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2009 Understanding of Religion and the Role Played by Cultural Sociology in the Process Understanding of Religion and the Role Played by Cultural Sociology in the Process Sheila Vaughham (MSc) Master of Science and Candidate to PhD in Sociology at the Isles Internationale Université (European Union) Abstract This paper assesses the contribution of cultural sociology to the understanding of religion from a critical perspective. First it examines and summarizes how three Weber, Durkheim and Marx see the nature of religion as a cultural form. It then looks at various recent theories of religion under globalization. The author then assesses the contribution that these cultural theories give to the understanding of real religious phenomena through examining whether they can help in an understanding of Islamic fundamentalism. S. Vaugham - Understanding of Religion and the Role Played by Cultural Sociology in the Process 269 270 School of Doctoral Studies (European Union) Journal Giddens states that sociological approaches to religion are still strongly influenced by the ideas of the three “classical” sociological theorists - namely Marx, Weber and Durkheim (Giddens, 1996). It is for the above reason that this essay will start off with a critical evaluation of the beliefs that these three “classical” theorists held about religion as a cultural form. Budd claims that Marx was not as interested in religion as he was in other social institutions, and that his views on it were not very different from those of other contemporary radicals (Budd, 1973). To Marx, religion was made by man and corresponded to nothing “super-empirical or internal”. In fact, according to Budd, Marx believed religion was nothing more than a sign of the alienation of man in a society which oppressed and dehumanized him. Marx believed that, because a “liberated” man would feel no need of “metaphysical explanation” on life, religion would disappear in time (Budd, 1973). Budd leads us to believe that to Marx, religion would only change with changes in the relations of production. It would therefore be defeated by the birth of a new social and economic order. (Budd, 1973). Giddens believes that Marx accepted the view that religion represents human self-alienation. He claims that, in Marx’s view, religion in its traditional form will, and should disappear. This does not mean that Marx dismissed religion, it simply means that he believed that the positive values embodied in religion could become guiding ideals for improving society, (Giddens, 1996). In fact, according to Giddens, Marx believed that religion is the “opium of the people” (Giddens, 1996, p464). In other words, Marx believed that religion defers happiness and rewards to the afterlife, teaching the acceptance of existing conditions in this life. This means that attention is diverted away from inequalities and injustices in this life by promising a better future in the Afterlife. In addition to this, Budd believes that Marx thought religion not only reflected the suffering of the working class, but offered a “fantasy escape” from that suffering (Budd, 1973). Marx believed that religion had a very powerful ideological element, and that religious beliefs and values often provide justifications of inequalities of wealth and power (Giddens, 1996). He further claims that religion often has ideological implications which serve to justify the interests of the ruling class at the expense of other subordinate classes (Giddens, 1996). Thus, one can see from the above that Marx viewed religion as just another commodity in the hands of the people who own the means of production (i.e.: it is a tool in the hands of the powerful in order to repress the masses). I believe that Marx’s views of religion are too simplistic. This is because, while Marx’s view on religion does allow one to see in which ways it preserves the status quo, it fails to show in which ways religion can be a catalyst for social change (an issue which will be dealt with later). In addition, Marx’s belief that religion would disappear as society changes and develops is also flawed. This can be seen, as, in the modern era of globalization, many religious groups are stronger now than they ever were in the past. This will be demonstrated in the later discussion on Islamic fundamentalism. Having stated the weaknesses of Marx’s theory of religion, it is important to note that in many ways religion does function to control society. Budd demonstrates this when he says that Many empirical studies of the operation of religious institutions in modern societies suggest that they do fulfill the role Marx claimed for them, that of adjusting people to a social order from which their material gains are so small that a political, even revolutionary, response would seem to be the only reasonable alternative (Budd, 1973, p55). In contrast to Marx, Durkheim spent a large part of his intellectual life studying religion. He concentrates his study of religion on small scale, traditional societies (Giddens, 1996). Durkheim, unlike Marx, does not connect religion primarily with social inequalities or power, but with the “overall nature of the institutions of a society” (Giddens, 1996, p465). He based his work on the study of the totenism practiced by School of Doctoral Studies (European Union) Journal - July, 2009 No. 1 July 2009 Understanding of Religion and the Role Played by Cultural Sociology in the Process Australian aboriginal societies, which he believed represented religion in its most “elementary