*me, *ne
*me, *ne
*(e)wV
*ep
*ep
*xa/*xo
*kop
*kop
Dumut
MAN
YWB
DWB
Awyu
AXU
PSA
SHI
Ndeiram
PD
PAD
Sources: Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:121), Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:50-52), Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:19,
30), Aghu (Drabbe 1957:25), Pisa (Drabbe 1950:102-103), Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:102-103), Kombai (de Vries 1993:37-38)
The near deictic is reconstructed as *ne in Proto Awyu, while Proto Dumut and Proto
Awyu-Dumut each have two reconstructed forms, *me and *ne. There is no regular
sound change established that would account for a possible /m/ to /n/ change
or vice versa, and hence two forms are reconstructed. The form *me ‘here’ could
be related to the verb ‘to come’, which is reconstructed as *me.6 The element mbo,
which combines with the Digul Wambon near and distant deictics and which was
hypothesized in Section 10.1.2 to have its origin in the position verb mba ‘to stay’,
also occurs as the far deictic in Mandobo. The use of the verb mba in deictics is
a change undergone by both Digul Wambon and Mandobo after splitting off from
Proto Dumut; for Proto Dumut, only *ep is reconstructed as the far deictic. Mandobo
replaced Proto Dumut *ep with mbe.
In Proto Awyu, the far deictic is difficult to reconstruct because Aghu and Pisa
both have far deictics that consist of only one vowel. Nevertheless, the Proto Awyu
far deictic is tentatively reconstructed as *(e)wV, with reflexes ewe in Shiaxa and
w(ü)o in Aghu. This element is clearly cognate to Proto Dumut *ep, and thus for
Proto Awyu-Dumut *ep is reconstructed as the far deictic meaning ‘there’.
6 Yonggom
Wambon, Mandobo, Shiaxa, Yenimu and Kombai have a reflex of *me for ‘to come’,
while Digul Wambon, Aghu and Pisa have a different realization of the verb ‘to come’.
10.2. Awyu-Dumut Demonstratives
147
The distant deictic element is reconstructed as *kop in Proto Dumut and Proto
Awyu-Dumut and as *xa/*xo in Proto Awyu. There are four Awyu-Dumut languages
that combine their reflex of Proto Awyu-Dumut *kop with another morpheme: Mandobo combines kop with its far deictic mbe, Kombai precedes xo with its near deictic
me, while Pisa and Shiaxa add pragmatic markers te and ke to the distant deictic.
In Yonggom Wambon, kop may occur independently, but it may also combine with
topic marker =e. The reconstructed distant deictic *kop might have its origin in the
Proto Awyu-Dumut motion verb *ko ‘to go’.
Lastly, a nominalizer *-re and a circumstantial marker *-ka are reconstructed as
co-occurring with deictic elements in Proto Dumut, as both of these elements occur
in two Dumut languages. Deictic elements are thought to also have combined with
topic markers such as *=e and *=ke in Proto Awyu, Proto Dumut and Proto AwyuDumut when they occurred before verbs that were not motion or position verbs.
10.2
Awyu-Dumut Demonstratives
Awyu-Dumut demonstratives, like Awyu-Dumut deictics, are three in number and
roughly correspond to the English translations ‘this one here’, ‘that one over there’
and ‘that one far away’. They are given for all Awyu-Dumut languages except Yenimu in Table 10.3. It is not feasible to reconstruct Awyu-Dumut demonstratives,
but the demonstratives are included in this chapter because they derive from AwyuDumut deictic elements and in turn grammaticalize into topic markers, theme markers and possibly into definite articles.
Table 10.3: Awyu-Dumut demonstratives
near demonstrative
far demonstrative
distant demonstrative
mene mbo
mene
nombone, nombono
–
ewe
eve, evo
–
kowe
–
nego
nego
nere
wüo (wo), iugo
ewere
xo
xatego
xagere
mene
mofene
–
Dumut
MAN
YWB
DWB
Awyu
AXU
PSA
SHI
Ndeiram
KOM
Sources: Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:121); Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:50-52); Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:19,
30); Aghu (Drabbe 1957:25); Pisa (Drabbe 1950:102-103); Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:102-103); Kombai (de Vries 1993:37-38)
Awyu-Dumut demonstratives are derived from Awyu-Dumut deictics. Dumut languages derive their demonstratives from their deictic elements by adding a topical element, which is also derived from a deictic. Yonggom Wambon and Digul
Wambon add topic marker =e to the deictic stem to get a demonstrative. This =e
10. Deictics and Demonstratives
148
is derived from the far deictic ep, as shown in Section 10.3.2. Instead of =e, Digul
Wambon may also add =o to a deictic element, yielding nombono ‘this one here’ and
evo ‘that one there’; nombono and evo may only occur pre-nominally, functioning as
demonstrative modifiers. Mandobo does not add either =e or =o, but rather a combination of the near deictic mene with the far deictic mbo yields a near demonstrative ‘this one here’. The Mandobo far deictic mbo, like =e, also functions as a topic
marker, as illustrated in Section 10.3. An example of the Mandobo near demonstrative is given in (128).7
(128) Ngo-ano kurow ande-r-an
na u
you-SUBJ stealing eat-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST my pig
kurürümo-r-an;
omba mene mbo ŋgo yo ge-ro katomo
run.off.IT-REAL[NON 1 PL]-PST other here TOP you call be-SIM seek
ge-ro ni-ge...
be-SIM IMP-go...
‘your stealing and eating (=adultery) caused my pigs to run off; this other
(pig) you go call and seek and...’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:46)
In Awyu languages, three different strategies are employed to form demonstratives.
In Shiaxa, the suffix -re is added to the deictic, yielding nere, ewere and xagere. This element -re might be cognate to the nominalizer found with Mandobo and Yonggom
Wambon deictic elements. In Pisa, the suffix go is added to deictic forms to yield
demonstratives, for example ugo ‘that one over there’. Aghu employs a strategy
different from that used by Pisa and Shiaxa. It does not add a suffix to get demonstratives; rather the ‘plain’ forms have demonstrative meaning, while if the topic
marker ke follows nego, wüo or xo, they function as adverbial deictic elements.
Before turning to how Awyu-Dumut demonstratives can develop a textual deictic function, I would like to shed light on another grammaticalization path that
demonstratives often follow, namely that of turning into (definite) articles. This
path was first noted by Greenberg (1978) and further explored in Nikolaus Himmelmann’s 1997 doctoral thesis entitled Deiktikon, Artikel, Nominalphrase: Zur Emergenz syntaktischer Struktur. In the International Handbook for Language Typology
7 In
paragraph 46 of his Mandobo grammar description, Drabbe also describes another way in
which demonstratives are formed in Mandobo, namely by adding the possessive (ne) or the possessive plus the word for ‘human’ (ne guap) to the deictic elements mene and mbere, for example:
(1)
mene na ran
here POSS woman
‘this woman’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:20)
(2)
mbua mene nu guap
clothes here POSS man
‘these clothes’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:20)
However, except in paragraph 46, no sentences containing a deictic element followed by ne or ne guap
can be found. Rather, the combination mene mbo ‘this one here’ is a far more frequent demonstrative.
10.3. Awyu-Dumut Textual Deixis
149
and Language Universals, Himmelmann lists two criteria that can be used to distinguish articles from demonstratives, that is, to determine when a demonstrative
has grammaticalized into an article. First, articles only occur in nominal expressions, while demonstratives occur in all manner of phrases, and second, the article’s position with regard to the noun is fixed, whereas demonstratives are freer in
their placement (Himmelmann 2001:832). However, the number of occurrences of
demonstratives in Awyu-Dumut texts and grammar descriptions are too few to determine whether these criteria are met. Hence Awyu-Dumut demonstratives are not
analyzed as having grammaticalized into definite articles, but the reader must bear
in mind that this could - perhaps under certain circumstances - nevertheless be the
case.
10.3
Awyu-Dumut Textual Deixis
Spatial deictics that are at first used to refer to the world around the speaker can
develop into anaphoric markers that refer to what has previously been said in a
discourse. As Heeschen puts it, deictic elements “assume discourse functions and
no longer refer to points in concrete space but to items previously mentioned in the
linguistic context” (Heeschen 1997:177), and as Reesink has noted: “Many Papuan
languages extend the use of a deictic to mark textual relationships such as topic and
relative clause” (Reesink 1987:233).
In Dumut languages, but not in Awyu languages, demonstratives have grammaticalized as markers of textual deixis. Dumut demonstratives function as topic
markers. The definition of topic employed here is provided by Lambrecht (1994):
A referent is interpreted as the topic of a proposition if in a given situation the proposition is construed as being about this referent, i.e. as
expressing information which is relevant to and which increases the addressee’s knowledge of this referent. (Lambrecht 1994:131)
Topic is here defined in terms of ‘aboutness’, rather than ‘givenness’. It can be summarized as “that which the speaker wants to talk about”(Reesink 1987:208-209). A
topic most often has been mentioned before in the discourse, but not necessarily
so. Lambrecht (1994:118) notes that others (Chafe, Dik) make a distinction between
‘topic’ and ‘theme’, where ‘topic’ is intra-clausal and defined, as Lambrecht does, in
terms of ‘aboutness’, while a ‘theme’ is extra-clausal and “sets a spatial, temporal
or individual framework within which the main predication holds”(Chafe 1976:50).
I will also make this distinction, first talking about topics in Section 10.3.1 before
talking about themes in Section 10.3.3.
10.3.1
topics
The topic in a Dumut sentence, namely that element of the sentence about which the
speaker wants to give information, is often marked by a topic marker that originates
10. Deictics and Demonstratives
150
as a demonstrative. After nouns, Mandobo far demonstrative mbe, often realized as
mbo, functions as a topic marker (129), as do Yonggom Wambon far demonstrative
ewe (130) and Digul Wambon far demonstrative eve (131). Section 10.3.2 illustrates
how the element =e found in Digul Wambon and Yonggom Wambon also functions
as a topic marker. These topic markers occur after nouns or pronouns.
In Mandobo example (129), the agent, who does the stealing of the tubers while
his in-laws sleep, is topicalized using the Mandobo far deictic mbe, here realized as
mbo. The speaker wants to talk about this person – who is half human and half pig
in the myth – and what he is doing.
(129) Wemin ke-gen
doro, e-anemo,
night be-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN 3SG.POSS-father.in.law
e-ombut,
e-gonöp,
e-angen
kinum
3SG.POSS-brother.in.law 3SG.POSS-mother.in.law 3SG.POSS-wife sleep
koŋŋgon riŋŋgio-gen.
Ege mbo kouyap ma
ko-gen.
fast lie.down-REAL[NON 1 SG] 3SG TOP again get.up go-REAL[NON 1 SG]
Ma
go irandöp kurop kouyap ŋgen.
get.up go tubers steal again eat.REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘When it is night, his father-in-law, his brother-in-law, his mother-in-law and
his wife lie fast asleep. He gets up again and goes. He gets up, goes, steals
tubers again and eats them.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:33)
In the following Yonggom Wambon example, the wife Kukyar is the most topical
participant. She is introduced at the beginning of the sentence as the topic, and then
the rest of the sentence talks about her and her offspring. Notice that the Yonggom
Wambon demonstrative topic ewe combines with the ergative marker ŋga, which it
often does.
(130) Mbinmarumyap Kapan, Kukyar ewe ŋga ŋgapmo-gen
Mbinmarumyap Kapan, Kukyar TOP ERG bring.forth-REAL[NON 1 SG]
de
ui ke-r-an,
itit
ke-r-an.
CONN pig be- REAL[ NON 1 SG ]- PST , cassowary be- REAL [ NON 1 SG ]- PST
‘Mbinmarumyap and Kapan, about (their wife) Kukyar, she brought forth
(several offspring) and (these) become pigs and cassowaries.’8
Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:154)
In Digul Wambon example (131) the elder brother is the topic, but because the context of the utterance is unknown, it is not clear whether the elder brother occurred
earlier in the story and hence constitutes ‘known information’. It is clear, however,
that the elder brother is a topic in the sense that the speaker apparently wants to say
something about his brother.
8 Mbinmarumjap
and Kapan are two males introduced at the beginning of this tale, and Kukyar
is their shared wife. Kukyar is marked as the topic.
10.3. Awyu-Dumut Textual Deixis
151
(131) Na-net-eve
mbap sinim-ŋŋga mba-ke.
POSS -elder.brother- TOP father next- ERG sit- REAL. NON 1 SG
‘My elder brother sits beside father.’ Digul Wambon (Jang 2008:85)
10.3.2
topic marker =e
Yonggom Wambon and Digul Wambon have an element =e, which is a shorter form
of the far deictic ep ‘over there’ and that functions as both a topic marker and a
definite article. Drabbe notes that “the deictic element ep is actually e...; the other
primary deictic forms also occur with -p, namely menep, korep...”9 Thus, e is the far
deictic in Yonggom Wambon, an analysis that may be extended to Digul Wambon.
This far deictic functions as a topic marker when it occurs after a verbal clause, much
like the demonstrative ewe in Digul Wambon and Yonggom Wambon. It then results
in a thematic clause, as explained in Section 10.3.3 and illustrated by (132).
(132) Mando-n-in
e
rogo-y-i-p.
come-NON 1 SG-FUT TOP say-LIG-FUT-1SG
‘If he will come, I will say so.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:142)
When =e occurs after nouns in Digul Wambon and Yonggom Wambon, both de Vries
& Wiersma (1992) and Drabbe (1959) analyze it as a connective (‘relator’ and ‘schakelelement’ in their terms, respectively). Another possible analysis is that in these instances =e is a topic marker, as it is after verbal clauses. Drabbe does note that, in
Yonggom Wambon, =e can function as a subject marker (Drabbe 1959:119), and subjects are often the topic of an utterance. In Yonggom Wambon example (133) and
Digul Wambon example (134), =e marks the topic of the sentence.
(133) Ndokma-r-in
de
ok=e
kojake-r-an.
block-REAL-NON 1 PL CONN river-TOP get.full-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST
‘When they blocked (it), the river flooded.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:146)
(134) Ndako koma-l=o
odo
nux=e uto...
and die-REAL[NON 1 SG]=CONN CONN 1SG-TOP go.in...
‘And when it died, I went in...’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:84)
10.3.3
thematic clauses
When Dumut topic markers follow verbal clauses, they form thematic clauses, which
can also be referred to as ‘domain-creating constructions’ (Reesink 1994). Thematic
clauses are background clauses that are subordinate and serve as a grounding point
for the rest of the clause. They are the most common way to express subordination
in Dumut languages.
De Vries (2006:814) notes that thematic clauses can consist of all sorts of constituents and that they function to produce thematically coherent speech. Haiman
9 “Het
element ep is eigenlijk e...; zo komen ook de andere primaire [deiktische] elementen voor
met p, namelijk menep, korep...” (Drabbe 1959:121).
10. Deictics and Demonstratives
152
points out in his classic 1978 paper ‘Conditionals are Topics’ that what are often described as conditionals in grammars are actually topics, as both “are givens which
constitute the frame of reference with respect to which the main clause is either
true (if a proposition), or felicitous (if not)” (Haiman 1978:564). Of course, conditionals are not topics in the sense of being what the sentence is about (Reesink
2014:21), but the point made here is that clauses marked with a topic marker can
have a conditional interpretation. Indeed, thematic clauses can have many interpretations/translations, for example as relative clauses, adverbials, temporal clauses,
causatives or conditionals (Reesink 1994). Perhaps the translation that captures thematic clauses the best is “given the state of affairs x, y” (de Vries 2006:815).
As in many Papuan languages, in Dumut languages the demonstratives that
function as topic markers are employed to form thematic clauses. Thus Mandobo
mbo and Yonggom Wambon and Digul Wambon ewe and =e can follow a verbal
clause, nominalizing it and turning it into a thematic background clause. The following two examples illustrate the occurrence of thematic clauses in Dumut languages, with square brackets enclosing each thematic clause.
na-y-o
no metarep toro
(135) E-nou
mbo tagaŋŋ-gen:
3SG.POSS-mother TOP say-REAL[NON 1 SG] son-LIG-VOC I hungry CAUS
[etot ne terip
ndu mbogo rigio-gen
mbo], no go makmo ndu
hut of women sago there stand-REAL[NON 1 SG] TOP I go join sago
rigi-w-o
ne-gen.
stand[IRR]-1SG-CONN say-REAL[NON 1 SG]
His mother says: “I am hungry, the hut of the women making sago is over
there, I am going to join (them) and make sago,” she says. Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:78)
In example (135), mbo marks the clause ‘hut of women making sago’ as given information that forms the background or setting of the rest of the utterance.
(136) Ndare, matero [ndu mbi ri-gen
mbo], matero motu-ndümu
hear get.up sago DUR stand-REAL[NON 1 SG] TOP get.up sack-sago
ŋgunop ndarakmo me-gen.
tömo
te
amkamo
pull.out CONN turn.inside.out head put.on come-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘She hears, she gets up - she was making sago - she gets up, pulls out a small
sago sack and turns it inside out, puts it on her head and comes.’ Mandobo
(Drabbe 1959:81)
In example (136), mbo marks the clause she was making sago as background information that is essential to place the rest of the utterance in the right context (because
she was making sago, she had a sago sack with her).
In Yonggom Wambon thematic clauses, ewe tends to co-occur with ergative marker
ŋga, as illustrated in (137). The topic marker e occurs without ŋga (138) when it marks
a thematic clause.
10.4. Summary
153
(137) [Iŋŋ-gin-in
ewe] ŋga ut-ken-ep.
eat-REAL-NON 1 PL TOP ERG go.in-REAL-1SG
‘When they were eating, I went in.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:134)
(138) [Mirip kup
maya-r-an
e,] kigip ko
rain COMIT come.down-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST TOP other go
ti-r-an.
build-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST
‘When it rained (given that it rained), she built another (hut).’
Yonggom Wambon
(Drabbe 1959:156)
Lastly, two examples from Digul Wambon are provided, with eve marking a subordinate thematic clause.
(139) [Simson=e
nde-t-mbo-n=eve]
nexo
salip=e
Simson=TOP come-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST-tr.nasal=TOP 3SG.POSS wife=TOP
wasi
ande-t-mbo.
already eat-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST
‘When Simson arrived, his wife had already eaten.’
Digul Wambon (Jang 2008:86)
mbaxe-mbel=o ŋgerkayi lavo-va
(140) Mbonop-ŋŋgambun=ka
Mbonop-maelstrom=ERG stay-SEQ=CONN saw
take[IRR]-NON 1 PL
ne-mbel=o
ep=ka
mba-l-eva-mbo.
[Ep=ka
say-SEQ=CONN there=ERG stay-REAL-NON 1 PL-PST there=ERG
mba-l-eva-mbo-n=eve]
sanov=e
ilo
ka-l-eva-mbo.
stay-REAL-NON 1 PL-PST=TOP Monday=TOP go.down go-REAL-NON 1 PL-PST
‘We stayed at the Mbonop maelstrom, in order to saw we stayed there. Given
that/when we stayed there, on Monday we went down (there).’ Digul Wambon
(de Vries & Wiersma 1992:87)
10.4
Summary
This chapter offered a description and reconstruction of Awyu-Dumut spatial deictic elements and then focused on how Awyu-Dumut demonstratives derive from
Awyu-Dumut deictic elements. Two grammaticalization pathways were then discussed:
1. demonstratives that grammaticalize into definite articles/markers of definiteness
2. deictics and demonstratives that grammaticalize into topic markers
For the first grammaticalization path, this chapter demonstrates that there is too
little Awyu-Dumut data to determine whether demonstratives (and deictic-derived
154
10. Deictics and Demonstratives
element =e) have indeed turned into definite markers, although it is likely that at
times they do have this function. The grammaticalized use of deictic-based topic
markers was only found in Dumut languages, where demonstratives are employed
as topic markers after nouns and after entire clauses. When they cliticize to a clause,
they form a thematic clause or domain-creating construction.
11
Clause Linkage
Languages can link clauses together into sentences in multiple ways. The most common ways to link clauses together cross-linguistically are through either coordination or subordination, which form two ends of a continuum (called the continuum
of hierarchical downgrading by Lehmann (1988)). As in many Papuan languages,
clause chaining rather than either coordination or subordination is the main clause
linking strategy in Awyu-Dumut languages. Foley notes that clause chaining is
“probably the most distinctive feature of Papuan languages” (Foley 1986:175), going on to describe chained clauses as containing ‘co-subordinate’ verbs and as falling
in between coordination and subordination on the coordination-subordination continuum. Awyu-Dumut clause chaining is discussed in Section 11.2, after AwyuDumut clause coordination is described in Section 11.1. At the subordination end of
the continuum Awyu-Dumut thematic clauses are found, which, along with other
types of subordinate clauses, are described in Section 11.3.
Important to remember in this chapter is that Awyu-Dumut languages have
three types of verbs: non-finites, semi-finites and finites. Non-finite verbs consist
of a verb stem, semi-finite verbs consist of a verb stem, a mood marker and personnumber marker, and finite verbs consist of a verb stem, a mood marker, a personnumber marker and a tense marker. Non-finite verbs are dependent verbs, while
both semi-finite and finite verbs are independent verbs. ‘Independent’ is here defined as ‘not needing another verb in the clause or sentence in order to function’;
an independent verb form can hence be the only verb form in a complete sentence.
Dependent verb forms always need another verb in order to function. These distinctions will be important in distinguishing between coordination and clause chaining,
and also play a major role in Awyu-Dumut’s switch reference systems, described in
Section 11.5.
11.1
Coordination
Coordinated clauses are syntactically equal and may also occur independently, meaning that a coordinated clause can be a sentence by itself. As Foley (2010:27) notes:
11. Clause Linkage
156
“[c]lauses linked in a coordinate nexus are not in an asymmetrical relationship of
embedded versus matrix clause, but are joined at the same level, strung along rather
like beads on a string.” Awyu-Dumut languages have two strategies to coordinate
clauses: juxtaposing them (Section 11.1.1), or placing a coordinator between them
(Section 11.1.2). As will become apparent in Section 11.2, clause chaining can also
be considered a type of coordination.
11.1.1
Coordination by juxtaposition
In Awyu-Dumut languages, most coordinated clauses are juxtaposed, together forming a sentence. Coordinated verbal clauses are found in Yonggom Wambon, Digul
Wambon, Mandobo, Aghu and Kombai. Unfortunately, Drabbe gives no description
of how clauses are joined together in Pisa, Shiaxa or Yenimu, nor is there information
available on how juxtaposed clauses differ from separate sentences prosodically.
Awyu-Dumut languages, like many Papuan languages, have medial verb forms
and final verb forms, that is, verbs that may occur clause-finally and those that may
only occur clause-medially. The final verb forms are more finite than the medial verb
forms. In Awyu-Dumut languages, both semi-finite forms and finite verb forms
may occur clause-finally, while non-finite verb forms only occur clause-medially. A
(non-final) clause is coordinated to the next clause if it ends in a semi-finite or finite
verb. Thus Aghu example (141) consists of two coordinated clauses, both ending in
a semi-finite realis verb form.
(141) [Gi-k-enã]
[efe n’amoko axe saxa-k-e].
scrape-REAL-NON 1 PL 3SG POSS’son fish shoot-REAL-NON 1 SG
‘They scrape (poison into water) and her son shoots fish.1 ’
Aghu (Drabbe 1957:57)
Likewise, the following examples from Mandobo (142) and Yonggom Wambon (143)
consist of multiple coordinated clauses ending in semi-finite or finite verb forms,
with a semi-finite or finite verb form at the end of the sentence.
(142) [Tokmo ndigi-r-an]
[ro
me-re
divide give-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST have.with come-NON . CLOSE
rurukma-gen-on].
put.together-REAL-NON 1 PL.
‘He divides and gives (the pigs), and they come put them together.’
Mandobo
(Drabbe 1959:22)
(143) [Naerop taemba-r-in]
[kima-r-an].
Naerop shoot-REAL-NON 1 PL die-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST
‘They shoot Naerop and he dies.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:147)
1 Drabbe
notes that, in Aghu culture, women catch fish by scraping a poisonous root that drugs
the fish into the water, while men catch fish using bow and arrow.
11.2. Clause Chaining
11.1.2
157
Coordination by coordinator
In Digul Wambon, whenever a semi-finite -kend form or a finite past or future form
occurs non-finally, it is coordinated to the next clause. The coordinating connective
=o occurs on these clauses but also on all other medial clauses that are part of clause
chains rather than fully coordinated. An example of two coordinated clauses, the
first of which ends in a semi-finite realis form, is given in (144).