form” (Giddens, 1996). A totem, according to Giddens, was originally an animal or plant taken as having particular symbolic significance for a religious group. It is a sacred object, “regarded with veneration and surrounded by various ritual activities” (Giddens, 1996). Giddens goes on to explain how Durkheim defined religion in terms of a distinction between the “sacred” and the “profane”. He says that sacred objects and symbols are treated as apart from the routine aspects of existence (i.e.: the realm of the profane). As a sacred object, the totem is believed to have divine properties that separate it completely from other animals that might be hunted (Giddens, 1996). Giddens says that Durkheim takes this idea further and claims that totems are sacred as they represent the group itself, and they stand for all the values central to the group or community. This can be seen in the following quote: The reverence that people feel for the totem actually derives from the respect they hold for central social values. In religion, the object of worship is actually society itself (Giddens, 1996). Giddes believes that Durkheim holds that religions are never just a matter of belief, and that all religions involve regular ceremonial and ritual activities, in which a group of believers meet (Giddens, 1996). He further holds that in these collective ceremonials, as sense of group solidarity is affirmed and heightened, as they take the individual away from the concerns of this life (i.e.: the ‘profane social order”) into an elevated sphere in which they feel in contact with higher forces. Durkheim claims that these higher forces (such as totems or gods) are really the expression of the influence of the collectivity over the individual (Giddens, 1996). Giddens goes on to say that, according to Durkheim, ceremony and ritual are essential to binding the members of groups together. This is why rituals and ceremony are found not only in regular situations of worship, but in various life crises at which major social transitions are experienced. He says that Durkheim believed that collective ceremonials reaffirmed groups solidarity in times when people are forced to adjust to major changes in their lives (Giddens, 1996). According to Giddens, Durkheim believed that all small traditional cultures have every aspect of life permeated by religion. He claims Durkheim believed that religious ceremonies both create new ideas and categories of thought and reaffirm existing values. This means that Durkheim believed that religion is not just a series of activities, but that it actually conditions modes of thinking of individuals in traditional societies (Giddens, 1996). Similar to Marx, Durkheim believed that with the development of modern societies, the influence of religion would wane. This is because scientific thinking replaces religious explanation and ceremonial and ritual activities come to occupy only a small part of an individual’s life. However, in contrast to Marx, Durkheim believed that religion in an altered form would continue to exist, since even modern societies would depend on rituals to reaffirm their values and to help create cohesion (Giddens, 1996). I believe that Durkheim’s views on religion are much more useful that Marx’s, because many of the trends he described can be seen in modern religious movements, and they will be demonstrated later in this essay. In contrast to Durkheim, Weber studied religions on a worldwide scale. In fact, Weber made detailed studies of what he called “world religions” - the religions that have attained large numbers of believers and have affected the course of global history (Giddens, 1996). Weber’s writings on religion concentrate on the connection between religion and social change. His work contrasts to that of Marx since Weber argues that religion is not only a conservative force, but that religiously inspired movements can inspire social change (Giddens, 1997). Giddens claims that Weber saw his study of the world religions as a single project, and that his study of the impact of Protestantism on the development of the West is part of a S. Vaugham - Understanding of Religion and the Role Played by Cultural Sociology in the Process 271 272 School of Doctoral Studies (European Union) Journal comprehensive attempt to understand the influence of religion on social and economic life in varying cultures (Giddens, 1997). In his comparison of the different world religions, Weber points out that in traditional China and India there was at certain periods a significant development of commerce, manufacture and urbanism. However, these did not generate the radical patterns of social change involved in the rise of industrial capitalism in the West. This is because the religion found in these parts of the world inhibited such change. In contrast to this, Weber believed that Christianity has a “revolutionary aspect”. This means that while the religions of the East cultivate an attitude of passivity towards the existing order within the believer, Christianity involves a constant struggle against sin. Hence, it can stimulate revolt against the existing order of the status quo (Giddens, 1996). To me, Weber’s work is the most comprehensive and convincing of the three “classical theorists” dealt with in this essay. This is because he looks at religion on a worldwide scale, comparing and contrasting different religions in different cultures and examining how these different religions affected the development of the cultures themselves. I must stress, however, that I think that the fact that Weber did not actually ever experience these different cultures personally, but researched them using the work of others, means that his work might be flawed. The above has briefly summarized the views of the three “classical” sociological theorists that will be dealt with in this essay. It has briefly assessed what each of them believed, showing in which ways their theories are useful and in which ways they are not. This essay will now look at modern theorists’ beliefs about religion and its relationship with the global world. The first modern theorist that will be discussed is Keith Roberts. Roberts says that during the last fifty years, societies around the world have undergone radical, fundamental changes. He says that each society and nation has become less isolated and autonomous (Roberts, 1995). Roberts says that globalization involves several interdependent processes. First, it involves a structural interdependence of nation-states. Second, it involves a synthesis and crossfertilization of cultures as societies borrow ideas, technologies, artistic concepts, mass media procedures, and definitions of human rights from one another. Third, it involves a change in socialization to a broader inclusiveness of others as being “like us” and to a sense of participation in the global culture. Finally, it involves an increase in individualism, accompanied by a decrease in traditional mechanisms of control (Roberts, 1995). In terms of religion under globalization, Roberts claims that an interesting religious development of the global era is what he calls “the increase of global perspectives in the theologies and ethical systems of major world religions” (Roberts, 1995, p399). He goes on to explain that many sociologists believe that the recent phenomenon of accommodation and tolerance of other religious traditions is the result of increased global interdependence. In other words, as people are forced to trade and interact with people in other parts of the world controlling important resources, it becomes apparent that judgmental attitude implying the inferiority of others (or a self righteous posture regarding one’s own moral and spiritual values) is unacceptable (Roberts, 1995). Roberts sates that religions can no longer ignore global interdependence and the fact that the world is becoming “a single sociocultural place”, and that the global cultural diversity compels churches to accept pluralism as the first step towards accommodation of diverse people and alternative social systems (Roberts, 1995). Roberts goes on to explain how globalization involves three important processes that have an effect on religion. These three processes are: secularization of social structures and cultures, the introduction of advanced and complex communication technologies, and the changing demographic migration patterns (Roberts, 1995). According to Roberts, secularization involves a rational, utilitarian, and empirical approach to decision making, so that the world becomes “de-spiritualized”. It also involves institutional differentiation and increased autonomy of various School of Doctoral Studies (European Union) Journal - July, 2009 No. 1 July 2009 Understanding of Religion and the Role Played by Cultural Sociology in the Process institutions from religious domination (Roberts, 1995). He goes on to say that as societies modernize, religious institutions are often relegated to a less influential role in social life. This means that official religious pronouncements compete with the state to define what encompasses acceptable social behaviour (Roberts, 1995). McGuire believes that secularization is not a foolproof concept. She claims it is imprecise and broad, and lends itself to “nonobjective discussions”. She goes on to say that the concept of secularization is not very useful as it implies a unilinear historical development - i.e.: the inevitable decline of religion and religiosity. Since the nature of social change is far more complex, and religion is thoroughly embedded in so many facets of society, a unilinear interpretation cannot portray the complex ways religion reciprocally influences society (McGuire, 1992). Further, McGuire believes that, the data often used to substantiate secularization are based on narrow definitions of religion that does not incorporate new forms that religion might take in the future (McGuire, 1992). Roberts explains that the improved communication technologies found in the global era can have major impacts on religion. He says that technologies of various sorts usually originate in the West, and push for improved competition and social change. Since religious groups often protect traditions, the traditional religious groups either “feel besieged or are forced to adapt and to develop some form of process theology that embraces change” (Roberts, 1995, p404). He explains how mass communication has been used effectively by Islamic leaders to communicate their message. This means that through the availability of mass media, official monotheistic Islam has spread to the country, where “folk versions” of Islam or non-Islamic deities have prevailed (Roberts, 1995). Roberts does, however, point out that the media can have a negative effect on traditional religions such as Islam. This is because the media introduces Western consumerist ideals. It is for this reason that even though the orthodox leaders tend to see the benefits that the improved media network can have fundamentalists are more likely to attack the media with its intrusive consumerism, even (Roberts, 1995). Roberts claims that religious