(144) Mulo
kilim-ke-knd-ev=o
hetaxa-l-ep-mbo-n=e...
go.down pursue-be-REAL-1SG-CONN see-REAL-1SG-PST-tr.nasal=TOP
‘I went down, pursued it and I saw that...’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:84)
Besides Digul Wambon, Kombai is the only other Awyu-Dumut language that employs an explicit coordinating connective, namely -a, after medially-occurring semifinite verb forms, as in (145).
(145) Xalufo
nu bone-d-ef-a
gu o
mi.
yesterday 1SG DUR.eat-REAL-1SG-CONN 2SG water drink[REAL.NON 1 SG]
‘Yesterday I ate and you drank water.’ Kombai (de Vries 1993:57)
In Yonggom Wambon and Mandobo, =o does occur as a linking element, but it is
unclear whether it is a coordinator in these languages. It usually appears between a
verb of speaking and that which was said, as in example (146).
(146) Sinam ŋga nataem-i-non=o
nde-t.
bow ERG shoot-[IRR]NON 1 PL-IMP=CONN say-REAL[NON 1 SG]
“‘You must shoot me with a bow” he said.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:149)
De Vries (1986, 2010) claims that Digul Wambon ndi and its cognate in its two Dumut
sister languages, namely te in Mandobo and Yonggom Wambon, are also clausal
coordinators. However, see Section 11.3.4 for an argumentation explaining why
Dumut te is better analyzed as a subordinating connective.
11.2
Clause Chaining
Besides fully coordinated clauses, Awyu-Dumut languages have clauses that are
chained together. I will adhere to Longacre (2007:399) for a definition of a clause
chain; he defines clause chains as consisting of “a final clause that has a verb of distinctive structure that occurs but once in the entire chain” and “non-final clauses
which have verbs of different and more restricted features.” Longacre goes on to
note that “the final clause is like an engine that pulls a string of cars.” There may be
one or more non-final clauses. The main feature of clause chains is that the medial
verbs are dependent upon the last verb for the interpretation of one or more of their
inflectional categories. On the coordination-subordination continuum, clause chaining is best classified as a type of coordination, one which involves dependent, but
not embedded, verbs. As Foley notes, clause chains “do not function as embedded
11. Clause Linkage
158
parts within a whole, but are linked to a fully inflected verb in a linear string, much
like beads on a necklace. Because the linking of such clauses is at the same structural level, rather than as part within a whole, I regard such clauses as coordinate
and verbs of such clauses as ‘coordinate-dependent’” (Foley 1986:177).
In Awyu-Dumut languages, the medial verbs used in clause chains are non-finite
verbs that consist of a verb stem or a verb stem plus temporality marker, while
semi-finite or finite verb forms can occur clause-chain finally and are independent.2
The non-finite verbs are dependent on the final verb for mood and person-number
interpretation.
If the final verb expresses tense in addition to mood and person-number, this category is also inherited by the non-finite verb(s) that precede(s) it. A Digul Wambon
sentence consisting of three clauses, of which two are clause chains ending in a semifinite verb, is found in (147), while (148) contains a Yonggom Wambon clause chain
and (149) an Aghu clause chain.
(147) [Yandit wamip=ka oy=e
hetak-mbel=o
tambe-l-ev=o]
road inside=ERG pig=TOP see-SEQ=CONN shoot-REAL-1SG=CONN
[liki-lap-elo
ka-l=o]
[kilim-ke-knd-ev=o...]
break-take-SIM go-REAL[NON 1 SG]=CONN pursue-be-REAL-1SG=CONN...
‘I saw a pig inside the road and I shot it, and the pig took the arrow, went
and I pursued it and...’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:83)
e,
ŋgo
nenŋŋgui
e,
Matiram ŋga
(148) [Ngo
nanŋŋgui
2SG.POSS younger.brother TOP, 2SG.POSS elder.brother TOP, Matiram ERG
ŋgotonde e-no
mir e
top me agumo mba-gen-op].
kill.IT eat-SIM bones TOP pit come put.in stay-REAL[NON 1 SG]-HABIT
‘Matiram killed and ate your younger and elder brothers (habitually/iteratively),
coming and putting their bones in a pit.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:154)
(149) [Nu ni da-de-k
syü
isiom a-de-k
büsyü kem
3SG 1SG come.I-SS-CONN banana all take.I-SS-CONN home TOP
xo-do-k
ab-su-k-e].
go.I-SS-CONN take.I-go.up.I-REAL-NON 1 SG
‘He came to me, took all the banana’s, went home and took them up (into
the house).’ Aghu (Drabbe 1957:19)
11.3
Subordination
Clauses that are not coordinated or chained, are subordinate. There are multiple
types of subordinate sentences in Awyu-Dumut languages, and in the following sec2 Digul
Wambon semi-finite -t forms are described by de Vries & Wiersma (1992) as not occurring sentence-finally and hence not being independent, but see Section 11.5.4 for new data which
show that Digul Wambon -t forms are much like other Awyu-Dumut semi-finites: independent and
sentence-final.
11.3. Subordination
159
tions, six different subordination strategies employed by Awyu-Dumut languages
are discussed.
All Awyu-Dumut subordinate clauses are linked to the rest of the sentence by
a subordinating connective; the six subordination strategies make use of different
subordinating connectives. What all Awyu-Dumut subordinating connectives have
in common is that they nominalize the subordinate clause that they follow. AwyuDumut subordinate clauses are either hypotactic or embedded. Hypotactic subordinate clauses are not dependent on the main clause, nor do they have a syntactic
function within the main clause (Lehmann 1988:182, 185). Embedded subordinate
clauses, on the other hand, are dependent on the main clause and are governed by it.
Another important feature of Awyu-Dumut subordinate clauses is that they present background information. Concerning subordinate clauses in Papuan languages
in general Foley states: “Subordinate clauses in Papuan languages always function
to background given information, and correspond to two different constructions in
more familiar languages, adverbial clauses and relative clauses” (Foley 1986:201).
Awyu-Dumut subordinate clauses fall within this generalization; they either present information usually found in adverbial clauses, for example information about
the timing, location, and/or manner of the main action, or they present further information about the main topic of the sentence.
11.3.1
Subordination: thematic clauses with demonstrative topic
markers
Thematic clauses formed with demonstrative-based topic markers are a very common way to form subordinate clauses in Dumut languages and were described in
Section 10.3.3. Thematic clauses were there defined as “background clauses that are
subordinate and serve as a grounding point for the rest of the clause. The topic
marker nominalizes the clause that it follows.” Thematic clauses are extra-clausal,
most often appear in a left-dislocated position and can best be translated as “given
the state of affairs x, y” (de Vries 2006:815), although many other translations are
possible. What many Papuan thematic clauses have in common is that thematic
clause markers are markers that occur on both noun phrases and verb clauses, and
in both instances render the phrase or clause they follow (more) presuppositional
(Reesink 1983:223-224). In many languages, including Dumut languages, thematic
clause markers also function as topic markers after nouns. Examples of thematic
clauses formed with demonstrative topic markers mbo (Mandobo), ewe and e (Digul
Wambon and Yonggom Wambon) were given in Section 10.3.3 and are not repeated
here.
11. Clause Linkage
160
11.3.2
Subordinator ŋga
The ergative marker ŋga,3 found in Digul Wambon and Yonggom Wambon, functions as a subordinator when it attaches to verbal clauses. The ergative marker optionally marks the agent of an action in Yonggom Wambon, as ergative markers do
in other Papuan languages such as Dani and Hua (Dixon 1994:58). Its function is
then to either disambiguate who the agent is or to mark less prototypical agents.
Thus ŋga in (150) makes it clear that Matiram is the cannibal, rather than the brothers, while in (151), ŋga marks a snake pulling on a sago sack, an action usually
performed by humans.
(150) Ngo
nanŋŋgui
e,
ŋgo
nenŋŋgui
e
Matiram ŋga
2SG.POSS younger.brothers TOP, 2SG.POSS elder.brothers TOP Matiram ERG
ŋgotonde e-no
mir e
top me agumo
kill.IT eat-NON . CLOSE bones TOP hole come put.in
mba-gen-op.
stay-REAL[NON 1 SG]-HAB
‘Your younger brothers, your older brothers, Matiram used to kill (them), eat
(them) and come put the bones in a hole.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:153-154)
mbima-t
(151) Kinum ya-r-a
aŋŋgun ŋga matui
sleep lie-REAL[NON 1 SG]-SEQ snake ERG sago.sack pull-REAL[NON 1 SG]
mborotke-t...
break-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘(she) lies asleep and the snake pulls (on) the sago sack and it (the sago sack)
breaks...’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:155)
The ergative marker originates in what de Vries & Wiersma (1992:58) call a ‘circumstantial marker’, which may express instrumental (152), locative (153), manner (154)
or time reference (155) meaning. Foley notes that it is common in Papuan languages
for (peripheral) case markers that mark ablative, causal and/or instrumental case to
develop into (core) ergative markers which mark the agent. He explains that “[t]he
extension of the instrumental and causal case to the actor is not surprising: both are
causes of the event, either primary or secondary, and identity between the ergative
and instrumental case markers is a common feature of languages, including other
Papuan languages such as Enga (Lang 1973), Kewa (Franklin 1971), Kate (Pilhofer
1933) and Selepet (McElhanon 1972)” (Foley 1986:107). In his book on ergativity,
Dixon (1994:57) further notes that cross-linguistically, the ergative case is known to
also function as a locative, instrumental or genitive case marker.
(152) Mayum
tombon ŋga ragae turuma-t.
mayum.sago leaf.vein ERG fish shoot-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘He shot fish with mayum sago leaf veins.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:146)
3ŋga
has an allomorph =ka in Digul Wambon. In Digul Wambon, it is a clitic, while Drabbe writes
ŋga separately in Yonggom Wambon.
11.3. Subordination
161
(153) Kixup=ka okima-l-eva-mbo.
Digul=ERG take.bath-REAL-1PL-PST
‘We took a bath in the Digul river.’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:58)
(154) Wasi=ŋŋga nda-xe
quick=ERG come-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘He comes quickly.’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:59)
(155) Ariw-amin
ŋga mende-r-a
mberemo ra
early-morning ERG come-REAL[NON 1 SG]-SEQ gather take
ku-r-an.
go-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST
‘In the early morning she came and gathered [the fish traps], took them and
went.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:155)
The ergative marker ŋ ga functions as a subordinator, or thematic clause marker,
when it follows a verbal clause, much like the Dani ergative marker (n)en, as observed by Reesink (1994:110), who cites (156) from Bromley (1981).4 In this case,
the clause ‘we finished thatching’ is marked as a subordinate clause by the ergative
marker -en, which “signals a kind of causality...which shades into temporal succession” (Reesink 1994:110).
(156) Wa’lekka saloko
hel-uk-en
hupakko mottok
ki
ak-y.
thatch covering put-PERF-ERG night altogether enter come-I
‘After we finished the thatching, when it was completely dark, I came in
here.’ Dani, Bromley 1981
Drabbe notes that ŋga is a marker of time both after nouns and after verbal clauses.
He contrasts ŋga after an NP, namely miti ŋga kuran ‘night ERG he.went’ (he went at
night) with ŋga after a clause: mitik ken ŋga kajip literally ‘night will.be ERG I.will.go’
(when it is night, I will go) (Drabbe 1959:144). Thus subordinate clauses marked by
the ergative ŋ ga in Yonggom Wambon and Digul Wambon always have a temporal
meaning, which can be translated with ‘while’, ‘when’ or ‘after’.
The example given in (157) illustrates ŋga functioning as a subordinator in Digul
Wambon, while (158) provides a similar example for Yonggom Wambon.
(157) Nux=e ande-l-ep-o=ŋŋga
nexep nde-t-mbo.
I=TOP eat-REAL-1SG-PST=ERG he
come-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST
When I ate, he came.’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:60)
ŋga eto-gen-ep
te
(158) Ndun rino mbage-ro
sago make stay-non.close ERG see-REAL-1SG CONN
mende-r-an.
come-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST
‘While I was preparing sago, I saw that he came.’
4 Bromley
Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:134)
(198:266) did not analyze (n)en as an ergative marker, but called it the generalized
source relator -nen. Foley (1986:107) is probably the source of the reanalysis of Dani -nen.
11. Clause Linkage
162
For Digul Wambon, de Vries claims that “since all medial verb clauses are coordinated with the next clause, the postpositions/subordinators never occur with
medial verb clauses” (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:60). While this is true for Digul
Wambon, where indeed a subordinator never follows a non-finite SS verb form, in
Yonggom Wambon ŋga frequently follows non-finite SS verb forms, as is the case
in (158) above. This is problematic because, as de Vries noted, medial verb forms
stand in a (chaining) coordinate relationship to the next verb, so how can they occur
in a subordinate clause? Reesink has found a similar puzzling construction in Usan
and notes that although “medial verbs basically constitute asymmetrical coordinate
relationships...this basically coordinate relationship may be changed into a subordinate one in order to clearly express conditionality. Once this is done, again with
the [Usan] ‘given’ demonstrative eng, the preceding clause falls outside the scope
of negative, imperative and interrogative, as they apply to the following clause”
(Reesink 1987:239). The difference between an Usan medial verb in a subordinate
clause and a medial verb in a coordinated clause is illustrated by (159), showing a
subordinate clause, and (160), showing a coordinate clause.
(159) Yarab eng ye-nipat
qur
big-ar.
come.SS the me-step.over.SS money put-pl.IMP
‘If you come, step over me and put your money (in the basket).’
Usan (Reesink
1987:239)
(160) Yarab qoasi-qoasi qur
big-ar.
come.SS miss-miss.SS money put-pl.IMP
‘Come, go beside me and put your money (in the basket).’
Usan (Reesink 1987:239)
In the first sentence, the imperative of the final verb does not have scope over the
medial SS verb yarab ‘to come’, only over the medial SS verb nipat. In the second
sentence, the imperative has scope over both of the medial SS verbs yarab ‘to come’
and qoasi-qoasi ‘to go beside’. Thus the Usan subordinator eng blocks the scope of
the imperative. In his article on domain-creating constructions, Reesink notes that
“[m]edial (SS and DS) clauses followed by -eng...are shielded from various operators
on the verb of the matrix clause: negation, illocution, nominalization. The categories of tense and subject person-number, however, are subjected to the general
constraints exerted by the final verb on the preceding ones in a sentence” (Reesink
1994:104-105). Thus because the final verb bigar in both (159) and (160) has a plural
person-number interpretation, all medial SS verbs, including yarab in the subordinate eng clause, have plural person-number interpretation. The subordinator eng
blocks certain but not all operators and categories of the (final) matrix clause verb
when it occurs after a medial verb. Like Usan -eng, Yonggom Wambon ŋga does not
block switch reference. There are too few occurrences of ŋga in the data to determine
whether or not it blocks the scope of imperatives, interrogatives or negation.
11.3. Subordination
11.3.3
163
Subordination with existential verb ke ‘to be’
The support verb ke ‘to be’ appears as a marker of subordinate sentences with conditional meaning in both Awyu and Dumut languages. In Digul Wambon, what
de Vries & Wiersma (1992) describe as a conditional marker, namely kexet, can be
analyzed as being a fossilized non-finite form of the verb ke followed by a third person non-singular realis form of the same verb, as illustrated in (161). Digul Wambon
kexet only occurs in conditional sentences and is always followed by either of the
topical subordinators =e or =eve, discussed in Sections 10.3.3 and 11.3.1, yielding
kexeleve or kexele.
(161) ke-xe-t
be-be-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘being, it is/was’
In (162), kexel=eve marks the subordinate protasis of the sentence ‘if the river rises,
we will not go.’
(162) Kixuv=e
nde-t-ke-xe-l=eve
noxov=e
Digul=TOP come-REAL[NON 1 SG]-be-be-REAL[NON 1 SG]=TOP we=TOP
Manggelum ko-nok-siva.
Manggelum go-neg-intent.NEG.1PL
‘If the Digul River rises, we do not want to go to Manggelum.’
Digul Wambon
(de Vries & Wiersma 1992:31)
In Yonggom Wambon, a construction ket kinin ŋga occurs, which can be analyzed as
consisting of a non-first person realis form of the verb ke followed by a non-first
person future form of ke, which in turn is followed by the ergative marker ŋga (163).
Like in Digul Wambon kexel=eve, the verb ke occurs twice in the Yonggom Wambon
ket kinin ŋga construction.
(163) ket
ki-n-in
ŋga
be-REAL[NON 1 SG] be-NON 1 SG-FUT ERG
‘it is, when it will be’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:134)
Drabbe always translates Yonggom Wambon clauses containing ket kinin ŋga with
‘when’, rather than with a conditional ‘if’, and states that they talk about future
simultaneous events, such as those expressed in (164), in which the giving of food is
not dependent on whether the people are working, but on when they are working.
(164) Awoŋŋ rap-kin-in
ke-t
ki-n-in
ŋga, ko
work take-REAL-NON 1 PL be-REAL[NON 1 SG] be-NON 1 SG-FUT ERG go
nayok
ande-nan.
give.IMP eat-NON 1 PL
‘When they are working (when it is the case that they are working), go give
(them food), let them eat.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:134)
11. Clause Linkage
164
In all three Dumut languages, the verb ke in subordinate sentences with conditional
meaning is always conjugated in non-first person singular form because “the entire
first clause is the subject of get” (Drabbe 1959:105).5 That is, the ke verb does not
agree with the subject within the first clause, but rather with the clause as a whole.6
For Mandobo, Drabbe notes that ke-t only occurs when the protasis contains a
finite past tense verb or a negated verb (Drabbe 1959:105), giving (165) and (166) as
examples.
(165) Ngoano kurop timo-r-an
ke-t,
no tagamo-nok.
you
secret take-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST be-REAL[NON 1 SG] 1SG tell-IMP
‘If you stole it, tell me.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:105)
(166) Nöp mbegi-ne-gen-e-mda
ge-t,
rogoa nanet
1SG be-NEG-REAL-1SG-NEG be-REAL[NON 1 SG] fish my.older.brother
ndigio-nok.
give-IMP
‘If I am not there, give the fish to my elder brother.’
Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:105)
Similarly, in Aghu, ki ‘to be’ only appears in conditionals if the protasis is negative,
as shown in (167). The verb ki appears as kı̃, the non-first person optative form of
the verb.
(167) Fiko afi-nde
kı̃,
sumke edaxe-nde.
work take-NEG be[NON 1 SG] tobacco give-NEG.
‘If you do not work, I will not give you tobacco’ Aghu (Drabbe 1959:23)
Pisa is the last Awyu-Dumut language in which ke is attested in sentences with conditional meaning. In Pisa, the protasis starts with a non-first person singular form
of the verb rigirö, a verb no longer in use that Drabbe translates as ‘to happen’. After this verb, the rest of the subordinate clause follows, and the subordinate clause
always ends with a non-first person future form of the verb gi ‘to be, to happen’ (the
Pisa cognate of ke). Thus rigirö dafina giro, edaxay literally means ‘if it happens (that)
they will come, if (that) will be, I will give it” (Drabbe 1950:127).
It can be concluded that the verb ke ‘to be’ occurs in sentences with conditional
meaning in many Awyu-Dumut languages, and can in those instances best be translated as ‘it being the case that...’ The verb has the whole preceding clause as its argument and always appears in non-first person singular (that is, third person singular) form. In Digul Wambon and Yonggom Wambon, ke appears twice in a fossilized
form. Due to its widespread occurrence in Awyu-Dumut sentences with conditional
meaning, it is likely that ke appeared in sentences with conditional meanings in
Proto Awyu, Proto Dumut and Proto Awyu-Dumut.
5 “De
gehele voorzin is subject van get” (Drabbe 1959:105); get is the non-first person singular
realis -t form of ke in Mandobo after a vowel.
6 Note that Reesink describes something similar for Usan existential verbs which follow final
verbs: “the existential verb seems to have the total preceding event as its argument, much as sensory
verbs have the event that is expressed by the medial verb as their complement” (Reesink 1987:92).
11.3. Subordination
11.3.4
165
Subordinator te
All three Dumut languages have a focus element te that links clauses together.7 On
the subordination-coordination continuum, the connective focus marker te is hard
to classify as either coordinating or subordinating. The arguments presented in the
following paragraphs indicate that an analysis of te as a subordinating connective is
most plausible. Between verbal clauses, te will simply be glossed as CONN ‘connective’.
Drabbe describes clause-final te as a linking element or a conjunction,8 but he
does not indicate whether it is a coordinating or a subordinating conjunction. The
translations Drabbe gives for te clauses are numerous. Thus, for example, Drabbe
notes that the Mandobo sentence
(168) Ne-neti
taga-ŋŋgen
oto
me-gen-ep.
1SG.POSS-father say-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN come-REAL-1SG
Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:103)
can mean ‘my father said it and then I came’, or ‘my father said it and therefore I
came’ or ‘when my father said it, I came’, but also simply ‘my father said it and
I came.’9 Similarly, he notes that koŋŋgenep to tagamoran can be translated as either
‘after I wrote, he read it’ or ‘I wrote it and he read it’. Thus Drabbe ascribes both
coordinating meaning (‘and’) and subordinating meaning (‘after, when, because’) to
the linking element te, although he does not comment further on te’s syntactic role
in the sentence except to say that it is a linking element. Unlike Drabbe, who leaves
undecided whether te is a coordinating or a subordinating conjunction, de Vries
(2010) analyzes Dumut te as a coordinator.
The scope that polarity (negation) markers or illocutionary force (imperative,
interrogative) markers have within a sentence consisting of multiple clauses is often used as a test to determine whether one is dealing with subordinate clauses.
Haiman shows that subordinate clauses in Hua are impervious to the mood, tense
or negation of the final clause (Haiman 1976). Similarly, Reesink (1987) describes the
scope of negation, interrogatives and imperatives as not extending to subordinate
-eng clauses. Thus if negation, imperative and interrogative modalities marked in
the final clause do not extend over any preceding te clauses, those clauses are likely
to be subordinate. The scope of negation and imperative do not extend over the
clause marked by te in examples (169) and (170). Unfortunately there are too few
7 Allomorphs
ndi, oto (DWB), to, do, de, odo, oto (MAN , YWB). The Dumut focus marker te was also
discussed in Chapter 3 on Nouns. It was argued that te is always a focus marker when it occurs after
a noun, although it may have a copular interpretation. Only when te is repeated after each element of
an enumeration can it be analyzed and glossed as COORD (coordinator). This analysis of te as a focus
marker in most instances after nouns was a reanalysis of both Drabbe and de Vries, who alternately
call te a copula, an emphatic marker, a linking element or a coordinator.
8 “In al die gevallen functioneert te min of meer als voegwoord” (Drabbe 1959:134).
9 “Met neneti tagaŋ
ŋgen oto megenep kan bedoeld zijn : mijn vader zei het en toen ben ik gekomen,
of : hij zei het en daarom kwam ik, of : toen hij het zei ben ik gekomen, maar ook eenvoudig : hij zei
het en ik kwam” (Drabbe 1959:103).
11. Clause Linkage
166
occurrences of negation, imperatives and interrogatives in Dumut texts to solidify
the claim that their scope does not extend over te clauses, although the few examples there are do indicate that Awyu-Dumut te clauses are similar to the subordinate
clauses described by Reesink and Haiman.
(169) Matero eŋŋgot keemo itigio-gen
do
yombutop
get.up torch light see-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN door
tokmo-ne-gen-da
te
raŋŋ-gen
open-NEG-REALNON 1 SG-NEG CONN lie.down-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘She gets up, lights a torch and sees: the door is not open, and she lies down.’
Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:§96)
(170) Ndu orü
rigi-non
do,
küap tak
sago cut.down stand-[IRR]NON 1 PL CONN people invitation
kea-nog-i-nin
ne-gen.
walk-IMP-LIG-NON 1 PL say-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘While/when the sago is being cut, go invite people, he said.’
Mandobo (Drabbe
1959:§109)
Another indication that Dumut te is not a coordinator is its occurrence at the end
of sentences. Sentence-final te cannot be a coordinating linking element, as there is
no following clause to which te links the previous clause. Sentence-final te clauses
are like the construction that Evans refers to as ‘insubordination’, that is, “conventionalized main clause use of what, on prima facie grounds, appear to be formally
subordinate clauses” (Evans 2007:367). According to Schapper & SanRoque (2011)
and Reesink (2014), such insubordinate clauses express the speaker’s epistemic attitude. Reesink notes that Usan sentences that end in -eng “convey the speaker’s
attitude of assertiveness, indignation, or surprise” (Reesink 2014:249). The examples in (171) and (172) illustrate the occurrence of te sentence-finally in Yonggom
Wambon and Digul Wambon; in (171) the sentence-final te adds assertiveness to the
crocodile’s demand, while in (172), sentence-final te marks a clause which is added
to the main clause as an afterthought, strengthening it.
nde-t
te.