groups often make up multinational conglomerates. An example of this is the way that the Roman Catholic Church is an international body that has members located all around the world, in many different nations. The political influence of religious groups is well summed up by Roberts: “the vitality of religion is frequently connected to its functions for ethnic identity or for the mobilization of political power of an ethnic or regional group” (Roberts, 1995, p406). In fact, Roberts goes on to say that the role religion plays in solidifying ethnic identity may be even more important for religions in pluralistic societies, where “supernatural sanction of one’s own culture helps fend off anomie” (Roberts, 1995). In addition to the above, McGuire identifies other global trends that have impacted on religion in modern societies. She claims that institutional differentiation has had a major effect on religion in modern times. This is the process by which “the various institutional spheres in society become separated from each other, with each institution performing specialized functions”(McGuire, 1992, p251). In contrast to complex societies, simple, traditional societies’ beliefs, values and practices of religion directly influence behaviour in all other spheres of life. In complex societies on the other hand, each institutional sphere has gradually become differentiated from others (McGuire, 1992). In fact, in a highly differentiated social system, the norms, values and practices of the religious sphere have only indirect influence on the other spheres such as education and business. McGuire claims that this is evidence of the declining influence of religion (McGuire, 1992). McGuire also introduces the term legitimacy, which she defines as “the basis of authority of individuals or institutions, by which they can expect their pronouncements to be taken seriously”(McGuire, 1992, p253). She then says that legitimacy is not an inherent quality, but is based on the acceptance of an individual’s claims by others (McGuire, 1992). S. Vaugham - Understanding of Religion and the Role Played by Cultural Sociology in the Process 273 274 School of Doctoral Studies (European Union) Journal She states that the location of religion in contemporary society reflects changes in the basis of legitimacy within that society. This means that stable societies typically have stable sources of legitimacy. Religion legitimates authority in traditional societies by its “pervasive interrelationship” with all other aspects of society (McGuire, 1992). McGuire believes that, in contemporary society, the differentiation process has resulted in competition and conflict among various sources of legitimacy that are available (McGuire, 1992). Historically, religions were monolithic. This means they established the worldview of their society, and had the monopoly over the ultimate legitimization of individual and collective life (McGuire, 1992). McGuire introduces the term Pluralism to refer to the modern global societal situation in which no single worldview holds a monopoly. McGuire claims that pluralism can be used in a narrower sense - to describe the political and societal tolerance of competing versions of truth. She then says that pluralism, in both this limited sense and in the broader sense has an effect on religion. Where worldviews coexist and compete as plausible alternatives to each other, the credibility of all is undermined. In other words, “the pluralistic situation relativizes the competing worldviews and deprives them of their taken-forgranted status” (McGuire, 1992, p255). This has a very important effect in society. In a pluralistic situation, worldviews and authoritative claims compete and this results in the diffusion of sources of legitimacy among many agents in society, thus possibly breaking up the social order found in that society (McGuire, 1992). McGuire develops this argument further and tells us that the instability of sources of legitimacy can encourage the formation of minority groups, who challenge the ruling social order “through a development of their own particular views and symbols (McGuire, 1992). A good example of what McGuire is talking about here could be the Islamic Fundamentalists that will be discussed later in the essay. McGuire goes on to show how a religious movement that arises in response to social change may itself help bring about social change. She believes that, depending on certain situation that could be present or absent in different contexts, religion can either prevent social change, or it can encourage it (McGuire, 1992) She claims that there is something inherently conservative about religion. This is because religious beliefs consist of taken for granted truths that can build a strong force against new ways of thinking. These practices that people believe are handed down from God are very resistant to change. She also believes that religion is often used by the dominant classes to legitimize the status quo, as well as the specific roles and personal qualities that are found in that society (McGuire, 1992) McGuire goes on to demonstrate how religion, under the right circumstances can promote social change. She attributes this to the effectiveness religion has in uniting people’s beliefs with their actions, and by promising a better future with its vision of the way the world should be (McGuire, 1992). Another aspect of religion that can contribute to social change is the capacity of religious meanings to serve as symbols for change, since they often present an image of a utopic future. They therefore create a vision of what could be and suggest to believers that they all have a role to play in bringing about this change (McGuire, 1992). She goes on to explain that social change often requires an effective leader who can express desired change, motivate followers to action and direct their actions into some larger movement for change. McGuire believes that religion often is a major source of such leaders, largely because religious claims form a potent basis of authority (McGuire, 1992). McGuire expresses that the social unity that religion brings to a group of people is empowering. She thus believes that the followers of a charismatic, religious leader may experience a sense of power in their relationship with the leader and with fellow believers that will enable them to apply a new order to their social world (McGuire, 1992). McGuire claims that certain qualities of some religious beliefs and practices make them more likely too effect change than other religions. School of Doctoral Studies (European Union) Journal - July, 2009 No. 1 July 2009 Understanding of Religion and the Role Played by Cultural Sociology in the Process These religions would emphasize a critical standard position that poses an internal challenge to the existing social arrangements. In addition, ethical standards also provide a basis for internal challenge to the existing social arrangements. Furthermore, the content of the norms and ethical standards found within a religion would influence the minds of resulting social action (McGuire, 1992). Finally, she claims that the way in which an individual’s perception of their social situation would be heavily influenced by the way that their religion defines that reality. This means that believers are unlikely to try and change a situation that their religion has defined as one that humans are powerless to change. It is important to realize that the opposite also applies (McGuire, 1992). The final condition that she gives is if religious modes of action are the only channel that people have for affecting their social world. This means that economic dissatisfaction and political dissent may be expressed in religious terms and resolved through religious modes of action (McGuire, 1992). The above has summarized the ways in which several modern theorists view religion as a cultural form in the post-modern, global era. One can see that the ideas of Marx Weber and Durkheim have all been used and developed in these modern theories. The essay will now briefly examine how these theories can be used to understand fundamentalism in general, and Islamic fundamentalism in particular. On the subject most pertinent to this essay, Roberts claims that religious fundamentalism in the twentieth century is not a process unique to a single religious tradition or society. This means that it cannot be interpreted simply in light of local or national events, nor in terms of characteristics of any given religion. He believes that the cause for fundamentalism is global, and appears to be a reaction against global modernization and secularization (Roberts, 1995). He then goes on to list what he calls the “several features of the global process” which cause fundamentalism (Roberts, 1995). Firstly, he believes that the increased pluralism and relativity in the increasingly diverse global world is threatening the traditions that always protected the absoluteness of norms and values. In other words, “the idea of alternative lifestyles being tolerable is offensive to those who are so certain that they alone know ‘the truth’” (Roberts, 1995, p402). The second feature is what Roberts calls “fear of economic interdependence on other people”. This he claims stimulates a desire to reassert autonomy and to proclaim one’s uniqueness. This means that fundamentalism is in part, an attempt to “reestablish isolation and independence from the world system” (Roberts, 1995). The third feature Roberts gives is that fundamentalism represents a reaction against institutional differentiation that characterizes the global era. He says that fundamentalist groups are convinced that the acceptance of globalization will involve the death of their traditional culture (Roberts, 1995). The fourth feature of fundamentalism Roberts identifies is that they are often counteractions against religious reforms. To explain what he means by this, he uses a case study of Iran as it went through modernization. He claims that official Islam in that country became liberated from folk versions and emphasized a universalistic monotheism. However, it also embraces aspects of secularization. As conservatists rejected modernization in favour of traditionalism, they also rejected the new interpretation of Islam. They did this by forming a new, “literalistic and uncompromising” interpretation of Islam (Roberts, 1995). Kamal and Samatar claim that the rise of Islam in its fundamental form as in its other forms is a response to a double alienation. The first is a feeling of “being subjected to the logic of the modern world system, but not being of modernity”. In other words, many Muslims believe that they are objects in the constitution of modernism, and do not have any agency to effect their own social world (Pasha & Samatar, 19??). The second alienation is located in the domestic context where both “civil associations and the state are in some form of decomposition”. They claim that when people are confronted by relentless material deprivations, repressive and inept policies, and constant cultural dislocation, many of them feel compelled to