Ok
(171) Maturu te
nu mene ŋga ok natin-in
come.up CONN 1SG here ERG river row-IMP[SG] say-REAL CONN river
ti-no
mboke-t,
ran
ya
mimirop
kup
row-SIM stay-REAL[NON 1 SG] woman 3SG.POSS menstruation.blood with
undu-t.
go.across-REAL[NON 1 SG]
“‘After he came up, he said: row me across the river here!’ While it (the canoe/crocodile) was being rowed across the river, a woman is menstruating,
it (the canoe/crocodile) goes across.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:§114)
11.3. Subordination
167
(172) Malin
loxa-t-po;
ap=we
malin.bird speak-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST; house=TOP
wasatmo-ni=nde.
tomorrow.be[IRR.NON 1 SG]-INTENT=FOC
‘A malin bird had spoken; a day was about to break.’
Digul Wambon (Jang 2008:127)
Although de Vries (1986) shows how focus marker te became a nominal coordinator,
he does not describe well how he thinks a focus marker became a coordinator after
Awyu-Dumut verbal clauses. Chapter 3 contains a summary of de Vries’ findings
concerning te after nominals. It was described how a focus marker can develop
into a coordinator after noun phrases; because (coordinated) noun phrases are rare
in Awyu-Dumut languages, they are always followed by a (salient) focus marker,
which is then associated with the coordination of nouns. From this analysis de Vries
then comes to the conclusion that te is a coordinator when it occurs after AwyuDumut verbal clauses as well, labeling it a case of further grammaticalization.10
However, as was pointed out in Chapter 3, the analysis of te as a nominal coordinator is problematic. Furthermore, even if the analysis of te as a nominal coordinator
is deemed plausible, the ‘saliency argument’ which applies to nominal phrases does
not apply to coordinated verbal clauses in Awyu-Dumut languages; they are quite
frequent, and so it is unclear why te should be analyzed as a coordinator in this
context. Neither is it clear how a verbal coordinator would be a further, more abstract, grammaticalization of a nominal coordinator. Rather, the data contained in
Drabbe’s and de Vries’ grammars support an analysis of te as a focus marker and do
not necessitate hypothesizing about any diachronic development.
To summarize, te is best analyzed as a subordinating conjunction rather than a
coordinating conjunction because (1) the scope of negation and imperatives probably do not extend over clauses marked by te, (2) te occurs sentence-finally and
(3) it is not clear how a focus marker would develop into a clausal coordinator in
Awyu-Dumut languages. Furthermore, and very importantly, Drabbe notes that the
addition of te to a verbal clause renders a it into a nominal.11 Nominalization is a
characteristic shared by all Awyu-Dumut subordinating morphemes.
One question remains: how can a focus marker function a subordinator, rendering the clause that it follows into a dependent background clause that supports the
main clause? Concerning morphemes which, like Dumut te, occur on both nominals
and clauses, Reesink notes:
In many languages a medial verb desinence12 or following connector is
10 The
term ‘further grammaticalization’ is used by Heine et. al. to denote the development of
a lexical item into a grammatical item, after which that grammatical item attains yet another, more
abstract grammatical function.
11 “There is no meaningful difference between the construction with and without te, but now one
has two sentences, the first is nominal, the second verbal” in Dutch: “Er is geen verschil van betekenis
tussen de constructies zonder, en die met te, maar men heeft nu een voor- en een nazin, de eerste
nominaal, de tweede verbaal” (Drabbe 1959:134).
12 ‘Medial verb’ here means ‘non-final verb’, not necessarily ‘dependent verb.’
11. Clause Linkage
168
used that can also appear on nominals. This is the case with -ma in Fore,
and se in Waskia. The impression one gets from such nominal markings
on clauses is that these clauses have more of a presuppositional status
than other medial clauses. This has actually been proven by Haiman for
Hua, and it would be more than likely that this would hold for the other
languages as well. (Reesink 1983:223-224)
The morphemes that Reesink refers to here are, however, not focus markers like te.
It seems strange at first sight that, like these nominal markers in Usan, Hua, Waskia
and Fore, a focus marker could mark clauses as presupposed or subordinate, since
clauses that are in focus usually present salient, new information. However, evidence from multiple languages shows that focus markers can be used in structuring
clauses. Bril (2007, 2010) writes about both topic markers and focus markers that are
used as subordinators. She states the following:
The topicalised frame clause is the anchor for the propositional content
of the other clause, which contains the main information and assertion;
by contrast, the focused restrictor clause contains the highly salient information and assertion, which restricts the truth value of the other clause
and its propositional content. (Bril 2007:224-225)
In other words, clauses that are subordinated by a focus marker restrict the circumstances or conditions under which the main assertion can be made/uttered/held
as true. These focused restrictor clauses are subordinate because they are not a
part of the main assertion, although they are necessary to understanding it, providing essential context. Thus, the Dumut focus marker te, when attached to a verbal
clause, can be analyzed as functioning as a restricting subordinator. In other words,
te clauses present a restricting context or background setting in which the main assertion, that is the assertion made by the final clause, is situated.
11.3.5
Relative clauses
Within the grammar descriptions and texts on Awyu-Dumut languages, only the
two grammars on Digul Wambon and Kombai by Lourens de Vries contain any
information on, or examples of, relative clauses. They are discussed here.
In Digul Wambon, relative clauses look much like the thematic clauses discussed
in Section 11.3.1, ending in a demonstrative topic marker =e or =eve. In addition,
what de Vries & Wiersma (1992) call a relative clause delineator, -a, appears on the
first constituent of any Digul Wambon relative clause. The examples given in (173)
and (174) illustrate Digul Wambon relative clauses, with the relative clause indicated
in square brackets.
(173) Nuk [oy-a temke-n-o
kav=e]
hetak-nok-knd-ep.
I
pig-RC shoot-tr.nasal-CONN man-TOP see-NEG-REAL-1SG.
‘I do not see the man who shoots the pig’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:56)
11.3. Subordination
169
(174) [Kaw-a ŋguw=e alip=ka
ŋgaluma-t-po-n=ewe]
man-RC you-TOP yesterday=ERG meet-REAL-PST-tr.nasal-TOP
na-net-ndi.
1SG.POSS-older.brother-FOC
‘The man who you met yesterday is my older brother.’
Digul Wambon (Jang 2008:105)
In Kombai, relative clauses end in ro, the lexical word for ‘thing’, or romu, the
lexical word for ‘person’, depending on whether one is talking about a thing such
as a bush knife (175) or a person, such as one’s uncle (176).
(175) Gana
[gu fali-x-a
ro] na-gana-y-a.
bush.knife 2SG carry-go-REAL-NON 1 SG thing 1SG.POSS-bush.knife-LIG-FOC
‘The bush knife that you took away, is my bush knife.’ Kombai (de Vries 1993:77)
(176) Yare
[gamo xereya bogi-n-o
rumu]
old.man join work DUR.do.REAL.NON 1 SG-tr.nasal-CONN person
na-momof-a.
1SG.POSS-uncle-FOC
‘The old man, the person who is joining the work, is my uncle.’
Kombai (de Vries
1993:77)
Besides occurring with relative clauses, Kombai ro also occurs after adverbial clauses,
functioning as a subordinator (177, 178).
(177) Uni berino-n-o
ro,
na-büwogo
gamo
Uni DUR.make.REAL.NON 1 PL-CONN thing 1SG.POSS-parent join
rino.
make.REAL.NON 1 PL
‘When they built Uni, my parents joined the work’ Kombai (de Vries 1993:82)
(178) Mü bo-xe-re13
nu meda-n-e-madü.
rain DUR-be.REAL.NON 1 SG-thing I come-tr.nasal-FUT-NEG
‘If it rains, I shall not come’ Kombai (de Vries 1993:58)
Kombai confirms Foley’s remark that Papuan languages tend to have one subordination strategy that covers both relative clauses and adverbial clauses (Foley 1986:201).
Unlike Dumut languages, Kombai does not use demonstratives frequently to form
subordinate clauses, although the near deictic mene may follow an adverbial clause
ending in ro, as in (179) and (180).
(179) Gu gwari muno gu ũgi-ro
mene gu
2SG snake Patola 2SG bite.REAL.NON 1 SG-thing here 2SG
fe-xumalene-madü.
NEG -die. FUT .2 SG - NEG
‘If a Patola snake has bitten you, you will not die’ Kombai (de Vries 1993:55)
13 In
re.
this example, ro has cliticized to the verb boxe and vowel harmony has occurred, resulting in
11. Clause Linkage
170
(180) Amaxalo xumelei-ro
mene xwaimigi waluwano:...
Amaxalo die.REAL.NON 1 SG-thing this foreigners say.REAL.NON 1 PL
‘Concerning the death of Amaxalo, the foreigners had already said...’
Kombai
(de Vries 1993:57)
When mene occurs after ro, de Vries glosses it as FRM ‘frame’, which he explains expresses the meaning ‘given that...’ (de Vries 1993:55). Thematic clauses formed with
demonstratives in Dumut languages can also be translated as ‘given that’. Kombai
adverbial clauses with ro mene are very similar to these Dumut thematic clauses,
and both are examples of subordination strategies also found in many other Papuan
languages.
11.3.6
‘Conditionals’
In Mandobo, Aghu and Shiaxa, sentences with conditional meaning occur without a
subordinator, constructions which Drabbe terms ‘conditionalis’. In Mandobo, these
‘conditionals’ consist of a realis -t form in the protasis, and an optative (181) or
imperative verb (182) in the apodosis.
kea-on.
(181) Murüp ŋgwande-t
rain stop-REAL[NON 1 SG] go-1PL
‘If it stops raining, let us go.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:32)
(182) Ro menda-r-on
noa.
thing bring-REAL-NON 1 PL give.IMP
‘If you brought something, give it (to me).’
Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:32)
A similar construction exists in Aghu; in a sentence with conditional meaning the
protasis contains an optative verb, while the apodosis contains a future tense form
(183, 184).
(183) Fiko afı̃,
sumke edaxe-y-e.
work take.NON 1 SG tobacco give[1SG]-LIG-FUT
‘If you work, I will give you tobacco.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:23)
(184) Dü fü
baxẽ
geme-y-e.
sago some stay.NON 1 SG buy[1SG]-LIG-FUT
‘If there is some sago, I shall buy it.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:23)
For Shiaxa, Drabbe states that conditional sentences consist of an apodosis containing a future tense form and a protasis containing a future tense form.14 However,
Drabbe does not provide any Shiaxa examples.
The assertion that these Mandobo and Aghu constructions contain subordinate
clauses should be questioned. Their form is unlike that of all other subordinate
14 “In
Sjiagha vinden we in conditionele zinnen de gewone futurumvorm zonder meer in voor- en
nazin.” (Drabbe 1950:127)
11.4. Tail-head Linkage
171
clauses discussed in the sections above because they lack an explicit subordinator. Instead they have the same form as juxtaposed coordinate clauses. Reesink
(1987:239-240) notes that some Usan coordinate clauses can be translated as having a conditional interpretation, but that that does not make them subordinate;
they are syntactically different from subordinate clauses. Thus these Mandobo and
Aghu constructions consisting of juxtaposed clauses are better analyzed as coordinate rather than subordinate. However, since Drabbe labels these constructions as
‘conditionalis’, I have included them here in the section on subordinate clauses.
11.4
Tail-head Linkage
In Awyu-Dumut narratives, sentences are commonly linked by tail-head linkage, in
which the final verb of the first sentence is repeated at the beginning of the second
sentence. By repeating the verb, tail-head linkage gives speakers the time to process the new sentence and hearers the opportunity to process the information in the
previous sentence (de Vries 2006:817). In addition to processing ease, three other
functions of tail-head linkage are referential coherence, thematic continuity and thematic discontinuity (de Vries 2005:363). Within Awyu-Dumut languages there are
two types of tail-head linkage: chained tail-head linkage and thematized tail-head
linkage, the first occurring with coordinated or clause-chained clauses in the head,
and the second with thematic clauses in the head.
Three instances of chained tail-head linkage from Kombai, Aghu and Mandobo
are illustrated in (185-187). In the Kombai example (185), the head consists of a semifinite verb followed by a coordinating connective -a, while the Aghu and Mandobo
heads each contain a non-finite SS verb. In addition, the Mandobo head contains a
noun that was part of the tail of the previous sentence. Chained tail-head linkages
carry referential coherence mechanisms and event sequencing mechanisms across
sentence boundaries (de Vries 2005:363). The story line is continued, but the speaker
and hearer are given some time to process what is being communicated.
(185) Lenamalino-n-a
büwogo
xede mene marofora
descend.REAL.NON 1 PL-tr.nasal-CONN old.people other TOP next
Fiyabo-xu
Ola-xu
arabumano.
Fiyabo-COORD Ola-COORD stand.in.between.REAL.NON 1 PL
[Arabumano-n-a]
stand.in.between.REAL.NON 1 PL-tr.nasal-CONN
bo-lomõ-g-eno-n-a
DUR -refuse. REAL. NON 1 PL -tr.nasal- CONN ...
‘They descended and other older people stood between Fiyabo and Oba.
They stood in between but they refused...’ Kombai (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:109)
11. Clause Linkage
172
(186) Idi küo-x-enã.
[Küo-do-k]
a-de-k
büsyü
tuber dig-REAL.NON 1-NON 1 PL dig-SS-CONN take-SS-CONN house
da-x-enã.
come-REAL.NON 1-NON 1 PL
‘They dig tubers. They dig (tubers) and take them and come home.’
Aghu
(Drabbe 1957:62)
(187) Orat ke-r-an
do,
korü
ko ŋgetap ti-gen.
light be-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST CONN go.down go hut build-REAL[NON 1 SG]
[Ngetap ti]
womo mbegi-ri
itigio-gen
do,
u
hut
build guard sit-NON . CLOSE see-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN pig
me-gen.
come-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘When it was light, he descended, went and built a hut. He build a hut,
guarded it and saw that a pig came.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:17)
In thematic discontinuous tail-head linkage, the head is a thematic clause that marks
a break in the story line and precedes a clause with background information. The
theme or story line is then picked up again in the next sentence. The head is marked
by a thematic clause marker te (188) or =eve (189). The verb in the head of a thematic
discontinuous tail-head linkage is always a semi-finite or a finite verb form. Thematic discontinuous tail-head linkage does not occur in Aghu, as it does not have
thematic clause markers. Thematic discontinuous tail head linkages are also not
attested in Kombai.
ndokma-r-in-an.
(188) Omboitagumop taeŋŋgamo ra mari
type.of.plant cut.down take come.down block-REAL-NON 1 PL-PST
[Ndokma-r-in
de]
og e
kojake-r-an.
block-REAL-NON 1 PL CONN river TOP get.full-REAL-PST
Ema-t
te
ragae kup ke-r-an.
thus.do-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN fish with become-REAL-PST
‘They cut omboi-tagumop, bring it down (to the river) and block (the river).
Because they block it, the river rises. That happened and fish came (into the
river).’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:146)
This example contains two instances of tail-head linkage. The first instance is ndokmar-in, a recapitulated verb. A more generic verb with meaning ‘thus doing’ or ‘thus
happened’ may appear in tail-head linkages instead of a repetition of the previous
sentence’s final verb, as illustrated by ema-t in the above example. Both heads in
this example are subordinate thematic clauses marked by the subordinating focal
connective te.
11.5. Awyu-Dumut Switch Reference Systems
173
(189) Koiv=o
talom=o
mben=o
waxol=eve
last=CONN year=CONN seven=CONN month=TOP
Mbonop-ŋŋgambun=ka
mbaxe-mbel=o ŋgerkayi lavo-va
Mbonop-maelstrom=ERG stay-SEQ=CONN saw
take-[IRR]1PL
ne-mbel=o
ep=ka
mba-l-eva-mbo.
[Ep=ka
say-SEQ=CONN there-ERG stay-REAL-1PL-PST there=ERG
mba-l-eva-mbo-n=eve]
sanov=e
ilo
ka-l-eva-mbo.
stay-REAL-1PL-PST-tr.nasal=TOP Monday=TOP go.down go-REAL-1PL-PST
‘Last year in the seventh month we stayed at the Mbonop maelstrom to saw,
there we stayed. Given that we stayed there, on Monday we went down
there.’ Digul Wambon (de Vries 1993:87)
Tail-head linkage is a widespread linking strategy in Awyu-Dumut languages, but
also in Papuan languages in general. Hence its occurrence in Awyu-Dumut languages can best be explained as an instance of areal spread, rather than as a shared
construction reflecting genealogical relatedness. Having said that, tail-head linkage
might have already spread at the points in time when Proto Awyu, Proto Dumut
and Proto Awyu-Dumut were spoken, and might, therefore, have occurred in these
proto languages as well.
11.5
Awyu-Dumut Switch Reference Systems
Switch reference is a common feature of Papuan languages, particularly of Trans
New Guinea languages, and can be defined as “an inflectional category of the verb,
which indicates whether or not its subject is identical with the subject of some other
verb” (Haiman & Munro 1983:x). Subject in Awyu-Dumut languages is defined as
that element of reality that is referred to by the person-number marker on the semifinite or finite verb.15 Reesink (1983) argues that, in Papuan languages, it is the topic
or most salient NP that is traced by switch reference, rather than the subject per se.
This is true for Awyu-Dumut languages as well.
Roberts (1997) offers an extensive yet lucid description of Papuan switch reference systems, based on a sample of 169 Papuan languages. He found seven different strategies for marking switch reference in Papuan languages (Roberts 1997:136).
Awyu-Dumut languages more or less employ what Roberts calls Strategy (iv), in
which the absence or presence of a subject (person-number) marker marks the distinction between same subject verbs and different subject verbs: same subject verbs
do not have a subject marker, while different subject verb forms do. In Roberts’ sample, which did not include any Awyu-Dumut languages, ten other languages were
15 Recall
that Awyu-Dumut languages have three types of verbs: non-finite verbs consisting of
only a verb stem, semi-finite verb forms consisting of a verb stem, a mood marker and a personnumber marker, and finite forms, which have a tense marker in addition to a mood marker and a
person-number marker.
11. Clause Linkage
174
found that use Strategy (iv). This switch reference system can be viewed as a basic
or rudimentary switch reference system, as no specific switch reference morphology
exists.
The reality of Awyu-Dumut switch reference marking is slightly more complex
than a simple distinction in degree of finiteness marking a difference between SS and
DS verbs. Awyu-Dumut SS verb forms are straightforward: they are non-finite verb
forms consisting of a verb stem and an optional temporality marker. They occur
in clause chains and are dependent for their person-number interpretation on the
next more finite verb. Awyu-Dumut DS forms are semi-finite and finite verb forms
occurring sentence-medially. A clause which ends in a semi-finite or finite verb form
is never chained to the next clause, because they (semi)-finite verb is an independent
verb form. Thus the marking of switch reference is not restricted to clause chains in
Awyu-Dumut languages, although clause chaining is a prerequisite for developing
a switch reference system (Roberts 1997:159, Foley 2000:384).
Furthermore, Awyu-Dumut semi-finite and finite verbs do not always have a
different subject than the next verb, but only in specific contexts may they have the
same subject. Awyu-Dumut (semi)-finites may only have the same subject as the
verb in a following clause if one of two conditions apply:
1. when one event is fully completed before the next event
2. when a clause contains an explanation or a further specification of the previous
clause
These two conditions are further explained and illustrated in Section 11.5.2. Before
these semi-finite same-subject conditions are considered, Awyu-Dumut non-finite
same subject verb forms are extensively discussed in Section 11.5.1. I will then show
in 11.5.3 that switch reference even occurs in Awyu-Dumut languages when one
clause is subordinate to the next clause. Switch reference functions somewhat differently in Digul Wambon than in other Awyu-Dumut languages, and therefore Digul
Wambon switch reference is discussed separately in Section 11.5.4. Section 11.5.5 offers a summary of Awyu-Dumut switch reference systems, as well as some thoughts
on the diachronic development of these systems, or the lack thereof.16
11.5.1
Same subject verb forms
All Awyu-Dumut languages have SS verb forms, which consist of a verb stem with
no morphological expression of mood, person-number or tense. Awyu SS verb stems
are always marked with a SS marker, either -di or -bu. Awyu-Dumut SS forms occur in contexts in which the following verb has the same subject. Concerning these
forms in Aghu, Drabbe notes that they occur “in one sentence in which two or more
processes are expressed which have the same subject; the last process is then expressed by a verb form which indicates the tense of all the processes, and which has
16 Note
that nothing is known about the full switch reference systems of Pisa, Shiaxa and Yenimu,
as no texts are available for these languages.
11.5. Awyu-Dumut Switch Reference Systems
175
a subject marker.”17 Thus the final verb has the tense and subject marking on which
the preceding SS form or forms (called ‘deelwoorden’ or participles by Drabbe)
depend. Although SS forms are dependent on a following more finite verb form,
Drabbe notes that they occur in coordinate sentences: “Such forms occur where we
in Dutch have two sentences with one subject, which are connected with the coordinator ‘and.’ ” 18 These are sharp observations by Drabbe about Awyu-Dumut SS
forms, as the phenomenon now known as switch reference was only first described
by William Jacobsen 1967, long after Drabbe’s time. An example of a Yonggom
Wambon SS form is sumo in (190), which depends on the semi-finite verb form kogen
for its mood and subject person-number interpretation.
(190) Sumo ko-gen.
pick.up go-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘He picked it up and went.’
Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:132)
In (190) tense is not marked on the final verb, as it often is not in Awyu-Dumut
languages. Rather, the expression of mood is far more important, and SS verb forms
are dependent on the following verb for mood interpretation. In Chapter 6 it was
described how Awyu languages and Kombai have separate realis and irrealis verb
stems, which means that a distinction in mood is marked on the verb stem, and so
the SS form would not be dependent on the next verb for mood. However, Drabbe
carefully notes that only the realis verb stems are used in SS verbs in Aghu, Pisa,
Shiaxa and Yenimu, even if the final verb is in irrealis form. The same is true for
Kombai, for which de Vries (1993:33) notes that the difference between dependent
SS verb forms and infinitive verb forms is that dependent verb forms do not express
mood, whereas infinitive verb forms mark the contrast between realis and irrealis
mood.19 However, mood is realized to some degree in Pisa and Shiaxa SS verb
forms, as the two obligatory SS markers in these languages (-di and -bu in Pisa, -d
and -b in Shiaxa), mark a distinction in mood; -di/-d is used when the final verb is in
realis mood, while -bu/-b is used when the final verb is in irrealis mood. The Shiaxa
uses of SS markers -di and -bu are contrasted in (191) and (192).
(191) Mode-d,
do raru-d,
yoxoba ede-mak-ere.
come.I-SS.REAL sago bake.I-SS.REAL 3PL give.I-DIST. PST-NON 1 SG
‘He came, baked sago, and gave them (some of it).’ Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:110)
17
“De ‘deelwoorden’ worden gebruikt wanneer in één zin twee of meer processen worden uitgedrukt die hetzelfde subject hebben; het laatst genoemde proces wordt dan uitgedrukt door een werkwoordsvorm die de tijd aangeeft van het geheel der processen, en met een subjectwijzer” (Drabbe
1957:19).
18 “Zulke vormen treden op wanneer wij in het Nederlands twee zinnen hebben met één subject,
die verbonden zijn door het voegwoord ‘en’ ” (Drabbe 1959:132) and “de deelwoorden in Shiaxa
treden vooreerst op waar wij nevenschikkende zinnen gebruiken” (Drabbe 1950:110).
19 Note that de Vries (1993:33) actually does not talk about mood but about tense. However, remember that in Chapter 6 on Mood, Kombai non-future vs. future contrast was reanalyzed as a realis
vs. irrealis contrast.
176
11. Clause Linkage
(192) Mode-b,
do raru-b,
yoxoba edexo-ne.
come.I-SS.IRR sago bake.I-SS.IRR 3PL give.II-[IRR]NON 1 SG
‘He will come, bake sago, and give them (some of it).’ Shiaxa (Drabbe 1950:110)
In Yenimu, only the SS marker -d occurs, while for Aghu, Drabbe notes that the
distinction in function between di and bu found in Shiaxa and Pisa has faded, with
no difference in meaning found between SS forms which occurring with -d and those
occurring with -b (Drabbe 1957:18). Thus it can be concluded that Shiaxa and Pisa SS
forms are dependent on the final verb for only their person-number interpretation,
while Aghu, Yenimu and Kombai SS forms, like Dumut SS forms, are also dependent
for the category of mood.