take S. Vaugham - Understanding of Religion and the Role Played by Cultural Sociology in the Process 275 276 School of Doctoral Studies (European Union) Journal part in drastic rethinking and thus fundamentalism (Pasha & Samatar, 19??). Beckford puts forward a set of ideas that have major implications for the way in which religion can be understood in different types of societies (i.e.: post-industrial and post-modern society). These ideas are associated with various Marxist and quasi-Marxist scholars. Beckford claims that what these scholars have in common is the belief that, as a result of basic transformations in the structure of capitalist societies the new post-structural stage, “new social movements” have began to attain major importance (Beckford, 1989). This means that, whereas the dominant conflicts of industrial society, according to Marx were supposed to have arisen from the contradictions between capital and labour, it is now believed that capitalism has undergone such major transformations that the site of the dominant social conflicts are now over the struggle for quality of life and the social make-up of society in the future (Beckford, 1989). Beckford defines these new social movements as: Forms of collective action and sentiment which are based on feelings of solidarity and which engage in conflict in order to break the meanings of the system of social relations in which they operate (Beckford, 1989, p144). It is my belief that Islamic fundamentalism can be seen according to the above definition of new social movements. Another contribution that Beckford makes is that he explained why Marxist and Quasi Marxist theories have shifted their concentration from economic based conflicts to culturally based conflicts. He says that this shift has occurred because in post-industrial societies, the social system is no longer based solely on an economic base. Instead it is run by means of informal systems that are designed to ensure the markets and resources are efficiently exploited (Beckfoird, 1989). This means that the old struggles for working class participation in the system and for minimal standards of living have been replaced by new struggles over meaning and value of the social process as a whole (Beckford, 1989). The second reason for this shift is that, whereas in the past class conflicts were fought in “symbolic media” and were therefore only partly cultural, the new movements are primarily and directly cultural (Beckford, 1989). It is my belief that the above shift can be seen in action in the case of Islamic fundamentalism. According to the Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia, the Islamic world began to experience the increasing “pressure of the military and political power and technological advances of the modern West” as early as the 18th century (Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia, 1996). It goes on to say that it became clear that at the economic and technical level at least, the world of Islam had fallen behind. The reason why this rocked the Islamic world so greatly was because the Western countries were mainly Christian. This meant that the Islamic belief that Islam is the final revelation, supplanting Christianity was being questioned by Islam’s failure to lead the world into the future (Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia, 1996). The religious crisis felt by many Muslims was further developed in the 20th century with the creation of the state of Israel in an area regarded as “one of the heartlands” of Islam. This crisis caused two responses by the Muslim world. Firstly, many people argue that Islam needs to be modernized and reformed, while the second response is to revert to the old, traditional Islamic way of life (Microsoft Encarta, 1996). These people believe that the crisis faced by Islam is a result of the” willingness of many Muslims to follow the false ideas and values of the modern secular West”. They therefore believe that what is needed is a reassertion of traditional values. They further claim that the crisis of Islam is the result of the corruption of Muslim governments and the growth of secularization and Western influence in the Muslim world (Microsoft Encarta, 1996). Often those that argue in this way believe in the use of violence in the cause of overthrowing unjust and corrupt governments, and it is this approach that is referred to as Islamic fundamentalism (Microsoft Encarta, 1996). School of Doctoral Studies (European Union) Journal - July, 2009 No. 1 July 2009 Understanding of Religion and the Role Played by Cultural Sociology in the Process In terms of the major case study that will be used in this essay (i.e.: the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in Algeria), another important point needs to be made. The Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia claims that the FIS political party found in Algeria (which will be referred to later) has emerged with the objective of installing what it sees as a “proper Islamic government”, running a state based on Islamic law (Microsoft Encarta, 1996). It can therefore be described as an Islamic fundamentalist party. This essay will now examine the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in Algeria. Arjomand begins his article by identifying the processes of social change which he believes are likely to strengthen disciplined religiosity and, under the right conditions, to give rise to movements for “orthodox reform and renewal of Islam” (Arjomand, 1986). He identifies five such processes. The first he calls “integration into the international system” (such as Western colonialism and the advent of Christian missionary activities). The second he refers to as “ the development of transport, communication and the mass media”. The third is urbanization. The fourth is the spread of literacy and education and the last process he notes is the incorporation of the masses into the political society (Arjomand, 1986). He goes on to say that with the advent of books and newspapers, a public sphere in which the literate members of society could participate was created. This sphere was then extended to include some of the semi-literate through the “institution of public debates and lectures” (Arjomand, 1986, p88). It was this arrival of the media of communication that gave rise to certain religious movements (Arjomand, 1986). This can be seen in the above sections on the importance of the rise of the media and its effects on religion. Where Arjomand takes this further is his belief that, when one looks at the case study that will be used in this essay (i.e.: Islamic fundamentalism in Algeria), one can see the effect of the “channels of physical communication” - such as roads - had on the spread and movement of the Islamic doctrine. Arjomand claims that the non-existence of good roads caused the expansion of orthodox reformism to be limited. He demonstrates how, when transport was improved in West Africa after the Second World War, the spread of Islamic doctrine along the newly improved roads was dramatically increased. He even claims that the cheaper and safer cost of transport has increased the number of pilgrims to Mecca, which in turn contributes to the spread of Islam in West Africa (Arjomand, 1986). In terms of urbanization, Arjomand claims that cities throughout history have been the center of Islamic (and Jewish and Christian) piety. He also claims that social dislocation such as migration from villages to towns is accompanied by increased religious practice (Arjomand, 1986). He then gives an impressive array of statistics that show that the rapid urbanization of Iran and Turkey has been accompanied by an increase in the level and intensity of religious activities, as well as with a multifaceted revival of Islam (Arjomand, 1986). Arjomand shows that, coupled with the rapid urbanization comes another important condition for the development of Islamic Fundamentalism: the spread of literacy. He claims that the increase in literacy seems to increase the interest in religion and seems to run independently of urbanization. He demonstrates how the spread of literacy coincides with the expansion of higher education, and that a close connection between higher education and Islamic activism also seems to exist (Arjomand, 1986). The above has demonstrated the contribution that the above sociologists have made to the theoretical understanding of fundamentalism in general. It will now demonstrate how many of the phenomena and processes mentioned above can be found in the real-life case study of the rise of Islamic fundamentalism found in Algeria. Spencer claims that Islamic fundamentalism, and the popularity of Islamic political bodies that are found in Algeria arose because of several key concepts that have already been discussed. She says that since its independence from France in 1962, the Algerian state had been associated with a “secularized, modernizing and socialist path of development” (Spencer, 1996). This shows how the Algerian state was effected by the processes of secularization and modernization which have been discussed above, and which we have seen can lead S. Vaugham - Understanding of Religion and the Role Played by Cultural Sociology in the Process 277 278 School of Doctoral Studies (European Union) Journal members of a society to search for meaning in life, and possibly to tenaciously hold on to religion. Spencer goes on to say that the urban riots of October 1988 (which are often thought of as an Islamic demonstration) were actually not Islamic in nature. They were actually a protest against unemployment, economic hardship and the “rigors of reforms that affected the young and poor more than they affected the vested interests at the center of the one-party state” (Spencer, 1996, p93). It is very interesting to note that the above demonstrates a point put forward by McGuire, when she states that religion can often cause social change if it is the only channel open to people who are unhappy with other aspects of social life. The reason why the above phenomenon can be seen in the essay is that it effectively demonstrates that what at first glance looked like a religious riot was actually a protest against conditions found in the society that the masses were not happy with, but had no avenue other than religion in which to express their views. Spencer alludes to this when she says that: More than any other Islamist groups, the FIS not only galvanized the opposition of the young and the unemployed to the existing single-party government, but also revived forms of Islamic expression rooted in earlier periods of Algerian history (Spencer, 1996, p93). The situation found in Algeria again demonstrates a point raised earlier, which claims that a major reason why religion can be a catalyst for social change is because of its unifying effect on people. This process can be seen in Spencer’s article when she claims that the political party the FIS (Front Islamique du Salut) “predominated over other Islamist parties through the ability of its leaders to draw several trends of thought and activism together under a