Temporality markers on SS verbs
Besides SS markers occurring in Awyu languages, Awyu-Dumut SS forms can be
marked by temporality markers and markers that express conceptual closeness or
distance. For Pisa, Drabbe notes that “we only find the participles [=SS forms] when
two processes have the same subject, happen simultaneously and belong closely together.”20 As Pisa SS only occur in simultaneous and conceptually close context,
they do not need morphemes to express these concepts. We could say that Pisa
SS forms are quite restricted in their use and represent a stage that SS forms in other
Awyu-Dumut languages have already passed. In all other Awyu-Dumut languages,
SS forms occur in both simultaneous and sequential contexts. When the action expressed by a SS verb occurs simultaneously with the action of the following clause in
Yonggom Wambon and Digul Wambon, the SS form is marked with a simultaneous
marker -no, as illustrated in (193).21
(193) Yaxov=e ko-no ŋgom li-knd-e.
they=TOP go-SIM song sing-REAL-NON 1 PL
‘While walking they are singing a song.’ Digul Wambon (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:20)
(194) ketmom i-no
mandonanin.
dance dance-SIM come.FUT.NON 1 PL
‘They will come here (while) dancing a dance.’
Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:133)
Other Awyu-Dumut languages do not have simultaneity markers, but sequence
markers do occur in some of them. Mandobo has a sequence marker -ra, which occurs only with verbs of motion and posture (Drabbe 1959:14). Digul Wambon has a
sequence marker -mbet (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:20), while Kombai has a sequence
marker -fo (de Vries 1993:21) which may occur after SS verb forms. Furthermore,
20 “In
Pisa treffen we de deelwoorden alleen aan als twee processen hetzelfde onderwerp hebben,
tegelijkertijd geschieden en nauw samenhoren” (Drabbe 1950:110).
21 Note that the simultaneous marker -no is analyzed by de Vries & Wiersma (1992:20) as consisting
of the coordinator -o and a transitional nasal. While noting that the linking element -o might indeed
be the origin of the simultaneous form, I choose to extend Drabbe’s analysis of the simultaneous
marker as being -no to Digul Wambon.
11.5. Awyu-Dumut Switch Reference Systems
177
Yonggom Wambon, Mandobo and Pisa have sequence markers that occur only with
semi-finite verb forms, not with non-finite SS forms; these sequence markers are
discussed in Section 11.5.2.
In Aghu, most SS forms have an element -ke suffixed to them, often shortened to
-k. Whenever two processes occur sequentially, this ke occurs. It is not a sequence
marker, however, because it also attaches to SS forms that occur simultaneously with
the next verb, as in (195).
(195) Enigomo-do-k
da-x-enã.
eat.iterative-SS-CONN come-REAL-NON 1 PL
‘(While) eating they came here.’ Aghu (Drabbe 1957:22)
Drabbe glosses -ke after SS forms as SCH ‘linking element’ and notes that it is the
same element as the emphatic ke which can occur after nouns and which occurs
with deictics.22 I gloss it as CONN ‘connective’, noting that it most frequently occurs
in sequential settings.
Conceptual non-close marker
Besides the temporality markers just described, in the Dumut languages and Kombai a morpheme can attach to non-finite SS verb forms that, for a lack of a better
term, I will call a ‘conceptually non-close marker’. The term comes from de Vries &
Wiersma (1992:20), who in turn borrowed it from Haiman (1983), citing Haiman’s
definition of conceptual distance as follows:
First, two concepts are conceptually close to the extent that they share
semantic properties (e.g., two verbs are closer if they share a common
tense, mood, subject, object, or topic); second, two concepts are close
to the extent that one is thought to affect the other (e.g. the conceptual
closeness between a verb and its object varies with the transitivity of the
verb); finally, two concepts are close to the extent that they are perceived
as inseparable (e.g. there is a closer conceptual link between a possessor
and an inalienably possessed object than between a possessor and an
alienably possessed object.) (Haiman 1983:783)
Haiman further states that conceptual distance equals formal distance; if two linguistic forms are further apart (that is, obligatorily separated by morphemes), they
are conceptually more distant than when they are juxtaposed. I admit that the term
‘conceptually non-close’ covers morphemes whose function is not entirely clear. In
Digul Wambon, the conceptually non-close marker is -lo, occurring directly after a
bare verb stem (de Vries & Wiersma 1992:19). In Yonggom Wambon, the cognate
22 Aghu
ke might best be analyzed as a topic marker, but Drabbe provides too little information
for such an analysis to be argued for.
11. Clause Linkage
178
equivalent is -ro (Drabbe 1959:132).23 Drabbe notes that -ro does not occur when the
SS verb has an adverbial interpretation, as wagaemo does in (196).
(196) Wagaemo rap-ken.
do.good hold-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘He held it well.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:132)
In Mandobo, the conceptual non-close marker is -re or -ro; it only occurs with posture and motion verbs, and Drabbe notes that it can be viewed as always marking
sequentiality. Yet Mandobo -re/-ro is different from the Mandobo sequence marker
-ra discussed above; Drabbe consistently glosses -ra as ANT (anteriority marker, the
same as a sequence marker), whereas he glosses -re/-ro as IV ‘infinitive’ consistently,
even though it does not appear on all infinitive forms (Drabbe 1959:14-15). He also
glosses Yonggom Wambon -ro as IV, which indicates that it is cognate to Mandobo
-re/-ro. Lastly, Kombai has a morpheme -ra that can be added to SS verb forms.
De Vries (1993:21) describes Kombai -ra as a general coordinator which implies conceptual non-closeness. Since Kombai -ra is so similar to the Dumut non-close markers in form and function, I choose to reanalyze it as a non-close marker.
Reconstruction of SS morphology
Table 11.1 contains an overview of the temporality markers and conceptual nonclose markers that occur after SS verb forms in Dumut languages and Kombai; in
Awyu languages, these categories are not marked on SS verb forms.
Table 11.1: Temporality and conceptual non-close markers found on SS verbs
SIM
SEQ
NON - CLOSE
DWB
–
-no
-no
-ra
–
-mbet
-re/-ro
-ro
-ro
KOM
–
-fo
-ra
PD
*-no
–
–
–
*-ro
*-rV
MAN
YWB
PAD
A simultaneity marker *-no can be reconstructed for Proto Dumut, which then was
dropped by Mandobo (or at least not attested in Mandobo data). The sequence markers are too dissimilar to allow for reconstruction. A conceptual non-close marker
*-rV can be reconstructed for both Proto Dumut and Proto Awyu-Dumut; it is not
possible to resolve which vowel the original non-close marker had. It remains remarkable that the Mandobo sequence marker -ra is so similar in form to the Mandobo conceptual non-close marker, and even exactly the same in form as the Kombai non-close marker. There is a similarity in function also: non-close markers will
23 Note
that Digul Wambon /l/ is cognate to Yonggom Wambon /r/; both can be traced back to
Proto Dumut *t.
11.5. Awyu-Dumut Switch Reference Systems
179
never occur in contexts in which actions are temporally close and take place simultaneously. Thus it is quite plausible that a non-close marker came to be used as a
sequence marker. Note, however, that this is not what happens in Digul Wambon
and Kombai, which have each pressed another morpheme into use as a sequence
marker; the origins of Digul Wambon -mbet and Kombai -fo are unknown.
11.5.2
Semi-finite same subject conditions
When semi-finite and finite verbs occur clause-medially in Awyu-Dumut languages,
they usually have a different subject than the (semi-)finite verb that follows them.
Illustrated in (197-199) are the appearance of Aghu, Kombai and Yonggom Wambon
semi-finites in their common DS context. Aghu has a separate DS marker, -ne, which
may occur after semi-finite DS forms.24
(197) Xo-do-k
i
ting-g-e.
Ti-ni-k
a-bu
go-SS-CONN bird shoot-REAL-NON 1 SG shoot-SS-CONN take-SS
da-de-k
büsyü osu-du-k
efe n’apigi yoxo
come-SS-CONN house go.up-SS-CONN 3SG POSS’boy 3PL
ed-ox-e-ne
e-ŋŋg-enã.
give-REAL-NON 1 SG-DS eat-REAL-NON 1 PL.
‘He goes and shoots a bird. He shoots (it), carries it home, goes up, and their
son gives it to them, and they eat (it).’ Aghu (Drabbe 1957:57)
(198) Bo-yadema-no-n-a
kepalahansife xorabo marofo-ra
DUR -meet-[ REAL] NON 1 PL -tr.nasal- CONN headman
wife go.up-SEQ
xe-yale
bo-luwa.
2SG.POSS-husband DUR-be.angry.with[REAL.NON 1 SG]
‘They held a meeting and the wife of the headman started to speak angrily
to her husband.’ Kombai (de Vries 1993:110)
(199) Naerop taemba-r-in
kima-r-an.
Naerop shoot-REAL-NON 1 PL die-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST
‘They shoot Naerop and he dies.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:147)
However, sometimes clause-medial Awyu-Dumut semi-finite forms have the same
subject as the next verb. This can only occur when one of two conditions are met: (1)
the verbs must express sequential actions that have no temporal overlap or (2) the
second verb must occur in a clause that further explains the clause in which the first
verb occurs. The following two paragraphs present detailed illustrations of these
two conditions.
24 Note,
used.
however, that this example is the only occurrence of ne in Aghu texts, so it is not widely
11. Clause Linkage
180
Two non-close, sequential actions
Drabbe notes that when two processes ‘cannot be considered as one’, that is, if they
are separate actions that occur sequentially with no overlap in time, then two semifinite verb forms with the same person-number marking may occur one after the
other.25 In (200), for example, there are four actions that occur one after another; a
new action does not begin until the previous one has been concluded.
(200) [Wokife
afamo-x-e],
[sumke
bamboo.pipe open-NON 1.REAL-NON 1 SG tobacco
bomoku-ŋŋg-e],
[sibomo-x-e],
put.in-NON 1.REAL-NON 1 SG close-NON 1 REAL-NON 1 SG
[kifi-ox-e].
put.away-NON 1 REAL-NON 1 SG
‘He opened a bamboo pipe, put tobacco inside, closed (it) and put it down.’
Aghu (Drabbe 1957:19)
Like Aghu, Yonggom Wambon and Mandobo also use multiple coordinated semifinite or finite verbs with the same subject to express processes that occur sequentially without overlapping. In Mandobo example (201), a pig is divided. Various
parts of the pig are given to different people in order; first the upper body, then
the lower body and then the two back legs are given away. The subject, which is
the giving party referred to by the NON 1 PL marking on the three verbs, remains the
same.
(201) [Tirambö
mbo küap ndigio-gen-on];
[kegeman mbo,
upper.body TOP human give-REAL-NON 1 PLlower.body TOP
back.piece
mün mbo, kondog ei mbo, küap
ndigio-gen-on], [kondog
TOP leg one.side TOP man give- REAL - NON 1 PL leg
one.side,
ei,
omba mi küap
ndigio-gen-on].
other again man give-REAL-NON 1 PL
‘They give the upper body to a man; they give the lower body, the back
piece, one back leg to a man, another man again they give the other back
leg.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:42)
In Yonggom Wambon example (202), the subject first takes hold of some bark and
after that gets some banana ashes. In a summing up of similar actions like this,
semi-finite verbs can occur medially while the next semi-finite verb has the same
subject.
25 “In
de gevallen dat twee processen niet als één kunnen beschouwd worden vinden we ook wel
twee werkwoorden achter elkaar die in een tijdvorm met subjectwijzer staan” (Drabbe 1957:19).
11.5. Awyu-Dumut Switch Reference Systems
181
(202) Yuw=e kirigit
watek rawa-t,
tot
wanin
He=TOP type.of.sago bark take.hold-REAL[NON 1 SG] banana ashes
rawa-t.
take.hold-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘He takes some kirigit bark, he takes some banana ashes.’
Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe
1959:151)
In Yonggom Wambon example (203), the main character takes a vine, attaches it to
a tree and swings from one area to another multiple times. Each clause ends in a
finite past tense form.
ra
(203) [Ku-r-a
torom ŋgama-r-a,
go-REAL[NON 1 SG]-SEQ vine chop.off-REAL[NON 1 SG]-SEQ take
me-ro
mbonmo oro-ro
wamkarok kurugut
come-NON . CLOSE put.away put-NON . CLOSE type.of.tree up
atigo-ro
Wambon ku-r-a
bind-NON . CLOSE Wambon go-REAL[NON 1 SG]-SEQ
mende-r-an];
[Sagit ku-r-a
come-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST Sagit go-REAL[NON 1 SG]-SEQ
mende-r-an];
[Kambon mende-r-a
come-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST Kambon come-REAL[NON 1 SG]-SEQ
ku-r-an];
[Morop ku-r-a
go-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST Morop go-REAL[NON 1 SG]-SEQ
mende-r-an];
[Suruk ku-r-a
come-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST Suruk go-REAL[NON 1 SG]-SEQ
mende-ran].
come-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST
‘He goes and cuts a vine and binds it in the top of a Wamkorok tree and
goes and comes (swings) to Wambon, he goes and comes to Sagit, he goes
and comes to Kambon, he goes and comes to Morop, he goes and comes to
Suruk.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:151)
Besides finite past forms, semi-finite -t forms marked by a sequence marker -a are
found in (203).26 Yonggom Wambon verbs marked by this subject marker -a have
the same subject as the next verb if there is no overlap in time between the two verbs,
as is the case with the person swinging from place to place in (203). The occurrence
of Yonggom Wambon -a is further illustrated in (204).
26 The
sequence marker -a never attaches to Yonggom Wambon semi-finite -ken forms, nor does it
attach to non-finite or finite forms.
11. Clause Linkage
182
(204) Ema-t
te
ra ko mbukma-r-in-a
thus.do-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN take go cut.up-REAL-NON 1 PL-SEQ
andi-r-in-an.
eat-REAL-NON 1 PL-PST.
‘After having done thus, they cut up (the crocodile) and eat (it).’ Yonggom Wambon
(Drabbe 1959:149)
Mandobo, like Yonggom Wambon, also has a sequence marker that only occurs after
semi-finites which have the same subject as the next verb. Drabbe finds the occurrence of semi-finites in this context remarkable; he would have expected non-finites
(Drabbe 1959:18). The Mandobo semi-finite sequence marker is -aro27 and only occurs in between (semi)-finite verbs that have the same subject, as in (205).
(205) Terep mbio-gen-aro,
e-metip
n’itŋŋgombün
fibre twist-REAL[NON 1 SG]-SEQ 3SG.POSS-daughter POSS’upper.arm
kagö-ŋŋgen.
bind-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘He twists (a rope) from fibre and he binds it to his daughter’s upper arm.’
Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:57)
The fact that two semi-finites can have the same subject when they occur in a sequential condition may be explained by the fact that Awyu-Dumut non-finite SS
forms originally only occurred in simultaneity (SIM) conditions. This is still the case
in Pisa where, as noted in Section 11.5.1, SS verb forms may only occur in clauses in
which (a) the subjects of the two verbs are the same, (b) the actions occur simultaneously and (c) the actions are closely related (Drabbe 1950:110). Sequence conditions may hence be a context in which semi-finite SS verb forms in the Awyu-Dumut
switch reference sytem ‘linger’. In Pisa, whenever two actions are sequential, two
semi-finite verbs are used. If the subject of the two semi-finite verbs is the same, an
element kidi (if the verbs are in realis mood) or kibu (if the verbs are in irrealis mood)
appears in between the two verbs. This kidi/kibu element is a combination of a verb
stem ki- ‘to be’ with the Pisa SS markers -di or -bu. The use of kidi in Pisa is illustrated
in (206).
(206) de-x-i
ki-di ro-xo-y
come-REAL-NON 1 SG be-SS say-REAL-NON 1 SG
‘he came and said’ Pisa (Drabbe 1950:110)
Thus, the first condition in which semi-finites with a same subject may follow each
other is when they express sequential actions. A sequential marker may appear
on the first semi-finite verb. A comma after a semi-finite in Drabbe’s texts is an
(intonational) indication that the semi-finite finds itself in a sequential SS condition.
27 With non-finites,
the sequence marker -ra occurs, as noted above. However, -ra only occurs with
motion verbs and posture verbs; -aro is used with verbs that are not motion or posture verbs.
11.5. Awyu-Dumut Switch Reference Systems
183
Specification or explanation
If a clause in a sentence is a further specification of, or explanation of, a clause directly preceding it, then semi-finite verbs with the same subject may occur in both
clauses. The second clause can function as a separate sentence but is conjoined to
the previous clause because the clauses are closely tied together in meaning; Drabbe
uses a semi-colon to indicate the coordination of the two clauses. Semi-finite verbs
occur in this SS context in Aghu, Yonggom Wambon and Mandobo.
Drabbe, when giving example (207), writes that the second clause (xabã tümoxe)
can be seen as a new sentence, in which the storyteller explains the previous clause
or sentence.28 In the case of (207), the second clause specifies which part of his
enemy the main character cut off.
(207) [Bodo
kutofi-di-k
tüm-ox-e],
[xabã
tree.branch put.down-SS-CONN cut.off-NON 1.REAL-NON 1 SG head
tüm-ox-e].
cut.off-NON 1.REAL-NON 1 SG
‘He put (his enemy) on a tree branch and cut off, the head he cut off.’
Aghu
(Drabbe 1957:19)
In Yonggom Wambon example (208), the second clause specifies the time duration
of the first clause, emphasizing that the chopping of the canoe took a long time.
(208) [Nde, konoi e
ririmo-gon-in;]
[tuma-r-in-a
woŋŋgopon
Thus, canoe TOP chop-REAL-NON 1 PL chop-REAL-NON 1 PL-SEQ long.time
kegemo-gon-in.]
be.iter-REAL-NON 1 PL
‘Thus, they chop the canoe; they chop the canoe and stay(work on it) for a
long time.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:149)
The Yonggom Wambon example (209) is like the Aghu example (207) in that it further specifies an act of violence. In this example, both clauses end in a past finite
verb form rather than in a semi-finite verb form.
kigum ŋga yan ani
(209) Sagot ŋga me-ro
big.rat ERG come-NON . CLOSE club ERG his elder.sister
i-r-an;
itop
rira-r-an.
hit-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST ground hit-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST
‘A big rat came and with a club hit his elder sister; it hit (her into) the ground.’
Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:153)
Multiple Mandobo semi-finite -ken forms with the same subject can also appear
in specifying contexts, like Aghu and Yonggom Wambon semi-finites. In (210), a
28 “Xaba
tümoxe kan men beschouwen als een nieuwe zin, waarin de verteller uitleg geeft van het
voorafgaande” (Drabbe 1959:19).
11. Clause Linkage
184
tree trunk that fell into the river has just turned into a crocodile. The main character of the story observes how the tree trunk/crocodile first comes above water, then
moves towards the bank, and then comes out of the river. Each independent clause
gives new specifics regarding the movement of the tree trunk/crocodile. The whole
assertion means something like ‘it came above the water, in fact, it was coming towards the bank, in fact, it came on land’.
(210) Riwop
mbogo
önö-gen;
middle.of.river there.distant come.above.water-REAL[NON 1 SG]
önö
muŋŋ-gen;
e
göp mba
come.above.water come.across.other.side-REAL[NON 1 SG] him self towards
ro me-re
kima-gen.
take come-NON . CLOSE come.on.land-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘it (a tree trunk turned crocodile) comes up in the distance in the middle of
the river; it comes up and goes across to the other side, it comes towards him
and comes on land.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:53)
Note that, in Kombai texts, the speaker often repeats himself, such as in (211). The
second clause then does not offer an explanation or a specification of what was
said earlier. Rather, the repetition appears to be a speech strategy employed by
the speaker to allow himself more time to think. As Drabbe’s stories were clearly
not recordings of natural everyday speech but of origin myths recounted slowly, his
data misses such instances of such repetition.
(211) Unafano-n-a
unafano-n-a
hit.REAL.NON 1 PL-tr.nasal-CONN hit.REAL.NON 1 PL-tr.nasal-CONN
lenamalino.
descend.REAL.NON 1 PL
‘Theyi hit them j and they j went away’ Kombai (de Vries 1993:109)
Thus the second condition under which semi-finites with the same subject may occur is when the second semi-finite verb occurs in an independent clause that further
specifies the clause in which the first semi-finite verb occurs. Drabbe often separates these independent clauses with a semi-colon, noting that they can be seen as
separate sentences.
11.5.3
Switch reference and subordinate clauses
In Section 11.3 it was discussed how the ergative marker ŋga (YWB , DWB) and the
focus marker te (YWB , DWB , MAN) function as subordinators.29 It was shown that
29 Note
that Digul Wambon ka is not a part of the discussion in this paragraph because it does
not occur after non-finites. For the same reason, Digul Wambon ndi (cognate of te) is also not a part
of this discussion; it only occurs after semi-finites and finites and hence there is no evidence that it
does not block switch reference. Therefore it may be assumed that like all other subordinators, Digul
Wambon ka and te block switch reference.
11.5. Awyu-Dumut Switch Reference Systems
185
ŋga does not block switch reference; when it occurs after a non-finite SS form, that
form is still dependent on the next (semi)finite verb form for its person-number
interpretation. Thus etogoro in (212) gets its 1SG interpretation from the finite form
raŋŋgandiyip, even though etogoro appears in a subordinate clause.
(212) Endom etogo-ro
ŋga raŋŋgandi-y-ip.
enemy see-NON . CLOSE ERG shout-LIG-FUT.1SG
‘When I see the enemy, I will shout.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:134)
Reesink, who came across similar examples of the Usan subordinator -eng following
dependent medial verb forms, notes that “medial (SS and DS) clauses followed by
-eng... are shielded from various operators on the verb of the matrix clause: negation, illocution, nominalization. The categories of tense and subject person-number,
however, are subjected to the general constraints exerted by the final verb on the
preceding ones in a sentence” (Reesink 1994:104-105). Thus a subordinator does not
necessarily exclude switch reference from occurring between a subordinate clause
and its matrix clause. The same can be argued for the subordinator te; like Yonggom
Wambon ŋga, it may occur after non-finite SS forms in both Yonggom Wambon (213)
and Mandobo (214).
(213) Matik te
mende-r-a
Ramut ogirit
mba-gen.
get.up CONN come-REAL[NON 1 SG]-SEQ Ramut waterfall sit-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘After he gets up, he comes and sits (at) the Ramut waterfall.’ Yonggom Wambon
(Drabbe 1959:148)
(214) Aŋŋge
Ngou meto u e-nou
mbökma-gen.
Immediately Ngou TOP pig 3SG.POSS-mother cut.up-REAL[NON 1 SG]
Mbökmo to
ro-go to
mbegi-ra to
ŋ-gen-on.
cut.up CONN take-go CONN stay-SEQ CONN eat-REAL-NON 1 PL
‘Immediately Ngou cuts up the mother pig. After they cut it up, carry it and
sit down, they eat (the pig).’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:§45)
In these instances, the non-finite verbs matik and mbökmo, rogo and mbegira are dependent for their person-number interpretation on the semi-finite final verbs ke-t
and ŋgenon, respectively. The difference between te andŋŋga is that te also occurs after
semi-finite verb forms, whereas Yonggom Wambonŋŋga only appears after non-finite
SS forms. The question which then needs to be asked for te, which need not be asked
for ŋ ga, is whether the semi-finite verbs preceding it have the same subject as, or a
different subject than, the (semi-)finite verb in the matrix clause.
Semi-finite verbs that occur before the subordinator te in Mandobo and Yonggom
Wambon can occur in either SS or DS contexts. In Yonggom Wambon example (215)
and Mandobo example (216), the semi-finite verb before te has the same subject as
the conjugated verb in the matrix clause. However, examples such as Yonggom
Wambon example (217) and Mandobo example (218), where the semi-finite verb
preceding te has a different subject than the (semi-)finite verb in the matrix clause,
are far more frequent.
11. Clause Linkage
186
(215) Kagup tawok
ndugupma-r-an.
Memema-r-in
de
people message send-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST. Come.IT-REAL-NON 1 PL CONN
mbukma-r-in-an.
cut.up-REAL-NON 1 PL-PST.
‘Hei sent a message to the people. When they came, they cut (him j ) up.’
Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:154)
(216) Yemik tima-gen
do
kare e-gen
do,
irandöp
trap make-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN ready be-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN tuber
tötöma-gen-aro,
yemik korup ro-gen.
pull.out-REAL[NON 1 SG]-SEQ trap centre put-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘After he makes a trap, after it is finished, he pulls tubers out (of the ground)
and puts them in the middle of the trap.’ Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:34)
(217) Ndokma-r-in
de
og e
kayake-r-an.
block-REAL-NON 1 PL CONN river TOP rise-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST
‘When they block (the river), it rises.’ Yonggom Wambon (Drabbe 1959:146)
(218) Kou mba-gen
do,
noŋŋgun’irandöp u meto ane
just sit-REAL[NON 1 SG] CONN POSS.2PL’tuber pig TOP eat
ndamo-gen
ne-gen-on.
finish-REAL[NON 1 SG] say-REAL-NON 1 PL
“‘While you are just sitting (there), the pig is eating all our tubers” they say.’
Mandobo (Drabbe 1959:26)
Thus another context in which semi-finite verb forms in Mandobo and Yonggom
Wambon can have both the same subject as, or a different subject from, the next
semi-finite or finite verb form is before the subordinator te. The te SS context is a
special instance of the sequential SS context sketched in Section 11.5.2; the action
described in the subordinate clause always precedes, and has no temporal overlap
with, the action described in the matrix clause.
11.5.4
Switch reference and Digul Wambon
Digul Wambon was mentioned little in Section 11.5.2 on semi-finites and same subject switch reference marking. This is because its semi-finite -kend and -t forms function differently from those in other Dumut languages. They by and large mark DS
when they occur non-finally and outside of subordinate clauses. Digul Wambon
-kend forms may only have the same subject as the following verb if they occur before a perception verb such as ‘see’ or ‘hear’, as in (219).
(219) Mulo
kilim-ke-knd-ev=o
hetaxa-l-ep-o-n=e
go.down pursue-SUPP-REAL-1SG=CONN see-REAL-1SG-PST-tr.nasal=TOP
ko
la-t-mbo-ŋŋgelo...
there lay-REAL[NON 1 SG]-PST-CONN...
11.5. Awyu-Dumut Switch Reference Systems
‘I went down, pursued (the pig) and I saw: it lay there and...’
187
Digul Wambon
(de Vries & Wiersma 1992:84)
Digul Wambon semi-finite realis -t forms always have a different subject from the
following verb when they occur non-finally. Indeed, de Vries & Wiersma (1992) and
de Vries (2010) claim that Digul Wambon -t forms are dedicated DS forms that never
occur in other contexts than medially marking DS. However, data by Jang (2008)
show that Digul Wambon -t forms may also occur sentence-finally, as in (220) and
(221).
(220) Ewo aŋŋgai na-n-ayam=o
amit=e
in-ande-t.
that dog POSS-tr.nasal-chicken=CONN young=TOP kill-eat-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘That dog killed and ate my chicken’s young’ Digul Wambon (Jang 2008:57)
(221) Andemop-sixi laxop ka-t.
food-PURP field go-REAL[NON 1 SG]
‘He went to the field for (in order to get) food’ Digul Wambon (Jang 2008:79)
This means that Digul Wambon semi-finite realis -t forms are independent, just like
all other semi-finite verb forms in Awyu-Dumut languages. They are not dependent
on a finite verb form. It is true that only past tense finite forms, not future tense finite
forms, may follow realis -t verbs, but that is simply because speakers do not switch
mood in the middle of a sentence, not because the semi-finite form is dependent for
its tense interpretation.
Thus Digul Wambon -t forms are not dedicated DS forms, but are much like
other Awyu-Dumut semi-finites. They have in common with Kombai semi-finites
that they are only attested in DS conditions. However, I do not exclude the possibility that more Digul Wambon data might reveal that Digul Wambon realis -t forms
may also occur in one of the two semi-finite SS conditions described in Section 11.5.2,
especially since the Digul Wambon corpus is smaller than the Kombai, Aghu, Mandobo and Yonggom Wambon corpuses.
Nevertheless, a hypothesis stating that switch reference is an emergent system in
Awyu-Dumut languages and that the process is most complete in Digul Wambon,
as set forth by de Vries (2010), cannot be entirely discounted. The fact that Digul
Wambon realis -t forms do not occur when the following verb has the same subject must not be lightly bypassed. Digul Wambon could mark the endpoint of a
diachronic path wherein Awyu-Dumut languages replace all semi-finites in SS conditions with non-finite verb forms.
11.5.5
Summary of Awyu-Dumut switch reference systems
Awyu-Dumut languages have rudimentary switch reference systems in which the
presence or absence of a person-number marker makes the difference between a SS
verb and a DS verb. The DS verbs may occur outside DS contexts as well, when
specific conditions are met. The occurrence of DS verb forms when the next verb
11. Clause Linkage
188
has a same subject can diachronically be viewed from two angles. Either the AwyuDumut switch reference systems are constant, and DS verbs have always been allowed to occur in these two specific same subject conditions, or Awyu-Dumut switch
reference systems are emergent, in which case non-finite verb forms are on their way
to marking SS in all contexts, while two SS contexts remain in which their semi-finite
and finite counterparts may still occur. I prefer the first angle, as I see too few differences in the switch reference systems of Awyu-Dumut languages to support an
emergent hypothesis. However, the reader must keep in mind that an emergent
hypothesis, as presented by de Vries (2010), could also account for the synchronic
reality of Awyu-Dumut switch reference systems. Certainly the two main processes
noted by de Vries (2010) as being responsible for the shaping of Awyu-Dumut switch
reference systems, namely coordination reduction and frequency association, cannot
be denied a place in a constant switch reference hypothesis. It is likely that coordination reduction, as described by Haiman & Munro (1983), led to the birth of SS
verb forms, whereas frequency association then allowed those SS non-finite verbs
to spread throughout the language system. These processes must, however, have
taken place before Proto Awyu-Dumut split off from its Trans New Guinea sisters,
as a switch reference system with SS and DS verb forms is reconstructed for Proto
Awyu-Dumut. Switch reference systems are widespread in Trans New Guinea languages and are often seen as a typical feature of a TNG language. It is unlikely
that (proto) Awyu-Dumut languages developed switch reference systems independently.
11.6
Summary
Two types of clause linkage exist in Awyu-Dumut languages: coordination and subordination. These are two ends of a continuum. There are multiple types of coordination, as well as of subordination. Types of coordination are (a) juxtaposition,
(b) the use of a coordinator (-o in DWB and -a in Kombai) and (c) clause chaining.
Types of subordination are (a) thematic clauses with demonstrative topic markers,
(b) with subordinators ŋga (YWB , DWB) or te (Dumut languages), (c) relative clauses
and (d) the existential verb ‘to be’ functioning as a subordinator. All of these types of
clause linkage, in most instances with explicit coordinators or subordinators, can be
reconstructed for Proto Awyu, Proto Dumut and Proto Awyu-Dumut. In addition,
tail-head linkage constructions were described.
Awyu-Dumut languages have a rudimentary switch reference system. Nonfinite SS verbs occur throughout all types of clauses, whether they are linked through
coordination or subordination. Semi-finite and finite DS verb forms may also occur
when the next verb has the same subject, but only if (1) the two verbs describe fully
sequential events, or if (2) one clause is a further specification or explanation of the
previous clause. Coordination reduction and frequency association are processes
that can account for the existence of switch reference in Awyu-Dumut languages,
although Proto Awyu-Dumut is thought to have already had a switch reference sys-
11.6. Summary
189
tem resembling that of its daughter languages, in which a distinction in verb finiteness equals a distinction between SS and DS verb forms.
Conclusion
Awyu-Dumut languages had already been spoken by generations of people in the
Digul River basin by the time Petrus Drabbe started his study of them in 1940. The
current study, published nearly 75 years later, builds on Drabbe’s rich research and
subsequent research on Awyu-Dumut languages undertaken by Alan Healey (1970),
Bert Voorhoeve (2001, 2005) and Lourens de Vries (1992, 1993, 1997).
The proto phonologies reconstructed by Healey (1970) and Voorhoeve (2001)
provided the basis for the proto phonology and regular sound changes presented in
Chapter 2. The same chapter showed that Korowai cannot be considered an AwyuDumut language, as it is quite different from the four Awyu languages, the three
Dumut languages and Kombai. However, Korowai is still hypothesized to be distantly related to Awyu-Dumut languages; it is not a language isolate. The regular
sound changes that were established confirmed the subgrouping of Awyu-Dumut
languages into four Awyu languages and three Dumut languages, as proposed by
both Healey and Voorhoeve. Furthermore, on the basis of phylogenetic methods
applied to a 430-item lexical word list, Kombai was subgrouped together with Proto
Dumut, although a critical note will be made below concerning this subgrouping.
Having a solidly reconstructed proto phonology allowed for the next step in unraveling Awyu-Dumut’s linguistic past; the reconstruction of its proto morphology.
A rigorous, bottom-up application of the comparative method, while following the form-function constraint, paradigmaticity constraint and systematicity constraint, resulted in an extensive proto morphology of Awyu-Dumut languages, presented in chapters 3-11. The table below contains an overview of all the proto morphemes reconstructed for Proto Awyu, Proto Dumut and Proto Awyu-Dumut. I will
highlight some of them.
Reconstruction was at times not possible due to the languages having diversified
greatly. For example, past tense markers were difficult to reconstruct for AwyuDumut languages due to the great variation in number and kind of past tenses in
Awyu languages. The four Awyu languages each have two, three or four past tenses,
and for none of these tenses was a morpheme reconstructible for Proto Awyu, let
alone for Proto Awyu-Dumut. The three Dumut languages each have one past tense,
but Digul Wambon has a different past tense marker than Yonggom Wambon and
Mandobo; Yonggom Wambon and Mandobo reflect the past tense marker found in
Conclusion
192
Awyu-Dumut proto morphology
Proto Awyu
Proto Dumut
Kombai
Proto
Awyu-Dumut
*ku
*kup, *te
xu
*kup
*-gi
*-Ngu(i)
–
*NgV
*-nV
*-nV
–
*-nV
pronouns
1SG
2SG
3SG
1PL
2PL
3PL
*nu
* gu
**eke
*nüku
*güku
*yaku
*nup
*Ngup
*yup, *eke
*nakup
*Ngakup, *nakip
*yakup
nu(f)
gu(f)
xe
nagu
nage
ya
*nup
*Ngup
*yup,*eke
*nakup
*Ngakup, *nakip
*yakup
subject
person-number
1SG
NON 1 SG
1PL
NON 1 PL
*-e(fe)
*-en
*-efan
*-enan
*-ep
*-n
*-ewan
*-enan
-e(f)
-n, -e
-efo
-eno
*-ep
*-en
*-epan
*-enan
deictics
near deictic
far deictic
distant deictic
*ne
*(e)wV
*xa/*xo
*me, *ne
*ep
*kop
me(ne)
mofe(ne)
maxo
*me, *ne
*ep
*kop
*-en/*-in
*-an
*-t, *-ken
-i, -e
–
-d (first person),
-x (non-first
person)
-∅
*-en/*-in
–
*-t
irrealis mood
*-e
–
*-d (first person),
*-k (non-first
person)
*-∅
negation
double negation
single negation
*fa/*fe...(*de)
–
–
*ndV
(fe)...do
*pa...(*nde)
–
*-bu (irrealis),
*-di (realis)
–
–
–
–
*-no
–
–
–
*-ro
-ra
*-rV
nominal
morphology
nominal
coordinator
kinship plural
marker
possessive
marker
tense and mood
future tense
past tense
realis mood
switch reference
same subject
marker
simultaneity
marker
‘non-close’
marker
*-∅
*-∅
193
Proto Dumut, a marker that could not be reconstructed to Proto Awyu-Dumut.
Kombai simply has no past tense at all. Although it was not possible to trace how the
Awyu languages acquired their multiple past tenses – or perhaps how the Dumut
languages lost multiple past tenses – they tell an essential part of Awyu-Dumut’s linguistic history, as does all other morphological diversity found in these languages.
A diachronic path occurs when various languages are at different stages of a
grammaticalization path, and because Awyu-Dumut languages are so close, I expected at the outset of this research project to find quite a few diachronic paths.
However, just one diachronic path was discovered, namely the development of double negation in Awyu languages. Kombai and the four Awyu languages each represent a stage of the Jespersen cycle, which describes how languages develop double
negation. Depending on which stage of the Jespersen cycle a language is in, it has
obligatory or optional pre-verbal and/or post-verbal negators. The data used by
de Vries (2010) to support another diachronic path, namely the emergence of switch
reference in Dumut languages, were found to be open to another interpretation,
namely that Awyu-Dumut languages have stable switch reference systems. It must
be noted that both claims about Awyu-Dumut switch reference systems are defendable using the data available, and further intonational data and research into the
operation of switch reference systems in Papuan languages is needed to determine
which claim is most valid. Although few diachronic paths across languages were
found, many grammaticalization paths – such as the development of the far deictic
ep into both a pronoun and a topic marker – were found in individual languages.
Realis mood markers, and their reconstruction, provide yet another intriguing
insight into the shared history of Awyu-Dumut languages, and reveal a shared innovation between Kombai and Proto Awyu. The fact that Proto Awyu and Kombai
both have alternating mood markers -d and -k, while Dumut languages have two
non-alternating mood markers -t and -ken, while Proto Awyu-Dumut has one realis mood marker *-t, should lead to a subgrouping of Kombai and Proto Awyu
versus Proto Dumut. However, in Chapter 2, Kombai was subgrouped together
with Dumut languages based on phylogenetic methods applied to Awyu-Dumut
lexical data. One way to account for this discrepancy in subgrouping is to say that
Kombai’s lexicon followed a different path than its morphology; the Kombai lexicon
might have become more similar to the (Proto) Dumut lexicon through borrowing,
or it might differ significantly from the (Proto) Awyu lexicon because Proto Awyu
renewed a large part of its vocabulary, again through borrowing. Whether Kombai is better subgrouped with the Awyu languages or with the Dumut languages,
or better left alone as an ‘in-between’ language, the different results from phylogenetics and the comparative method show the vital importance of applying multiple
methods in unravelling a language family’s linguistic past, because only then can
its full history be discovered.
Appendix A: Word List
The following pages contain a word list of 430 lexical items for all Awyu-Dumut
languages and Korowai. The sources for this word list are Drabbe (1959) for Shiaxa, Yenimu, Pisa, Aghu, Yonggom Wambon and Mandobo, van Enk & de Vries
(1997) for Korowai and personal communication with HongTae Jang for the Digul
Wambon list, and Sun-Kyu Chi for Kombai. Additionally, the Digul Wambon and
Kombai word lists given by Lourens de Vries to Voorhoeve for his 2001 Proto AwyuDumut phonology were consulted and incorporated.
The word list is nearly complete, but a - indicates a specific lexical item is missing
for a particular language. The word list also contains my cognacy judgments, based
on the regular sound correspondences established in the chapter on phonology, and
used for the phylogenetic analyses presented in the same chapter. An ‘L’ instead of
a number indicates that the word is a known borrowing or loan word.
Lastly, the orthography in this word list is different at times from the orthography found in the sources; in this word list, I follow the orthography as set out in
Section 2.2 in the phonology chapter.
togo 1
syiri 1
muxoroboge 1
gutoxo 1
bote 1
monoxo 1
mini 1
keno-boge 1
oto 1
togo 1
arEbo 1
oto-d 1
sena goto 1
roxo-d 1
roxo-d 1
goto eme-d 1
gEtaxa 1
mu-boge 1
raru-d 1
xeiba puni 1
sumbE 1
tu 1
yi a xa 1
piriri (L)
oxo ki-nd 1
wend e-d 1
ma ke-d 1
toxo bo-d 1
ye ke-d 1
amutu mudu
bo- 1
mudu wu-d 1
xa xoxomo-d 1
xa go re-d 1
1. a few
2. above
3. Adam’s apple
4. afterbirth
5. alang reed
6. all
7. animal tail
8. ankle
9. anus
10. armpit
11. arrow
12. ascend
13. ash
14. ask for
15. ask question
16. avenge
17. axe
18. back
19. bake, roast
20. bald
21. bamboo
22. banana
23. bark
24. bat
25. bathe
26. be awake
27. be cooked
28. be full
29. be hungry
30. be pregnant
31. be satisfied
32. be shy
33. be sick
Shiaxa
xa go re- 1
xasifu gi- 2
modu wu- 1
metexi modu
bo- 2
ya ki- 1
toko be- 1
paxani ki- (L)
wed e- 1
oxo ki- 1
piriri (L)
yi xa 1
tu 1
suba 1
pudia (L)
yunu- 2
mu-begi 1
gitaxa 1
gutu eme- 1
roxo- 1
roxo- 1
sinaro 1
oto- 1
-
togo 1
oto 1
kino-begi 1
wobu 2
munoxo 1
sekino 2
-
muroxomabegi 1
xato 2
tugu 1
Yenimu
kuxa gi- 2
fofa gi- 3
taxa gi- 2
dasoxo 3
du ye gi- 1
tarE-ma ba- 2
mado- 2
kadaxai gi- 2
e kı̃- 1
besoxori 1
wasoko 2
su 1
fio 2
xaibã- bagide 2
du- 3
mikı̃ 2
yama 2
nasi emo- 2
ro- 1
ro- 1
taki 2
su- 1
taminı̃ 2
toxõ 1
o to 1
kito kı̃ 2
wobu 2
inimũ 2
seso 3
togoro 2
mi 2
siri 1
ago 2
Pisa
tomamo- 2
keŋ
ŋgwa- 2
kotep 2
törö- 2
ŋgop 4
taŋ
ŋgon top 1
ten top 2
kondok kerop 4
wombüt 2
mep 4
mböp 4
mun tiŋ
ŋgorop 4
karomorop 4
mbotörö 3
kene 3
Mandobo
rambamo- 3
namepmo- 3
kosep 2
turu- 2
ŋgop 4
taŋ
ŋgo top 1
osop 1
wan wogoi 5
wambit 2
amukmo 5
mbup 4
ŋgum 5
ogarurop-mit 5
koture 4
kenae 3
Yonggom
Wambon
loxo- 1
nukup ne- 4
ŋgandop 3
matut- 3
mesan 5
taŋ
ŋgotop 1
lombatop 3
kenop kelop 6
wabit 2
mitkap 6
mbup 4
amitlo nap 6
kalum 6
talaxop 5
ŋgalundei 4
Digul Wambon
kumaŋ
ŋ gi-k 3
e ki-k 4
kokü ba ki-k 3
kanike ki-k 4
ode ki-k 2
tape-ki (L)
pani-k (L)
xagide i- 3
oxo kı̃- 1
sumapio 2
xa 3
syü 1
woki 3
xabumu fede 3
tomü-g 4
mübã 3
-
tereŋ
ŋget 5
wandin ke- 4
kumui ke- 6
menkok ke- 4
koya ke- 4
ndo- 3
kondan mba- 5
ok kim- 1
tomin 4
kotae 3
tit 1
egop 5
ŋgin saŋ
ŋ nderan 4
undo- 5
mimit 5
-
watek ŋgwamo- 4 yayu yan- 5
tereŋ
ŋget 5
wendin timo- 4
mun mba- 5 3
metarep ke- 3
tome- 3
ando- 3
ketamo mba- 4
og gin- 1
mbumbwop 3
kota 3
tetkei, tyut 1
ndüam 4
-
ondü- 5
mbüman 4
-
yamboloke- 6
awoke- 6
kitke- 5
kutmo- 7
otwakmo- 5
hayakde- 5
kitmo- 4
matutmo- 6
okimo- 1
mbet 5
enop kat 4
sit 1
hexop 5
mixip 5
nanu- 6
mimit 5
kambak 3
kutagamu ame- 3 keaton karemo- 4 ŋgotap karemo- 5 maton lap- 6
o-x 1
o-x 1
sinako 1
osu-k 1
dibisi 3
bodo toŋ
ŋgõ 1
o to 1
kito wako 3
wobugo 2
isiomu 3
-
amtütüne 3
müsobo 3
si 1
toxopomu 1
Aghu
yamblo 6
adura 7
fururabo- 6
kugu 8
dou finage 6
ga- 6
wado-/boda 3,5
muro 6
aximofo 1
emu 6
molalu 5
rü(l) 1
feyo 2
muba 6
adü 5
buma 4
koba 3
kuro 1
luka 1
luka 1
rinoxware/bura
1, 2
oro- 1
yagu 6
rogo 1
blukalu 4
kudoklo 7
minü/wabu 1, 2
imimo 7
bafo 4
gou 7
wanduxlo 7
ma(ku)runi 6
(mo)folumo 5
Kombai
lep 7
-
-
xondulmeŋ
ŋga 9
-
-
-
xafen 7
dadü 2
loxetix 7
keyo 6
dendü 2
fu 2
mux 7
indo 5
banun 6
xamba 3
-
laifo 4
nExmo 5
bulanom 2
lu 1
püx 7
lenan 2
-
-
xendep 3
xo(l)funE 8
fiyo, kamEn 5
-
-
-
pol 6
Korowai
woforo 1
mu bo-d 1
mo-nd 1
gando-bogemoxo 1
mudu 1
moka 1
binigE 1
etimu 1
ado-d 1
yi 1
fodo 1
otoro 1
ati-d 1
boxo 1
kero so 1
goŋ
ŋ1
ta boxoda 1
adu 1
boge 1
di 1
gu 1
moto 1
yuato 1
gene-d 1
rigamo-d 1
xaxa ne-d 1
waxamo-d 1
36. be slippery
37. be thirsty
38. be unwilling
39. beard
40. belly
41. below
42. big
43. bile
44. bind
45. bird
46. bird of
paradise
47. bird’s tail
48. bite
49. black
50. blind
51. blood
52. blunt
53. body
54. bone
55. bow
56. brains
57. branch
58. breadfruit
59. break rope,
intrans.
60. break rope,
trans.
61. break stone,
intrans.
62. break stone,
trans.
waxamo- 1
-
wugeme- 2
geni- 1
yowo 1
kebi 2
gu 1
du 1
begi 1
adu 1
-
go 1
kiro so 1
boxo 1
ati- 1
otoro 1
fodo 1
yi 1
ado- 1
etimu 1
binigE 1
moka 1
modu 1
tere-begi-mo 2
mu- 1
oxo ya ki- 2
tatafuru 2
kero kono ŋge-d 1 kiru kunu gi- 1
35. be sleepy
bodo ki- 2
fagate-nd 1
Yenimu
34. be silent
Shiaxa
waxaramo- 1
xarani- 2
iŋ
ŋgemo- 3
geni- 1
yawo 1
kabı̃ 2
gũ 1
dũ 1
bagi 1
adu-wasoxo 1
bio 2
go 1
kiro peyo 2
siri 2
asu- 1
osirõ 1
ife 2
yi 1
ada- 1
isimũ 1
tEŋ
ŋgaxai 2
fu 2
kaku 2
masi-rõ 3
gamũ- 2
e ye gi- 3
wuginı̃ 3
kunũ gi- 1
faki ba- 1
Pisa
üpomo- 2
poni- (L)
ageme- 3
geni- 1
xã 2
kabiã 2
gũ 1
dũ 1
bigi 1
wusoxo 2
müsiã 3
gõ 1
kiokone de 3
sisi 2
asi-k 1
osia 1
efe 2
ı̃ 1
ada-k 1
isimu 1
tadi 3
maka 1
kokü 2
masü 3
mũ- 1
oxo ya ki-d 2
ifia 4
kunuŋ
ŋ gi-k 1
siŋ
ŋgi-k 3
Aghu
-
karone- 2
roŋ
ŋgwamo- 1
ŋgwane- 1
raot 3
rogonop 3
mök 2
mbendit 2
mirap 2
ondü 1
-
ŋgom 1
kerop tegop 4
ngürüp 3
tereni- 2
ataron 1
wando 1
et 1
rün- 2
men 2
koneni 4
mbogorü 3
wendin 3
matit 3
mbonemo/a- 3
ok kurutmo- 4
tendarak 5
kinum eren ge- 2
ogage- 4
Mandobo
ra karomo- 3
karonde- 2
ra ŋgamo- 1
ŋgande- 2
rawot 3
kitup 4
ŋgin-kawae 3
sinam 3
mit 2
kotae 3
ngoŋ
ŋ4
ŋgom 1
kerop mitpan 5
kui 4
atigo- 1
oi tet 1
andoi 1
yet 1
andap- 1
men 2
kamae 5
korire 4
wandin 3
matit 3
ayukmo- 4
ok yerep ke- 2
ndaragae 6
kinum kok ke- 3
irukmo- 5
Yonggom
Wambon
lap tokmo- 4
toke- 4
lap ŋgamo- 4
ŋgande- 2
lawot 3
nandop 5
ŋgisiwop 4
mandit 4
mit 2
kalandit 4
toxot 5
ŋgom 1
kelop
wandimop 6
mimop 5
asiŋ
ŋgamo- 1
teklon 2
suxum 3
et 1
andowomo- 1
mesen 2
hiwin/indip 6
hiptop 5
ot 4
maŋ
ŋgot lon 4
soeke- 5
oktaxe- 5
ndalatke- 7
kinimxexe- 1
luk andimxe- 6
Digul Wambon
-
-
-
-
aluwo 3
adia 6
mukokei 5
badi 2
fia 3
da 1
flixi 6
gom 1
kolofu 7
gunüharu 6
bogi- 3
wabu 3
fodo 1
el 1
ada-fede-fo 1
gabugi 3
muyano 7
makaluni 1
a4
maru 3
bidoge 6
oko finage 6
weinagane 8
xunũ-ge 1
reakeneanena 7
Kombai
-
-
-
bamo 3
yawol 1
dedamol 7
loxul 6
ati 5
xolol 4
loxül 5
peli 7
büŋ
ŋga 2
-
xofi(lun) 7
-
xendep 4
beni 4
delamol 2
lamelo 3
melun 2
tale 8
-
xondul 5
-
-
-
fep 9
lenup 4
pofuleli 8
Korowai
xoxoi-d 1
raxawu-d 1
o-me 1
fife-d 1
red mode-d 1
atat 1
regete-d 1
raru-d 1
begu ru-d 1
apa (L)
obo 1
kodo 1
ri-d 1
xaya 1
rakako-nd 1
sawari 1
xaxa 1
moxo-boge 1
mata-boge 1
ka 1
amutu 1
gando-boge 1
tumu-d 1
ru-d 1
ker’abu-nd 1
gonogoŋ
ŋ1
yaŋ
ŋgata 1
toru 1
mode- 1
63. break wood,
intrans.
64. break wood,
trans.
65. breast,
female
66. breathe
67. bring along
68. broad
69. build a fire
70. burn
71. burp
72. butterfly
73. buttocks
74. calf
75. call
76. canoe
77. carry
78. cassowary
79. centipede
80. cheek
81. chest
82. child,
descendant
83. child, young
one
84. chin
85. chop
86. chop down
87. close eyes
88. cockroach
89. coconut
90. cold
91. come
Shiaxa
mede- 1
toru 1
pe begi (L)
tubiri 2
kenagabu- 2
ru- 1
tumu- 1
tere-begi 2
metexi modu
bo- 2
ka 1
mata-begi 1
moxo-begi 1
xafe re 2
sawari 1
akeku- 1
xeya 1
ri- 1
kodo 1
obo 1
apapipa (L)
bagi ru- 1
yinu- 2
agotere- 2
ata 1
-
fifire- 1
o-me 1
axafu- 1
-
Yenimu
de 2
taru 1
beraxai 2
ambusumi 3
kinabu- 1
ru- 1
tumo- 1
makabi 3
ofo 3
ofo 2
bı̃ 2
moxõ-bagi 1
xae 3
karuwe 2
kekũ- 1
yefũ (L)
ri- 1
kito-pi 2
o sı̃ 1
apero (L)
murı̃ gi- 2
yi du- 3
yı̃ ngafũ- 3
aromaferã 2
radi de- 1
sifı̃ fero- 2
õ1
axafũ- 1
xaı̃ 1
Pisa
da-x 2
tü 1
peyo bigi (L)
xabgibo 4
kio bũ- 1
ü-k 1
ü-k 2
te-bigi 2
amoko 4
amoko 3
besame 3
moxope 1
xa 3
woküe 3
kekũ- 1
yofũ (L)
üfüakũ- 2
kut baxamgo 3
bubute 2
apo (L)
megomo- 3
fi-ox 4
yã abukũ- 4
tã 1
ade da-x 1
fı̃ fi-ox 1
nõ 2
axafũ- 1
gaxa-k 1
Aghu
me- 1
ŋgit 2
mbian mirap 3
kagerak (L)
kerop
kumbugne- 2
orü- 1
orü- 3
ŋgandöm 4
mun 5
mun 4
mbeman 4
amoga 1
iŋ
ŋgiarop 4
mbaeŋ
ŋgap 4
tombeni 2
yoün (L)
yo- 3
wanomun 4
andüon 3
apap (L)
üŋ
ŋgun orü- 4
ondü- 5
in kön- 5
korok 3
timo me- 2
utünün mo- 3
am 1
ragamo- 2
ŋgoŋ
ŋgwan- 2
Mandobo
me- 1
sarui 1
mbian ndok 5
kakarak (L)
kerop mitke- 3
ri- 1
taeŋ
ŋgamo- 4
maŋ
ŋgor-ip 5
mun 5
mun 4
mbemit 5
koyop 2
mamuririop 5
itit 5
sumo- 3
konoi 2
yo- 3
wan mom 5
mbaem 4
awomburui 1
mbaroŋ
ŋgoi in- 5
undo- 5
enoptenow
ugum- 6
arugup 4
rap me- 1
upneŋ
ŋ ke- 4
om 1
ra kaende- 3
kande- 3
Yonggom
Wambon
nda- 2
salon 1
-
tambat 2
kimbikmo- 4
ŋgapmo- 2
samo- 1
maŋ
ŋgot 5
amit kewet 6
amit 5
wamot 6
ayam amit 3
ŋgaluyop 6
sanip 6
lapko- 4
alep 3
yo- 3
amit halo- 6
kut-kut 5
awonamayop 1
mbiŋ
ŋguimo- 6
enop sapmo- 6
enop humo- 7
indip 5
lap ndok- 4
xinop- 5
om 1
lap kapde- 4
kapde- 4
Digul Wambon
me- 1
lo-xe 1
biyo 3
lio 5
kloro kubuni 5
klumo 3
xalo 5
gadu 1
miyo mogo 7
kenodufo 6
bema 4
ma 4
amia 7
muwayo(f) 7
lefa 5
yafu (L)
ya 3
mukafe 7
bobo 2
awoyo 1
-
adü- 5
e fukamo 8
belu 6
lefa me 1
finafo- 6
am 1
-
-
Kombai
lai 3
xagil 3
mbiyon 3
labul 2
-
ü(l) 1
di 6
-
mbam 8
mbam 7
ban 7
maŋ
ŋgum 1
bebal 8
sanip 6
abi 6
alEp 3
dodepo 4
-
-
-
-
do 5
melil fu 9
-
-
-
am 1
-
-
Korowai
taxa 1
kaxamo 1
ow ti-d 1
saxambo 1
boka 1
kero
robomoko-nd 1
moxosy 1
asyu 1
otobra 1
sera 1
toro boxoda 1
koro 1
oto tomo-d 1
mui-d 1
ku-nd 1
ku-d 1
eme-d 1
se 1
abita 1
kono maxete
fete-d 1
mi-nd 1
woto 1
kera 1
toro 1
moka 1
eriri 1
toro-dEge 1
e-nd 1
gena 1
mo boge 1
boxoda 1
92. corpse
93. correct, true
94. cough
95. crocodile
96. crooked
97. cross-eyed
98. crowned
pidgeon
99. dark
100. daughter
101. daylight
102. deaf
103. deep
104. defecate
105. descend
106. die
107. dig
108. do, make
109. dog
110. door
111. dream
112. drink
113. drum
114. dry
115. ear
116. earth
117. earthquake
118. earwax
119. eat
120. egg
121. elbow
122. empty
Shiaxa
bEigida 1
mo begi 1
gana 1
e- 1
-
iriri 1
moka 1
turu 1
soxo 2
wisi 1
mi- 1
axatu fite- 2
auti 2
se 1
eme- 1
kuo- 1
ku- 1
mui- 1
oto tomo- 1
kuru 1
-
madi 2
otoba 1
asu 1
moxow 1
-
wimku 2
aya 2
uwo ti- 1
aga xeya 2
-
Yenimu
bagide 1
bidE-bũ 2
mugo 2
nı̃- 2
surua 2
iriri 1
mokã 1
surũ 1
se 2
wũ 1
mi- 1
asã iku- 3
afito 1
aŋ
ŋgi 2
emo- 1
ko- 1
kũ- 1
ru- 2
asa su- 1
burũ- 2
suru peyo 2
sawE 3
subrã 1
gugunũ 2
kutE 2
kiro burudĩ 2
burudĩ 3
xaiambu 3
eso si- 2
agani 3
yuxu su 2
Pisa
fede ki-k 2
bodo mu 3
mügo 2
ẽ 1
su-naŋ
ŋge 3
yei 2
soxo kũ- 2
suketo 2
so 2
kine 2
mi-k 1
asü ete-ox 4
büshü to 3
yaŋ
ŋgi 2
ame- 1
kü-ox 1
kũ- 1
osü-k 2
o tefi-ox 2
bubogo 3
suto de 3
sowo 3
subã 1
asü 1
üküte 2
kiogo mete-ox 3
bubuni-k 4
kiambu 3
adimo si-k 3
xamiki 4
saxu akümã 3
Aghu
nda 3
i ŋgombün 4
wendin 3
ande- 3
keretow a 4
ondön 3
itiwa 3
keretop 3
tomap 3
kinda 3
emi- 1
ö itigio- 4
yombutop 4
aŋ
ŋga 2
ra- 2
to- 2
kün- 1
korü- 3
a ŋgo- 3
ŋguruop 4
keretop 4
orat 1
metip 2
weminarep 3
kutea 2
kerop
regemburü e- 4
ŋgombüt 5
kiambut 3
oüok tü- 4
kogoröm 5
küap kümüran 4
Mandobo
ndoi 3
win ŋgambin 4
wagot 4
en- 1
turutow-oi 5
indum 3
itop 3
turutop 1
kerewet 4
kendet 4
mi- 1
ui eto- 4
ahap piri 5
aŋ
ŋgae 2
onoŋ
ŋnemo- 3
so- 2
kim- 1
ri- 2
oi aŋ
ŋgo- 3
ŋguru 4
mburümop 5
waran 4
matip 2
ndembeŋ
ŋ4
kotim 2
kerop ŋgoi ke- 5
ŋgoi 6
mbanep 4
ayak ti- 4
kareop 6
kagup kimiran 5
Yonggom
Wambon
indi 3
ade-fo, en- 1,3
rurukeya 7
fedu 3
i(f) 3
ruro 1
roxe 2
wei 1
mi 1
u ferao 5
rafira 7
maxu 3
fla- 5
xüho- 1
xumo- 1
moyona 4
bara 5
wake 6
bulugi 7
rei 1
lanomu 3
rekema 6
feruwo 4
kololigi 6
welene 7
romoi 6
ahüo 4
maxano 8
xowaru 7
Kombai
mbumba 4
deyalu 5
mbisit ŋgambim 5 i-gabü 4
wandin 3
en/ade- 1,3
silunot 6
hendem 3
ip 3
silutop 1
sok 2
kinde 3
ami- 1
asixitmo- 3
tiak 6
agai 2
si- 4
aso- 2
kim- 1
lomo- 2
lombat ŋgan 4
ndinop 5
naŋ
ŋgom 6
sat 1
tombalan 1
mim 5
yawoe 3
kelop ŋgui 5
ŋgui-ŋ
ŋgui 6
mbuayop 5
apyokmo- 5
mop 7
tuk 6
Digul Wambon
-
laxa 6
loxesux 5
le 4
-
-
me 4
xotop 4
gololfobo 5
-
mi 1
-
abüok 8
xendep 4
mo, amo 1
yaxü 3
xomu 1
nai 5
-
maxol 7
-
alüp 5
lal 4
xofi(lul) 7
aülem 5
-
fale 8
semail 7
lemu 6
mofexup 9
loxül 8
Korowai
kinise-bogemoxo 1
kero-moxo 1
kato 1
or 1
o syaxamo-d 1
fadamo 1
kobete
toxomo-d 1
kepe 1
ayE 1
yi moxo 1
su 1
xEiti 1
fete-d 1
bedo toro 1
yi ndo 1
se 1
yi 1
axae 1
bed-afi-bumo 1
tetede 1
kete 1
obusiri 1
boro-nd 1
xonge 1
129. eyebrows
130. eyelashes
131. face
132. faeces
133. fart
134. fast
135. fat (adj.)
136. fat (noun)
137. father
138. feathers
139. feminine
140. fence
141. find
142. finger
143. fire
144. firefly
145. firewood
146. fish
147. five
148. flat, even
149. flower
150. fly (insect)
151. fly (verb)
152. flying fox
xoge 1
buru- 1
obose 1
ki 1
fira 2
bed-afi-komE 2
axae 1
yi 1
si 1
yi do 1
toro 2
fite- 1
xEisi 1
si 1
yi mo 1
ayE 1
kepe 1
kubi toxo- 1
xagei 2
o syamo- 1
o1
kiroto 1
kiro-mo 1
kinti-begi-mo 1
kiro 1
wubumu- 1
kEro 1
wumbumu- 1
126. extinguish
a fire
kia 1
-
128. eye
kie 1
125. evil
buni- 1
yaxaro 1
124. enough
kufE 1
Yenimu
127. extinguishing buni-d 1
of fire
kowE 1
123. enemy
Shiaxa
ŋgoŋ
ŋgi 2
burũ- 1
ebũ 2
ki 1
imuferã 3
bedaxafimã 3
axae 1
yi kadE 1
mı̃ 2
yı̃ 2
bidE-torõ 1
feto- 1
xaisi 1
rã 2
rõ 2
bo 2
duwo 2
tEŋ
ŋgaxai 2
xayo 3
o-ru ro- 2
o1
kEto 1
kiro-bi 2
kirimogo rõ 2
krimogo 1
buni- 1
ibuma kũ- 1
yama 2
xarini- 2
waki gũ 2
Pisa
xoŋ
ŋgi 2
bũ xo-x 2
obeka 3
ki 1
tã 4
bidikumu 4
axe 1
yã 1
mı̃ 2
yã 2
bodo butõ 3
a-x 2
boxi 2
syü 1
xa xõ 3
eto 3
xadimie 3
fofüko 3
xaxamu 2
o pani-k 3
o paxa 1
kioto 1
kio-bı̃ 2
kio-buto 3
kiomogo 1
bünü-k 1
yã übumu kũ- 1
xadı̃ 3
xaini-k 2
kufe 1
Aghu
yayap 3
mberene go 3
umonop 4
ket 1
metap 5
oŋ
ŋgugup 5
rogoa 2
in 2
minap 2
in ndumbut 3
it kurugut 4
timo/a- 3
ndara 3
roŋ
ŋgu 2
ron 4
neti 4
tögö 4
tögö göp 4
oget 4
ombüt 4
a1
kerewã top 2
kere-ron 3
-
kerop 1
kün- 2
in utegimo- 2
kuyom 4
kare- 2
endon 3
Mandobo
towoi 4
ururuk ko- 4
imonop 4
ket 1
mandon 6
aŋ
ŋgu(kup) 5
ragae 2
enop kok 3
mindui 3
enop-tenop 4
wit ketop 5
rap- 2
kuk 4
raŋ
ŋgui 2
ron 4
nati 4
tugui 4
kutugut 5
sukmae 5
oi mbuk ke- 5
oi 1
ŋgin-o-kerok 3
kerop-ron 3
kerop-toŋ
ŋgot 4
kerop 1
kim- 2
eoptenow
itiguimo- 3
kuyom 4
kare 2
endom 3
Yonggom
Wambon
tawot 5
mbuluk
ko-/-nda 5
mbuluk 5
ketek 2
kukmo 7
ambalop 6
laxai 2
enop 4
minop 2
enop 5
mbisit-talon 6
ŋgalumo- 4
alun 5
laŋ
ŋgui 2
lon 4
mbap 5
tuxut 4
tuxutkup 4
wasin 6
lombot
mbixitmo- 6
lombat 2
kelop-kalit 4
kelop-wambip 4
kelop-lon 5
kelop 1
litoman 3
litomo- 4
koyom 4
kit 2
awumxomop 4
Digul Wambon
emu 6
buxa 6
luru 6
xe 1
-
abalo 6
duwo 3
ewodo 5
mi 2
e6
ilo 7
koloma 5
ba 6
kuri 3
ruwo 5
nare/are 3,4
xia 5
iya 6
wei 7
ablema 7
a1
xeda 1
kloblonolo 5
koblo 6
xoro 1
e rakimona 4
erakimona 5
gabürabo 5
mofeafene 3
kofe 1
Kombai
yemül 7
bedi(fo) 7
lotup 6
xel 1
-
wayo 7
xele 4
melil 6
belil 4
melil 7
melol 8
-
-
-
daya 6
ate 3
yaben 6
-
diof 8
-
ol(exi) 1
lulgelip 5
-
lulxolol 7
lulop 2
lemile 5
-
lembul 6
-
xoxuxanop 5
Korowai
xagoto 1
totoxo 1
nimu 1
172. good
173. grandchild
174. grandfather
yeneti 2
totoxo 1
maxeya 2
-
age- 1
bogeyEfe 2
bido 1
mo 2
mo 2
-
soxo 1
pe (L)
tetEra boge 1
agod re-d 1
171. go get
bedo 1
ago-d 1
170. go away
xei- 1
ede- 1
183. hard
xeire-d 1
169. give birth
182. hand, arm
ede-d 1
168. give
xoxEi 1
bana 1
moxo 1
xogoi 1
167. ghost,
spirit
181. hair
(on head)
bona 1
166. ghost, soul
date- 1
gigiku- 1
noxo 1
dato-d 1
165. get up
edind e-d 1
gigiko-nd 1
164. gather
gia 2
180. hair
(on body)
matoxo 1
163. garden
tagia 2
ro 1
179. guard
yarEs 1
162. gaba-gaba
soxo 1
ro 1
161. fruit
bono 1
xabe 1
178. ground
bono 1
160. frog
payo (L)
xabe 1
159. friend
okum-okum 1
177. grated
coconut
okom-okomo 1
158. four
gaba- 1
ado 1
pesu (L)
goba-nd 1
157. forget
anE 1
ado 1
156. forest
mika-begi 2
kia 1
woto 1
mi-boge 1
155. forehead
176. grasshopper
kia 1
154. footprints
kito 1
Yenimu
175. grandmother anE 1
kitu 1
153. foot,leg
Shiaxa
xaxarE 3
bidE 1
xabi-ro 3
rõ 3
xaibã ri- 2
soxo 1
peyo (L)
bagisoro 2
wi 2
si 3
xabı̃ 2
popora (L)
xodi ra- 2
xo- 2
xai- 1
edo- 1
xoxoi 1
bana 1
doto- 1
gigio kũ- 1
giõ 2
tawoxo 3
yindero 2
kokoxo 2
buri 2
soxondemã 2
fimomo- 2
gasi 2
kirobagi 3
kito bu 2
kito 1
Pisa
buto 4
bedo 1
xabumu 4
xa xõ 4
kiaxaime- 3
soxo 1
peyo bigi (L)
boki 3
itime 3
anisi 4
anisi 3
yafi 3
xod’abu da-x 3
xo-x 2
xaifi-ox 1
ede-ox 1
xoxi 1
bono 1
doto-x 1
mumu- 2
xü 2
ditaŋ
ŋge 4
edeko 3
naŋ
ŋge 3
apofe 3
sigiane 3
omumu 3
-
mika 1
kuto isipomo- 3
kito 1
Aghu
-
it 2
mögö-ron 5
ron 2
womo- 4
itiwa 2
mbian 1
tere 4
aye 4
ambai 5
magop 4
wonden 4
ko timo/a- 4
ko- 2
kap- 2
ndigio- 2
kugu 1
aterop 2
matere- 2
rurukmo/a- 3
yogüp 3
mbeŋ
ŋgi 5
rop 1
koak 4
namonop 4
kurugutköp 4
koŋ
ŋgomo- 4
toŋ
ŋgwap 3
kimbin 4
ot 4
kondok 2
Mandobo
sondot 5
wit 2
ŋgi-ron 6
ron 2
womo- 4
itop 2
mbian 1
tet kondok 5
nomben 5
mbae 5
magop 4
wagae 5
ko rap- 5
ko- 2
ŋgamo- 3
yo- 3
kagui 1
ndimndop 3
matigo- 2
yaŋ
ŋgumo- 4
yagip 3
mbaŋ
ŋgi 5
rop 1
kak 4
kae 5
kurugut(kup) 4
katoni ke- 5
yagok 4
kombisop 5
yugut 5
kondok/wan 2,3
Yonggom
Wambon
mbatop 6
mbisit 3
amba-lon 7
lon/muk 2,5
wambemo- 5
ip 2
mon 2
wamuyop 6
asek 6
ambai 5
maxop 4
matet 6
ko lap- 5
ko- 2
halo- 4
ndak- 4
kaxui 1
hinop 4
matutke- 3
yaŋ
ŋgumo- 4
laxop 4
tomak 6
lop 1
waknup 5
yaxe 6
hitulop 5
amokmo- 6
tamot 5
kimbin 4
ixun 6
kenop 4
Digul Wambon
awage 7
il 2
xabialo 3
xalo 2
wabeba 6
i(f) 2
biyo 1
role 7
ama 7
aduwy 6
lono 5
yafe 3
-
ka 2
rimofa 5
adia 1
xaixwo, xwai 1
kwai 5
marule 2
yademano 5
yarimo 5
dubuga 7
dodo-lo 1
-
na 7
woromibogo 6
emu 7
xuro 6
kumiri 6
kudo bobou 7
xudo/xino 2,4
Kombai
xoxux 8
mel 4
mux 1
mux 5
-
fium 3
mbiyon 1
daŋ
ŋgup 8
max 8
andüop 6
xafun 2
manop 7
-
gelilfo 3
fu 6
fedo 5
xayan 1
laleo 6
melu 4
kelioxmo 6
yasim 5
iŋ
ŋgenun 8
op 1
-
noxo 8
wayafül 7
enontelo 8
lop 7
loxul 7
betom 8
bel 5
Korowai
xEiba 1
da-d 1
dibo 1
bodi ke-d 1
bo 1
rotomo-d 1
syiri 1
wiE- 1
afoxo 1
noxo 1
xaxafE ke-d 1
xogo 1
wumu 1
yiro 1
mu 1
koxosomo- 1
koso ware 1
wu-d 1
bokin 1
sogodam 1
fimi-d 1
taxas 1
xati 1
meaxa somo-d 1
anamo 1
tese 1
re-d 1
ara 1
kone-d 1
bawu-d 1
bondumu 1
kadaxae ke-d 1
184. head
185. hear
186. heart
187. heavy
188. heel
189. hide
190. high
191. hit
192. house
193. human
194. hurt
195. husband
196. inside
197. intestines
198. island
199. jump
200. kangaroo
201. kill
202. knee
203. knife
204. know
205. lame
206. lance
207. laugh
208. leaf
209. leech
210. lie down
211. light
(bright)
212. light (not
heavy)
213. lighten
214. lip
215. live
Shiaxa
kedige gi- 1
bonaxadi 2
bawu- 1
kakani- 2
-
ri- 1
tisi 1
anamo 1
me wu- 2
xeiti 1
-
fimi- 1
sugudam 1
bu-begi 2
wu- 1
kiso weri 1
doged oto- 2
mu 1
iro 1
womu 1
xago 1
xaxafi gi- 1
noxo 1
afoxei 1
wure- 2
arumE 2
atoromo- 2
bu 1
bodu gi- 1
dibo 1
da- 1
xEiba 1
Yenimu
kadaxai ba- 1
bunaxa-me 2
bã 1
wofota 3
kawa 2
ri- 1
karia 2
rõ 2
ab gi- 3
xasi 1
bagi burudı̃ 2
nafã gi- 2
waki 2
bagibũ 3
wu- 1
sibaxai 2
bunoxo ru- 3
dubi 2
o2
womu 1
nuxu 2
xarimo- 2
yuxu 2
xaı̃ 2
ufuro- 3
siri 1
asurumo- 2
kito mu 2
yandoxu 2
duburo 2
da- 1
xaibã 1
Pisa
xagide ki-k 1
bomga 2
wimi- 2
ta 4
keni 3
i-g 1
sisi 2
õ2
abe gi-k 3
xasi 1
kuto wa 3
dafaŋ
ŋ gi- 3
woki 2
bümo 4
-
kuso baxi 3
pinoxo ü-k 4
dübi 2
o mutu 3
womu 1
amo 3
xaime- 2
axu 2
büshü 3
üfü-ox 3
sisi 1
akosũ- 3
kito bu 3
bodü 3
dübo 1
da-k 1
xabã 1
Aghu
are mba- 2
mbaŋ
ŋga 2
mbomba 3
taŋ
ŋganden 5
orat 1
ran- 1
teren 2
ron 2
kan- 4
kiatö 1
kondok wa 4
noam ge- 4
wegi 2
wambüon 5
ũ- 1
-
mbororükne- 5
og ndun 3
omunop 4
korup 2
anogomberi 4
ko e- 3
küap 3
mbutüp 3
ü- 4
ŋguruop 3
törökmo- 4
wandunu 4
kagön 4
ndümarop 3
ndot- 1
kembian 1
Mandobo
ariok mba- 2
mbaraŋ
ŋgat 3
warawae 4
rat 4
rat 1
yan- 2
teren 2
ron 2
aritow in- 5
arat 2
wan mbetat 5
ŋgoropmo- 5
wagi 2
kondok werop 6
iro uru- 2
-
soke- 6
oŋ
ŋndum 3
oi 2
kop 3
kop pari 5
kat kokmo- 4
kagup 4
mbitip 3
in- 4
ndawan 4
turukmo- 4
wan ŋgambui 5
kagun 4
ndimndop 3
ndat- 1
ŋgin 2
Yonggom
Wambon
mba- 3
mbaŋ
ŋgat 2
watwoe lap- 5
wawut 3
wesat 1
la-/le- 1
selen 2
enop-lon 2
amben lap- 6
yaŋ
ŋai 3
katkut 6
katke- 6
waxi 2
ŋgot kelop 7
in- 1
ŋgetop 4
seŋ
ŋgamo- 7
ok ndum 3
otmin 5
wamip 1
nomok/kap 6,7
koxe- 3
kap 5
ap 1
in- 4
kukulop 5
sulukmo- 4
kenop mum 6
kuxun 4
dimlop 3
ndat- 1
ambat 3
Digul Wambon
ba 3
mogoro 4
boba 1
wafuke 5
kwani 3
le/lei 1
reyo 3
enowalo 2
giama 7
yogui 4
-
xumima 7
waxi 2
bouklo 8
bogi 3
robai 5
boblagama 8
iduwa 4
akuklayo 6
xalü 2
yale 8
ufla 5
xo 6
a(f) 1
oruwo 5
muku 6
yeruma 5
kudoramu 7
inuxe 5
dümo 3
xaxe 2
xabia 1
Kombai
bo 3
-
faxbeax 6
dalun 6
dalun 4
ibo- 3
layo 3
mux 3
lesifu 8
mal 5
-
daibo 9
fix 2
gabün 9
xedi 4
-
-
xandul 5
xul 7
-
yalen 8
-
yanop 7
xaü 4
ülmexo 6
ilax 7
bai(l)mo 6
-
baul 6
debop 1
dai 1
xabean 1
Korowai
toro 1
pere (L)
go 1
ya ke-d 1
mokan 1
xateta 1
patak (L)
wuki ko-nd 1
xo-butu 1
ra re-d 1
koso 1
xo 1
kapi 1
kodo 1
mamuke 1
o-xoŋ
ŋ1
ta-keko 1
afE 1
mimi 1
syimpere 1
wini 1
abiE 1
tema 1
xate-to 1
bonaxa 1
naxaba 1
syi-nifu 1
roxo boxoda 1
doxo 1
fi 1