single, mobilizing, populist umbrella” (Spencer, 1996, p94). She further enhances this point by pointing out that both moderates and radicals (i.e.: different types of people that would have had no other avenue in which they could work together) supported the FIS, along with other people who were “committed simply to undermining the governmental hegemony of the single party state” (Spencer, 1996, p94). Spencer demonstrates how Islam has always been used by people in Algeria to contest the legitimacy of the given status quo in Algeria’s political history. She claims that different political and social groups have fought different political issues through the common medium of Islam, and have drawn their strength from the appeals and values of Islam (Spencer, 1996). Spencer’s article shows the effect of the communication networks, and urbanization process had on the rise of the Islamism found in Algeria. This is demonstrated when she shows how Islamic leaders used the mosques and “maquis” to protest against “the degradations of urban life through the propagation of a new vision of Islamist social and political morality” (Spencer, 1996, p97). Zoubir adds to this by claiming that the mosques provided a political base for the fundamentalist movements (Zoubir, 1998). Zoubir also shows that the increase of religious programs of television and radio ensured that the population observed and understood the precepts of Islam, and Islamic thought became entrenched in the society (Zoubir, 1998). Spencer further demonstrates how the FIS used Islam as a means to create social change when she says that the leaders of the FIS not only presented radical alternatives directed at the mass of the population, but they also had the means to propagate their message swiftly. This was due to a campaign of privately and publicly sponsored mosque building, and the building of Islamic universities. This meant that people in Algeria had access to these centers of learning, thus expanding the domain of higher education (Spencer, 1996). This move to higher education, as has been demonstrated above, opens the door of opportunity for large groups of people to join and participate in fundamentalism. According to Zoubir, the rise of radical fundamentalism in Algeria is difficult to explain since a close relationship between religion and politics has always existed in Algeria. This means that Islam is not only a religion, but it is also the School of Doctoral Studies (European Union) Journal - July, 2009 No. 1 July 2009 Understanding of Religion and the Role Played by Cultural Sociology in the Process basis of the Algerian identity and culture (Zoubir, 1998). He goes on to demonstrate how the state in Algeria used Islam to legitimize its rule, and he does this through the use of the Durkheimian view of symbols and meanings: “the state resorted to Islamic symbols to establish and reproduce its legitimacy” (Zoubir, 1998p 123). Zoubir goes on to show how Islam became a cornerstone for Algerians to resist and protest French colonial rule. He claims that the brutality with which the colonial authorities expropriated the main local religious institutions left a mark on the Algerian population. He continues that the coercion to which the French resorted in order to establish its “cultural hegemony” as well as its contempt for the native population and its values gives one an explanation as to why Algerians clung to Islam as their distinct cultural identity (Zoubir, 1998). Zoubir demonstrates what he believes was the cause of Islamic fundamentalism in Algeria. He believes that the reason for its rise in Algeria was due to the Weberian term “disenchantment of the world” (which is caused by modern science) (Zoubir, 1998). He defines a fundamentalist as “someone who has become conscious of the acute inequalities, but who is also convinced that the current strategies of development will not succeed in alleviating them” (Zoubir, 1998, p131). He goes on to show how fundamentalist organizations fulfilled the needs of the masses by providing structures that adequately replaced the “old, communitarian” ones. This meant that, by providing such structures, the fundamentalist groups enabled the alienated individual to regain a global image of the self within a community of people with similar beliefs (i.e.: Islam) (Zoubir, 1998). Zoubir believes that Algeria at this time was dominated by a population of youths who felt betrayed by their government, one which was not capable of providing adequate services (such as education, housing and employment). This meant that the youth rejected all the “founding myths and symbols” of the Algerian nation (Zoubir, 1998). This coupled with the modernization process occurring in Algeria meant that the state lost its legitimacy and credibility in the eyes of the people (Zoubir, 1998). One can conclude from the above that cultural sociology contributes greatly to the understanding of religion. This has been demonstrated through a look at how several cultural sociological theories can be used to understand the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in Algeria. It is important to realize that the discussion on the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in Algeria has been simplified in this essay due to space constraints. It is also important to realize that the work of the classical social theorists on religion had a heavy influence on many of the ideas of the modern social theorists. This can also be seen in the above essay. References Arjomand, S.A. (1986). 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