216. liver
217. long
218. louse
219. love
220. low
221. lung
222. machete
223. make war
224. man
225. marry
226. marsupial
227. masculine
228. mat
229. meat
(on body)
230. medicine
231. milk
232. molar tooth
233. moon
234. morning
235. mosquito
236. mother
237. mountain
238. mouse
239. mouth
(inside)
240. mouth
(outside)
241. much,
many
242. mucus
243. mute
244. nail
245. name
Shiaxa
fi 1
dosE 2
-
si-nifo 1
naxaba 1
bonaxa 1
xate-to 1
-
abugE 2
wini 1
negi 2
mimi 1
arE 2
kike 2
ome-xu 1
mumu 1
kodo 1
kapte 2
xo 1
kiso 1
ra re- 1
xo-baxati 2
wEki ku- 1
bagisi 1
xatipa 2
moka 1
ya ki- 1
gu 1
piri (L)
wu 2
Yenimu
fi 1
kia 3
mimi 2
sinifo 1
wemã 2
bunaxa 1
xatE 1
semese 2
xabE 3
ni 2
ise 3
mimı̃ 1
bidı̃ 3
maga 3
õ-xu 1
yi xa 2
kadu 1
kiripã 3
xo bisı̃ 1
kiso 1
du nı̃ 2
xo bisı̃ 1
iku- 2
farŋ
ŋga 2
-
bago 2
ye gi- 1
aŋ
ŋgu 1
kowE 1
wũ 2
Pisa
fi 1
bedi moxo 4
u de 3
si-nifo 1
weaxa 2
bomga 1
xato 1
kuso naŋ
ŋge 3
xaibie 3
api 3
isinigi 4
mimı̃ 1
bidı̃ 3
maga-guxa 4
nõ-xu 2
-
kudu 1
bigio 4
xobası̃ 1
kuso baxi 1
ã a-x 1
xobası̃ 1
kotom ü-k 3
-
nomügo 3
makã 1
mumuŋ
ŋ gi-k 2
aŋ
ŋgu 1
pi (L)
ũ 2
Aghu
üp 1
mbetit 5
arek ndap 4
wogüra 2
agöp 3
mbaŋ
ŋga 1
maŋ
ŋgot 2
tugunap 4
mburündün 4
nou 2
taenop 5
aget köp 2
ogo 4
imban-yariwa 5
am kun 1
in ndumbut 4
kandö 1
yom 5
mbetin 2
ndao 2
timo- 3
küap 3
taŋ
ŋgat ke- 4
kararan 3
kanatöt 4
oŋ
ŋgok 3
ŋgamen ge- 3
ŋgut 1
ŋguruop 2
ndugon 3
Mandobo
ip 1
muk 6
ruk ndoiowop 5
warigae 3
kutok 4
mbonop 2
maŋ
ŋgot 2
sogonap 4
amgon 5
noi 2
sowen 6
ariw amin 3
wogoi 4
tenep 6
om kun 1
iŋ
ŋgamaŋ
ŋgat 5
yom 2
yom 5
kombatim 2
kunop 3
sumo- 4
kagup 4
up- 5
kararam 3
uk 5
kutuk 4
wagae nde- 4
ŋgut 1
ŋgurup 2
ahum 4
Yonggom
Wambon
(k)hit 2
bisit 5
ŋgilek 6
waliok 4
ndaxit 5
mbonop/esop
maŋ
ŋgot 2,3
maŋ
ŋgotop 2
amun 5
halim 6
ni 2
etenop 5
awaektop 4
waxot 4
esop taŋ
ŋgue 7
om 1
-
kandu 1
-
mbasin 2
amitlonap 4
(lan/kap) lap- 1
kap 5
awimo- 6
kalanam 3
huloplon 6
kutkutdoe 4
kunumo- 5
ŋgut 1
kolamop 3
ndimlop 5
Digul Wambon
fi 1
idodo 7
-
-
biduma 6
xana 4
mogoro 2
fira 6
fani 7
nani 2
gegemo 6
rekudo 5
maga 5
-
a1
-
xudo 1
lika 6
malea 3
-
lafa 5
wafi 6
-
glona 4
fufu 7
bobogo 5
-
gu 1
reyo 4
afina 6
Kombai
fi 1
-
dofu 7
xim 5
fiüm 7
bonggol 1
bonggol 3
duo 7
fanip 7
ni 2
letün 7
-
waxol 4
-
am gü 1
-
xal 1
-
-
füon 5
defol fo 6
abül 7
afü 7
pal
falip 8
-
-
meli 2
dal 5
üm 7
Korowai
nayo 1
yaxo 1
neni 1
mu-boge 1
mu 1
yira 1
yaxama 1
noxoŋ
ŋgo 1
asyu 1
ku 1
o-tebo 1
syi 1
syi-to 1
boxoda 1
ne ke 1
yaxa 1
yaxa 1
pusu (L)
nayo 1
esya 1
bEtaxa 1
kafe 1
xokoro 1
tege 1
ow uru 1
wi 1
se 1
ko-nd 1
xaxafe re-d 1
a1
piris (L)
249. neck
(throat)
250. nest
251. net
252. new
253. night
254. nippa palm
255. nipple
256. nose
257. nostril
258. nothing
259. now
260. old man
261. old (age)
262. old
(duration)
263. old woman
264. older brother yaxa 1
ni 1
248. neck
265. older sister
266. one
267. outside
268. paddle, oar
269. palate
270. penis
271. phlegm
272. pig
273. pinkie,
small toe
274. plant
275. play
276. rain
277. rainbow
o1
a1
xafe re- 2
ku- 1
risa 2
wi 1
-
tigi 1
inigo-begi 2
kefi 1
bitaxa 1
isyo 1
patu (L)
yaxo 1
yaxo 1
nogo ki 1
bEigida 1
si-to 1
si 1
omE-tobo 2
ku 1
asu 1
-
yaxapa 1
-
mu-to 1
tu-begi 2
kExeya 2
kataxaya 1
247. near
guro 2
mudu-gu 1
Yenimu
246. navel
Shiaxa
irı̃ 2
aa 1
xafe ra- 2
koxõ- 2
sio 3
ui 1
Eso gũ 2
sigi 1
xosopa 3
kafi 1
butaxa 1
sikirE 2
de 2
kapu 2
yoxoxoro 2
semebe 1
yoxoxoro 2
yuxu xa 2
togoro 2
karE 2
sinto-to 1
sinto 1
õ-subu 1
-
asu 1
kadaxai 2
inı̃ 2
yi a 1
muto 1
gubı̃ 3
kinaxã 3
ogũ 3
Pisa
wisi ai 3
a1
xabax’a-x 4
soxo kũ- 3
sigiã 4
wi 1
adimo 3
segi 1
xaŋ
ŋgadu 4
kefi 1
betaxa 1
fasike 3
eni 1
exo 1
an iwi 3
posyü (L)
iwi 3
xu iwi 3
sowo nego 3
fede 3
simto-to 1
si-payo 1
nõ subu 3
sedi 2
womı̃ 2
xagide 3
kapüo 3
a2
adena 2
ekõ 4
akiã 4
modü bogo 4
Aghu
regugut 4
murüp 2
kukmo/a- 5
ro- 4
keteget 5
u1
ŋgonöm 4
teŋ
ŋget 1
kanan 5
igio 2
kat 2
ome 4
neni 1
anet 3
ran ŋgeŋ
ŋget 4
wandop 2
mberi 4
komberi 4
koandep 4
nda 4
toŋ
ŋgut-top 2
toŋ
ŋgut 2
am toŋ
ŋgut 4
-
wemin 2
are 4
mbeŋ
ŋgiat 4
ŋgerim 3
koman 3
ŋgemben 5
kirop 5
aŋ
ŋgun 5
Mandobo
erenayop 5
mirip 2
worow in- 6
ro- 4
seget 6
ui 1
ayak 5
teŋ
ŋget 1
kanaŋ
ŋgit 6
suguyaŋ
ŋ3
kat 2
omae 4
nani 1
net 3
ra mbari 5
woŋ
ŋgopon 3
mbari 4
kop pari 4
kowandut 5
ndoi 4
ŋgiritop 3
ambotop 3
om muk 5
-
mitik 3
ariok 4
ok kit 5
ap 4
ŋgomben 4
awut-mit 6
sindik 6
oi ŋgum 5
Yonggom
Wambon
wandak 6
kaip 3
hilik lap- 7
halo- 5
kenop talon 7
oi 1
kayom 6
teget 1
maŋ
ŋgiŋ
ŋ7
ndayoŋ
ŋ4
mbesan 3
sanop 5
non 1
net 3
lan yalen 6
sinop 4
yalen 5
kap yalen 5
ndo nombo 6
tembet 5
kalitop 4
kalit 4
omlolop 6
-
kitip 4
aluyok 4
umap 6
elap 1
ŋgaip 5
ŋgait/ŋ
ŋgip 7
sinim 7
ŋgambin 6
Digul Wambon
kwarilrei 7
mulü/mlü 2
yama 8
lo 4
kudololo 8
ai 1
irimu 7
reŋ
ŋge 1
-
iko 5
a xuxuni 4
ragla 6
nani 1
nai 3
yale 6
muno 5
yale 5
yale 6
menemanaru 7
domo 6
raguro 5
ranggü 5
amolei 7
-
fim 2
alu 4
eno 7
goglo 5
xuma 3
gubi 8
deima 8
goumuro 7
Kombai
anol 8
maun 4
gümo 8
ao 6
senan 9
gol 2
-
dul 2
-
igo 5
-
lidop 7
aw 3
afe 4
lebaxop 7
-
nggel 6
yalen 6
imonE 8
mafem 7
gelitop 6
gelip 6
antenül 8
lambil 3
gülnanggaup 5
sol 5
-
amül 6
xomofexolol 3
balebol 9
xalu 9
manütul 8
Korowai
otoru 1
yoro 1
kaŋ
ŋgo 1
ri-mboge 2
waxama 1
oxo 1
yi te 1
tere 1
do 1
xate 1
gEte poporo (L)
roxo-d 1
xa koko 1
oru 1
oto-nd 1
fete-d 1
edidimi- 1
asa 1
tareba 1
bi-mboge 1
xa bobo-nd 1
piemo (L)
xoro 1
yakere-boge 1
keŋ
ŋge-puru 1
yi ri-d 1
bo-d 1
xa 1
ogo-boge 1
xotu 1
kono re-d 1
soxomo 1
kasede 1
278. rat
279. rattan
280. red
281. rib
282. ripe
283. river
284. root
285. rope
286. sago
287. saliva
288. sand
289. say
290. scabies
291. scar
292. scold
293. see
294. seek
295. shallow
296. sharp
297. shin
298. shiver
299. shoot
300. short
301. shoulder
302. side
303. sing
304. sit
305. skin
306. skull
307. sky
308. sleep
309. slow
310. small
Shiaxa
kasede 1
sukum 1
kunu re- 1
xuto 1
afu-begi 2
xa 1
be- 1
yeri ri- 1
woro 2
yekero begi 1
bagedi 2
-
xa bobo- 1
bi-bEgi 1
-
sa 1
-
fite- 1
ot u- 1
uw 2
-
roxo- 1
poporo (L)
xatipa 2
du 1
tiri kodo 2
yi tagae 2
ui 2
bedi 2
ri-begi 2
gofo 2
abuno 2
-
Yenimu
monoxo 2
sukumã 1
kunũ ri- 1
xou 2
xaibã-bagi 3
xa 1
ba- 1
itiro ri- 2
kikı̃ 3
makiE 2
bago 3
pemo (L)
bobı̃- 2
biniro 2
kisı̃ 2
asege 1
agu 2
feto- 1
kEsema ro- 2
pEso ru 3
yamı̃ 2
ro- 1
girı̃ 1
mase 3
du 1
kikı̃ 3
tatE 3
wadi 3
waxamã 1
rimbigi 2
kaŋ
ŋgo 1
yoxomo 3
xayo 2
Pisa
patoxo 3
teteme- 2
kumun i-g 1
xuito 1
mika-bigi 4
xa 1
ba-x 1
ada i-k 3
moditi 4
ge bigi 3
bago 3
tı̃- 1
kudu itimi- 3
bino 2
kisı̃ 2
gono 2
agu-k 2
ete-ox 2
kotae 1
mba- 1
ŋgom ri- 4
mereŋ
ŋ6
witmak 5
kutuk 5
taem- 1
mbambariri
ke- 5
wan mbin 3
ŋget 3
tut 4
kagaende- 4
eto- 1
tagapmo- 5
ateram 5
irombut 4
rogo- 1
ok yaman 4
katet 1
ndun 1
tik 4
ndit 5
ok 1
amui 3
rin 4
tenop 2
tik 4
temon 4
Yonggom
Wambon
mberon 4
ndügüman 3
kinum ran- 1
kut 1
mberon 4
mbonmo- 4
kinum yan- 1
kumut 3
kembian-mirap 5 ŋgin-mit 6
kota 1
mba- 1
ŋgom orü- 4
aua 5
mak 4
oŋ
ŋgok 4
teen- 1
mbombanden
ge- 4
mbiton 2
ŋgeten 3
mbarap 3
katomo’/a 3
itigio- 1
eikmo/a- 4
kogu ut 4
ũ 2
bobomo 3
imbut 3
arek tagamo- 2
ŋgirim 3
katet 1
ndu 1
tik 4
i gumbüt 4
ok 1
omu 3
eriman 3
tenop 2
tik 4
tomon 4
Mandobo
yomı̃ 2
o-x 1
giŋ
ŋge 2
xasi 1
dü 1
kikı̃ 3
tete 3
widi 3
yomũ 3
ini-bigi 2
kaŋ
ŋgõ 1
yoxu 3
kuso yowõ 3
Aghu
ambunop 5
menopmo- 5
kinum (ran)- 1
kut 1
ambat mit 7
kotai 1
ba- 1
ŋgom ali- 4
selem 7
malin 6
atuk 6
tamya- 1
samo- 6
mbimit 4
keten 3
ndindoe 5
mbulumo- 5
hetak- 1
otixopmo- 6
atet 5
ayek 5
loxo-/ne- 1
ok senap 5
walok 4
ndu 1
sik 4
ŋgelek 6
ok 1
hiliop 4
lin 4
xeliop 3
sik 4
kosot 3
Digul Wambon
bi- 7
imo 3
lebidi 8
-
xambap 7
di 4
nenim 7
mexesim 6
daü 1
nan 5
dedil 8
ax 1
xayo 5
menaxolol 5
xafümengga 5
yebun 2
duo 6
Korowai
muragaya 6
agumo 6
xünu lei 1
ramo-xoü 1
muko fiya 8
xa 1
ba 1
gobo lü 5
-
dodou 7
bogo 3
rabiye-ne 2
roralima 7
wago fiya 5
gerege 4
hiEn 7
aŋ
ŋgox 7
ibo 2
dali 4
-
xal 1
bo 1
Epo- 6
leam 8
main 8
gembenul 7
ülmexo 3
-
-
fül 5
fewakerambodo 6 -
xloma 6
fera 1
luka 7
firo 6
liubu 6
uma 3
abü 6
bedo, lua 5
doü 1
ri 4
kubu 7
wodei 3
yamu 3
lina 4
re-rabo 4
ri 4
fira 5
Kombai
fugu-nd 1
oru 1
wuti 1
syi ti-d 1
foxotena 1
kitu-xato 1
amutu 1
ta toŋ
ŋgi 1
roxo roxo-d 1
abusE 1
se-boge 1
xate somo-d 1
furi 1
e-d 1
mi 1
kui re-d 1
foxomo-d 1
mudu go wu-d 1
sEŋ
ŋge boge 1
kosi 1
mode 1
bini 1
mi-nd 1
ome min-nd 1
om ede-d 1
ku mboge 1
sera 1
miko-nd 1
kote 1
dubisi 1
oxo ri ki-nd 1
311. smell
312. smoke
313. snake
314. sneeze
315. soft
316. sole of foot
317. son
318. sour
319. speak
320. spider
321. spine
322. spit
323. stairs
324. stand
325. star
326. steal
327. stink
328. stomach
ache
329. stone
330. stone axe
331. straight
332. strong
333. suck
334. suck at
breast
335. suckle
336. sugarcane
337. sun
338. swallow
339. sweat
340. sweet yam
341. swim
Shiaxa
oxo ri ki- 1
go 2
kuti 1
miko- 1
sera 1
ku 1
om ede- 1
ome mi- 1
mi- 1
begi 2
yo 2
kose 1
egiro 2
modu go wu- 1
foxomo- 1
ki re- 1
mi 1
e- 1
atiko 2
me wu- 2
si-begi 1
obose 1
ro roxo- 1
te tugi 1
amu 2
-
xaxuwo 2
si ti- 1
witi 1
afuwo 2
fugu- 1
Yenimu
ki a-x 1
mı̃ 1
e-k 1
fike 3
xasi si-k 4
mü-bigi 2
süã 2
u o-x 1
xoŋ
ŋge 3
amoko 4
kito babu 3
puxu 4
asinaŋ
ŋ gi-k 2
wisi 1
yãn üku 4
fumi-k 3
Aghu
kı̃ xo- 2
kabubura 3
kası̃ 1
mukũ- 1
sawE 2
ge 1
õ edo- 1
õ mi- 1
soxõ- 2
xaiku 3
imidiı̃ 3
xabu 2
iro 3
kaku xarimo- 2
oxo müa-x 3
kinabe 4
kesı̃ 1
mikũ- 1
sowo 2
kũ 1
nõ ede-ox 2
nõ mi-k 2
umu- 1
buto 4
kidı̃ 4
xabu 2
io 3
okiame- 3
paxa fu foxomo- 1 pafũ me- 2
ki ra- 1
mı̃ 1
maseri- 2
afirı̃ 1
mase si- 3
si-begi 1
abusã 1
ru ro- 1
xae 2
mu 3
kito atã 2
paxadı̃ 3
ası̃ si- 1
wasi 1
aku 3
fi mi- 2
Pisa
suwan 2
rug in- 3
rowot 5
mandup 5
wan-tat 5
awoi 6
asiganae ti- 4
aŋ
ŋgun 2
enow uruk 6
ipmo- 5
Yonggom
Wambon
ögö uŋ
ŋgu- 4
tomborop 5
koten 1
min kön- 1
teet 3
küm 1
am ndigio- 3
am emi- 1
emi- 1
eŋ
ŋgoan 5
ndindip 5
kurü 1
iwan 4
a gogop tomo- 4
ŋgenen ge- 3
kurop timo- 2
minap 1
ri- 3
werik 1
katet tü- 5
kimra ko- 5
mbondeŋ
ŋ6
koten 1
mi-agumo- 2
sat 3
kin 1
om yo- 4
om mi- 1
mi- 1
mbarewen 6
yani 6
kori 1
irop 3
oi rewerep ke- 5
kosip ke- 4
kambir rap- 3
mindui 3
re- 3
ŋgwerop 4
katet tiomo- 5
mbüman mirap 3 mimit ketop 4
otugan 3
arek tagamo- 2
rugup 4
mandep 5
kondog a 4
menap 5
tatanan tü- 3
ŋgweti 1
in oruk 5
umo- 4
Mandobo
kimo- 6
mbondeŋ
ŋ6
setelep 2
mixopmo- 2
sat 3
wamboi 2
om ndak- 5
om mi- 1
mesepmo- 3
met 7
kuk 7
kowei 3
ŋgai 5
ot ŋgamek 6
hipke- 5
kambit lap- 3
minop 1
la-, lo- 3
halik 1
walok si- 6
mimitmit 4
asowan 2
loxo- 4
esop ndom 6
tum 6
kenop atat 6
aŋ
ŋgonom 7
asiŋ
ŋmo- 5
ŋgusin 1
iruk 7
hip- 5
Digul Wambon
fuku 7
leblu 7
kware 1
rumogeoma 3
rei(l) 3
kumo 1
adi 6
ami bomi 1
fuamo-fo 4
wale 8
bumio 8
fafi 4
riga 6
idikafeke 7
furuma- 6
xwui fa- 4
mi 1
le-, la- 3
fali 1
bedo 7
buma fiya 5
gamu, buluko 3
uma 5
rougi 4
miyo 7
kudoako 7
gouke 8
rena 6
guari, gwari 1
emarü 8
mo-foruma 6
Kombai
dadü 8
dolum 8
xelünax, xün 3
-
lup 4
bahüom, baliam 3
-
am gü 3
depo 5
beben 9
godax 9
xul 1
ilol 3
-
-
-
belil 4
alo 4
yafin 5
-
müfexolol 6
-
u(mo) 5
-
abül 8
-
-
lambimatimo 7
anol 3
lemül 9
sumo 7
Korowai
red ago-d 1
re-d 1
xorifi 1
efe ken-oxo 1
tega-nd 1
yaxamo
semewu-d 1
me 1
xaxa-ro 1
kuduwugu 1
midi 1
paŋ
ŋge (L)
aseke 1
fimi-d 1
komo 1
okom-esya 1
roxodi-boge 1
rasomo-d 1
or 1
xo ru-d 1
finu 1
ti-d 1
roxo-d 1
efe ro-nd 1
yo-nd 1
somgE 1
kitu toro 1
syefE 1
fagE 1
342. take along
343. take, grab
344. taro
345. tears
346. tell
347. tell a lie
348. tendon
349. testicle
350. thick flat
objects
351. thigh
352. thin
353. thin flat
objects
354. think
355. thorn
356. three
357. throat
358. throw
away
359. thumb,
large toe
360. thunder
361. tired
362. to braid
363. to
command
364. to cry
365. to have sex
366. tobacco
367. toe
368. tomorrow
369. tongue
Shiaxa
fagE 1
odofE 2
toro 2
nomoxo 2
yo- 1
efe ro- 1
roxo- 1
ti- 1
fino 1
xu ru- 1
u1
rasumu 1
mu-roxomabegi 2
okum-isyo 1
yomo 2
fimi- 1
aska 1
pagi (L)
midi 1
kaduwugu 1
xoxo-ro 1
me 1
wege roxo- 2
taga- 1
efe kino 1
madi 2
re- 1
-
Yenimu
fagE 1
rigiro 3
kito torõ 1
samkaxae 1
yõ- 1
ifE ru- 1
ro- 1
si- 1
taxã 2
xou ru- 1
wado 2
kosomo- 2
musubo 3
kumandimã 2
yamoxõ 3
fimo- 1
asexe 1
seskadi 1
midı̃ 1
womukumã 2
wobu-ro 2
afusu 2
yaxama ro- 3
kiru si- 2
kin-E 2
wi 3
ra- 1
radi xo 1
Pisa
fage 1
bagidi 4
kuto butõ 1
sumke 1
yõ- 1
ifiõ- 1
o-x 1
si- 1
taxã 2
xü ü-k 1
wodo 2
kusumu- 2
u-müto 4
okuom-asike 3
yomo 2
fimi- 1
asiga 1
bigi da 2
midi bigi 1
wogide 3
wobio 2
me 1
fimb’o-x 4
sia si-k 3
kin’oxo 3
fike 4
a-x 1
ade xo-x 1
Aghu
sapuk (L)
mbarok rap- 3
rom- 2
rogo- 1
ti- 1
tet 4
kumut 2
aŋ
ŋgu 3
somo- 3
ogarurop 6
itipmo 5
arin 4
opkon ke- 3
ahak 3
waguwop 4
kitup 3
igit 5
norop 3
met 1
koyapmo- 6
matom tokmo- 4
kerow-ok 3
wirop 6
rap- 1
rap ko- 3
Yonggom
Wambon
oŋ
ŋgat 1
yanen do 5
anop 2
yan ŋga 6
kondok kurugut 3 wan ketop 4
ogoyap 3
reŋ
ŋgendemo- 2
run- 2
tagan- 2
ti- 1
ketewa 3
komöt 2
oŋ
ŋgu 3
ta- 3
togorop 5
ititmo 4
orün 4
imbimo- 2
mbarap 2
eret 3
eŋ
ŋgin 2
mbotüt 4
wambirap 2
temet 3
arekpon ge- 5
maton tokmo- 4
kerow-ok 3
irandöp 5
timo- 1
timo go- 2
Mandobo
fia mone 4
waniklo 8
woromi 7
alü 4
fibima 5
lolake 5
maxo 6
kinomidi 4
fini 6
wablo 2
melo 1
balike 7
uma 6
okorofono 4
ludi 8
lofa 3
lefa- 4
Kombai
hanop/hat-gat
1,2
wamot 7
tilin 2
sawuk (L)
yenem mo- 4
lomo- 2
loxo- 1
ipke- 2
soe 5
kumut 2
faŋ
ŋga 1
berekina 8
kudolo 5
wania 4
gawono 5
lo 2
luka 1
bubloma 3
bu 6
xumü 2
kenop ambalop 4 ilolo 5
samo- 3
ok kalum 7
taxem 6
alin 4
hinopko halo- 4
hinindoe 4
helewet 5
mindin 1
hinim 6
wambilin 2
met-met 1
koyapmo- 6
loxo- 5
kelop ok 3
luk 7
lap- 1
lap- 3
Digul Wambon
lef 3
walelelexu 9
-
depon 5
gomo 6
Exmo 3
-
-
bu 6
balalmo 3
wayo 6
püxmo 5
-
piŋ
ŋgup 8
aün 4
xul duo 6
afop 6
afop 7
-
fanip 7
loxesuxop 4
-
-
u(mo) 6
-
simbelu 9
ati(lo) 4
-
Korowai
tare 1
xEino 1
yi 1
sato 1
koroxo 1
ebi-nd 1
okomo 1
ruŋ
ŋ1
gu 1
kadaxae ke-d 1
kadaxae 1
bedo midi 1
yiti ti- 1
yiti ti- 1
ato 1
roxo 1
ko eseme-d 1
ko de-d 1
xo-d 1
xEiri 1
apato (L)
oxo ko-d 1
oxo 1
ma ke-d 1
oxo da 1
xayo 1
tomogaxa 1
xamose 1
xosE 1
ra 1
kifi 1
yaxa boge 1
370. tooth
371. torch
372. tree, wood
373. turtle
374. twins
375. twist rope
376. two
377. ulcer
378. umbilical
cord
379. uncooked
380. unripe
381. upper arm
382. urinate
383. urine
384. vagina
385. voice
386. vomit
387. wait
388. walk
389. wall
390. warm
391. wash
392. water
393. weak
394. wet
395. white
396. white ant
397. widow
398. widower
399. wife
400. wind
401. wing
Shiaxa
yaxa begi 1
kifi 1
ra 1
xosE 1
xamsE 1
efige 2
ara 2
-
ma ke-d 1
oxo 1
oxo ku- 1
apa (L)
rifa 2
xo- 1
ku de- 1
kodi kefsomo- 2
ro 1
ato 1
yitu 1
yi tu- 1
bido midi 1
kedige 1
kedige 2
gu 1
-
okum 1
ebi- 1
kuroxo 1
sabu 2
yi 1
sia 2
maga 2
Yenimu
ba 2
kifi 1
ra pasu 2
sEŋ
ŋgo 2
xamE 2
karibubu 3
xaya 1
kake 2
xai karE- 2
e2
e kũ- 2
apa (L)
rikirE 3
xo- 1
da ri- 2
kandi gi- 3
ru 1
ato 1
yi su- 1
yi su- 1
bidE bagi 2
kuwo 2
kadaxai 2
ogũ 2
rũ 1
kurumã 2
rı̃- 2
-
waxabi 3
kasero 2
sia 2
maga 2
Pisa
tefio 3
kifi 1
agã 3
xu sẽ 3
ã sẽ 3
doxosi 4
bo 3
paxa (L)
puxu 3
oxo 1
ünoxo kũ- 3
apufo (L)
kiko 4
xo-x 1
de-k 3
kumukanı̃ gi-k 4
u1
ato 1
isi 1
isi fi-ox 2
bodo bigi 2
kaxi 3
xagide 3
amoko gũ 3
üne 1
okuomu 1
ı̃- 2
-
mügo 4
kesaxe 3
xasisia 3
maga 2
Aghu
mborõ 4
kiou 1
aŋ
ŋgen 3
küap kamok 4
ran kamok 4
toma 5
koat 4
tögöp 3
kömböt 4
ok 1
tombümo- 4
ndam 1
kök 5
ko- 1
ŋgirok ri- 4
agön- 5
arek 2
atop 1
erok 1
erok tü- 2
taet top 3
ketot 4
are 4
aŋ
ŋgun 4
orün 1
rumo 3
mbio- 3
-
mbirip 5
in 4
eŋ
ŋgot 4
imban 3
Mandobo
mburui 4
kiwui 1
sarip 4
kagup sarip 5
ran sarip 5
tomae 5
kuk 5
ŋgaenak 4
awoi 5
ok 1
agum mbiamo- 5
mamin 2
ndayaŋ
ŋ6
ko- 1
irukmo re- 5
aerap- 6
ruk 1
atop 1
yetok 1
yetok ti- 2
wit tun 4
mbatop 5
ariok 5
oi ŋgum 4
yun 2
irumo 3
ip- 4
mun koyop 2
ambum 6
enop 5
yaŋ
ŋgot 4
inim 4
Yonggom
Wambon
mbulun 4
kiwin 1
salip 4
kap salip 5
lan salip 5
tomae 5
kowalop 6
oxoyak 5
katkut 6
ok 1
mbutmo- 6
mamin 2
kim 7
ko-, ka- 1
min- 6
wayun lap- 7
luk 1
atop 1
etok 1
etoksi- 2
yawet 5
alun 6
alun 6
ot ŋgambiŋ
ŋ5
yunop 3
ilumo 3
lawa lilimo- 5
mnyep 3
mbilip 5
enop 5
yaŋ
ŋgot 4
esop 5
Digul Wambon
yagiya 5
xifei 1
la 1
kamo 6
kamo 1
duari 6
xwalu/xuwaru 7
guxe 6
faloni 7
o(x) 1
rünü 7
mamü-ge 3
ba 8
xa 1
fakele 7
baxugi/ba-xuge 8
lu 1
aro 1
erono 2
beru 3
imidi 6
fedado 7
wafedado 7
gou 1
lü 1
ragla ragu 4
gobo- 6
-
falu 7
dodo 6
kwaiyeria 5
imba 3
Kombai
baul 4
fup 2
defol 5
-
-
kembaxi 7
xoxolun 8
fex 7
-
ax 1
dadü 8
xox 4
damon 9
xai 1
imba 8
waxalimo 9
aup 3
lil 2
dulax 3
dalalü 4
labul 7
-
-
-
gun 4
pol 5
-
-
abeap 8
du 7
wel 6
lebil 6
Korowai
finigi 1
toto re-d 1
yefe 1
kEwi 1
goba 1
bo ru-d 1
syefE 1
afo 1
syiboŋ
ŋ1
raramo 1
kuda 1
neme 1
no 1
go 1
ewe, ege 1,2
noxo 1
goxo 1
yoxo 1
na 1
ga 1
wa 1
naxa 1
gaxa 1
yaxa 1
kataxaya 1
xaxa 1
xagere 1
kenaxa-de 1
ekaxa 1
402. woman
403. work
404. worthless
405. wound
406. wrong
407. yawn
408. yesterday
409. young
410. young
person
411. young
woman
412. younger
brother
413. younger
sister
414. 1SG
415. 2SG
416. 3SG
417. 1PL
418. 2PL
419. 3PL
420. 1SG . POSS
421. 2SG . POSS
422. 3SG . POSS
423. 1PL . POSS
424. 2PL . POSS
425. 3PL . POSS
426. near
427. far off
428. yonder
429. what
430. who
Shiaxa
koxo 2
kenaxafaxa 1
-
xaxa 1
kExeya 2
yaxa 1
giga 1
niga 1
wa 1
ga 1
na 1
yoxo 1
gugu 1
nugu 1
ewi, egi 1,2
gu 1
nu 1
kuda 2
kuda 1
raromo 1
siba 1
afo 1
odofE 2
tere atoxomo- 2
gaba 1
kefi 1
yefe 1
toto re- 1
finigi 1
Yenimu
monoxoi 3
memã 2
xatego 2
xamã 2
kinaxã 3
yoxona 2
guna 2
nuna 2
ena, ewa 1,2
ga 1
na 1
yoxo 1
gugu 1
nugu 1
eki 2
gu 1
nu 1
kudE 2
kudE 1
amgi 2
subã 1
kadaxai 2
asüwe 3
xufamo- 3
bEtero 2
pEso (L)
bEtero 2
firio emo- 2
rã 2
Pisa
meoxo 4
makeaxe 3
xo 3
mekese 3
akiã 4
yoxo 1
gügu 1
nügu 1
efe 2
ga 1
na 1
yoxo 1
gügu 1
nügu 1
efe 1
gu 1
nu 1
küda 2
küda 1
amigi 2
xosübã 1
xagide 3
bagidi 4
xufame- 3
omumu 3
peso (L)
wa 3
fiko a-x 3
ã2
Aghu
ŋgamban 4
mbom 3
mbetat 5
awoŋ
ŋ rap- 5
ran 2
Yonggom
Wambon
koap 5
kenemop 4
mbogo 4
koman 2
kirp 5
yeŋ
ŋgine 3
neŋ
ŋgine 3
noŋ
ŋgüne 1
ene 1
ŋgone 1
nene 1
yeŋ
ŋgip 1
neŋ
ŋgip 2
noŋ
ŋgüp 1
ege 2
ŋgöp 1
nöp 1
embiat 3
anet 2
meŋ
ŋgeet 3
moŋ
ŋgop 2
moŋ
ŋgop 4
orüwa 3
agap 6
agaeop 5
kore 5
kamam 2
sindik 6
yaŋ
ŋgo 1
ŋgaŋ
ŋgo 1
naŋ
ŋgo 1
ya 3
ŋgo 1
na 1
yaŋ
ŋgup 1
ŋgaŋ
ŋgup 1
naŋ
ŋgup 1
yup 3
ŋgup 1
nup 1
mbiat 3
net 2
maŋ
ŋgat 3
mamae 3
mamae 5
wamin 4
mbanan tokmo- 4 andunow in- 5
ŋgomban 4
kogu 2
wagarep 4
ra- 4
ran 2
Mandobo
avop 7
keno 4
-
komamop 2
-
yaxo 1
ŋgoxo 1
noxo 1
nexo 4
ŋga 1
na 1
yaŋ
ŋgup 1
ŋgoxop 1
noxop 1
nexep 2
ŋgup 1
nuk 1
lan aŋ
ŋgot 4
nana(n) 3
lan maŋ
ŋgat 3
kap kewet 4
ketot 6
alip 3
maŋ
ŋgolam lalo- 6
ŋgombam 4
hitop 4
asat 6
kelepmo- 6
lan 2
Digul Wambon
yaforumu 8
malufa 6
-
xiado 4
-
yaxop- 1
nage 3
nagu 1
xe 5
gu 1
na- 1
yaxop 1
nage 2
nagu 1
xe 2
gu 1
nuf 1
wabü 5
wabü 4
yamondei yo
mongo 4
lüwobadi 5
muno 7
kaklo 5
brabuma 7
gobage 1
ruruko 5
-
aya 7
la(n) 2
Kombai
yaxop 9
mbaxa 7
-
lexiŋ
ŋga 3
xalu 7
yexene- 1
gexene- 1
noxu- 1
y-, yV- 3
g-, gV- 1
n, nV 1
yexene- 1
naŋ
ŋge 2
noxu(p) 1
ye, yu(p) 3
gu(p) 1
ne, nu(p) 1
modol 6
mofexa 5
menel 5
xofel 6
dax 8
xaxul 6
-
lembul 5
yaxesel 6
xalox 7
kelaya ati- 8
lal 2
Korowai
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Samenvatting
Een linguïstische geschiedenis van Awyu-Dumut –
morfologische studie en reconstructie van een Papoease taalfamilie
Alles heeft een geschiedenis, een verhaal over waar het vandaan komt en hoe het
geworden is wat het is. Elke taal, gesproken van generatie op generatie, heeft een
geschiedenis. Dit boek is een weergave van de linguïstische geschiedenis van de
Awyu-Dumut taalfamilie. Deze Papoease taalfamilie bestaat, zover nu bekend, uit
acht talen, en wordt gesproken in West-Papoea, Indonesië. De Awyu-Dumut taalfamilie behoort tot de grotere Trans New Guinea taalfamilie.
De focus van dit boek ligt op de herkomst van de morfologie van de AwyuDumut talen aangezien morfologie één van de meest stabiele factoren in een taal
is, en daarmee zeer bruikbaar om de geschiedenis van niet-geschreven talen te traceren. Door een strikte toepassing van de comparatieve methode worden protomorfemen gereconstrueerd waardoor een beeld ontstaat van de proto-taal waar
Awyu-Dumut talen van afstammen. Met het reconstrueren van proto-vormen is
echter nog niet de hele linguïstische geschiedenis van een taal verteld. Om inzicht
te krijgen in hoe Awyu-Dumut talen door de tijd heen zijn veranderd, traceer ik ook
diachrone en grammaticale paden. Hoewel de focus ligt op de gedeelde geschiedenis van Awyu-Dumut talen is er in dit boek ook aandacht voor morfologische diversiteit en het eigen verhaal van elke taal. Zodoende is het ook een naslagwerk voor
wie meer wil weten over de morfologie en syntaxis van individuele Awyu-Dumut
talen.
Hoofdstuk 1 geeft zowel achtergrondinformatie over de verschillende AwyuDumut talen als over de databronnen die geraadpleegd zijn. Voor Awyu-Dumut
talen zijn rijke descriptieve data beschikbaar, grotendeels te danken aan het werk
van Petrus Drabbe, een katholiek priester die werkzaam was als missielinguïst in
Nieuw Guinea van 1935 tot 1960. Voor vijf van de acht Awyu-Dumut talen is een
volledige grammatica met teksten beschikbaar, terwijl Drabbe voor nog drie andere
Awyu-Dumut talen een grammaticaschets heeft gepubliceerd. Daarnaast is er een
woordenlijst van 430 woorden beschikbaar in alle Awyu-Dumut talen. Hoofdstuk 1
gaat ook in op de methodologie die gebruikt is om Awyu-Dumut proto-morfologie
te reconstrueren.
220
Samenvatting (Dutch Summary)
Hoofdstuk 2 richt zich op de proto-fonologie van Awyu-Dumut talen. Eerdere
Awyu-Dumut proto-fonologieën gereconstrueerd door Alan Healey (1970) en Bert
Voorhoeve (2001) vormen de basis voor de hernieuwde proto-fonologie die in hoofdstuk twee gepresenteerd wordt. De comparatieve methode wordt toegepast op
lexicale data. Aan de hand van de klankovereenkomsten en klankverschillen kan
geconcludeerd worden dat het Korowai geen Awyu-Dumut taal is, maar wel een
aanverwante taal. Een toepassing van fylogenetische methodes bevestigt de interne
verdeling van de taalfamilie in vier Awyu-talen en drie Dumut-talen. De Kombaitaal wordt door fylogenetische methodes ingedeeld bij Dumut-talen, maar door de
comparatieve methode bij Awyu-talen. Dit conflict is in dit boek opgelost door
Kombai te behandelen als een eigen subgroep. Het hebben van een solide gereconstrueerde proto-fonologie, evenals een interne subgroepering van de taalfamilie,
maakt de reconstructie van Awyu-Dumut proto-morfologie mogelijk.
Alhoewel Awyu-Dumut talen weinig nominale morfologie hebben, wordt er
in hoofdstuk 3 toch een kleine hoeveelheid nominale proto-morfologie gereconstrueerd. In alle acht Awyu-Dumut talen volgt het adjectief het naamwoord, en drie
strategieën om samengestelde naamwoorden te vormen worden door alle AwyuDumut talen gedeeld. Juxtapositie is de meest voorkomende manier om bezit uit te
drukken, terwijl alle Awyu-Dumut talen ook gebruik kunnen maken van bezittelijke
voornaamwoorden. Het meervoud van naamwoorden wordt in Awyu-Dumut talen
gerealiseerd door het redupliceren van (de eerste syllabe van) het naamwoord. Daarnaast hebben verwantschapstermen hun eigen meervoudsmarkeerder, gereconstrueerd
als *-gi voor Proto Awyu, *-ŋŋgu(i) voor Proto Dumut and *-ŋŋgV voor Proto AwyuDumut. Het hoofdstuk sluit af met een omschrijving van de coördinatie van naamwoorden in Awyu-Dumut talen, en de twee nominale coördinatoren *ku(p) en *te
werden gereconstrueerd.
In hoofdstuk 4 komen Awyu-Dumut pronomina aan de orde. Zowel persoonlijke als bezittelijke voornaamwoorden worden gereconstrueerd. De bezittelijke voornaamwoorden staan dichterbij de voornaamwoorden die voor het Proto Trans New
Guinea zijn gereconstrueerd, en zijn daarmee ouder. Daarnaast is aangetoond dat
het derde persoon enkelvoudig voornaamwoord in de meeste Awyu-Dumut talen is
afgeleid van het demonstratieve element ep, wat ‘daar’ betekent. Als laatste wordt
in dit hoofdstuk geïllustreerd dat persoonlijke voornaamwoorden weinig frequent
zijn in Awyu-Dumut talen, en dat als ze voorkomen, ze hun nadrukleggende vorm
aannemen.
Hoofdstuk 5 behandeld de vier persoons- en getalsmarkeerders die Awyu-Dumut
talen rijk zijn. De persoons- en getalsmarkeerders zijn onderdeel van het werkwoord. In Awyu-Dumut talen zijn de tweede en derde persoonsmarkeerders hetzelfde,
zowel in het enkelvoud als in het meervoud, een samenvoeging die typologisch
gezien niet vaak voorkomt. De vier persoons- en getalsmarkeerders die gereconstrueerd zijn voor Proto Awyu-Dumut zijn *-ep (1 SG), *-en (NON 1 SG), *-epan (1 PL)
en *-enan. Dezelfde vormen worden gereconstrueerd als *-e(fe), *-en, *-efan en *-enan
voor Proto Awyu, terwijl de corresponderende Proto Dumut vormen *-ep, *-n, *-ewan
en *-enan zijn.
221
In de hoofdstukken 6 tot en met 8 komt het zogenaamde TAM (Tense Aspect
Mood) systeem van de Awyu-Dumut talen aan bod. Hoofdstuk 6 gaat in op mood in
Awyu-Dumut talen, waarbij de focus ligt op de vele verschillende manieren om
realis mood te realiseren. In hoofdstuk 7 komen alle Awyu-Dumut tijdsvormen
aan de orde, en wederom is er sprake van grote diversiteit. Twee van de vier
Awyu-talen kennen vier verschillende verleden tijden, de zogenaamde historicum
hodiernum, historicum hesternum, historicum distans en de historisch verleden
tijd. De andere twee Awyu-talen hebben drie verleden tijden, terwijl Dumut-talen
één verleden tijdsvorm kennen, en de Kombai-taal zelfs geen. Hoofdstuk 8 belicht
de aspectuele betekenissen die door Awyu-Dumut werkwoorden uitgedrukt kunnen worden, zoals duratieve, habituele en voltooide acties. In Awyu-Dumut talen
wordt net als in het Nederlands een positiewerkwoord gebruikt om aan te geven
dat een actie over een langere tijd plaatsvindt, zoals in bijvoorbeeld ‘zij staat koffie
te drinken’ of ‘hij ligt een boek te lezen.’ Andere Awyu-Dumut aspecten zijn al even
typologisch wijdverbreid of semantisch voor de hand liggend, en zijn daarmee geen
indicatie van genealogische verwantschap.
Hoofdstuk 9 behandelt Awyu-Dumut negatie. Een uitgebreid diachroon pad is
zichtbaar in Awyu talen dat illustreert hoe dubbele negatie tot stand kan komen.
Elk van de vier Awyu talen, evenals Kombai, representeren ieder een fase van de
Jespersen cyclus; afhankelijk van de fase van de Jespersen cyclus waarbinnen een
taal zich bevindt heeft het optionele of verplichte pre-verbale en/of post-verbale
negatiemarkeerders. Dumut talen hebben heel andere negatiestrategieën dan Awyutalen en Kombai, en daarom is het reconstrueren van negatie op het niveau van
Proto Awyu-Dumut niet mogelijk.
In hoofdstuk 10 wordt de morfologie die de plaats van objecten en acties aanduidt besproken. Deze deiktische elementen, die vertaald kunnen worden met
‘hier’, ‘daar’ en ‘ginds’, evolueren in Awyu-Dumut talen tot aanwijswoorden die
vertaald kunnen worden met ‘deze’, ‘die’ en ‘die gindse’. Op hun beurt evolueren
deze aanwijswoorden door tot markeerders van topicaliteit.
Hoofstuk 11 bespreekt hoe Awyu-Dumut talen zinsdelen aan elkaar verbinden,
namelijk door nevenschikking of onderschikking. Nevenschikking en onderschikking zijn twee uiteinden van een continuüm, en meerdere typen nevenschikking
en onderschikking komen voor in Awyu-Dumut talen. De meest karakteristieke
manier om zinsdelen aan elkaar te verbinden is clause chaining, waarbij het eerste
zinsdeel deels afhankelijk is van het tweede zinsdeel. Ook komt switch reference in
dit hoofdstuk aan bod. Awyu-Dumut talen hebben een rudimentair switch reference
systeem, waarbij een onderscheid in de finietheid van werkwoordsvormen grotendeels overeenkomt met een onderscheid in werkwoordsvormen die aangeven of het
eerstvolgende werkwoord eenzelfde of een ander subject heeft.
Het boek sluit af met een terugblik op alle gereconstrueerde vormen, concluderend dat de geschiedenis van een taalfamilie het beste ontrafeld kan worden door
het combineren van verschillende methodes en invalshoeken, en dat ook onderdelen van de morfologie die niet reconstrueerbaar zijn een essentieel onderdeel zijn
van het van verhaal van een taalfamilie.