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This report describes the educational, occupational, and familial behavior a panel of sixty-four women exhibited during the first seven yearsfollowing their college graduation. Their career patterns are compared with the aspirations they held as seniors in college. The findings reveal high consistency between senior aspirations and actual behavior on some items, e.g., mariage and graduate school, but less consistency on others, including occupational choice. Generally the women worked more often and had children less frequently than they had anticipated. The actual life style patterns of these women and their aspirations for the future result from the fact that women pursue a contingency strategy in organizing their adult lives. Women’s Career Aspirations and Achievements COLLEGE AND SEVEN YEARS AFTER ELIZABETH M. ALMQUIST North Texas State University SHIRLEY S. ANGRIST Pittsburg Plate Glass Industries RICHARD MICKELSEN Carnegie—Mellon University Holland, ’-heories of occupational choice (Ginzberg et al., 1951; 1966; Super, 1953)lead to the prediction that once college students commit themselves to an occupational preference they are likely to pursue it after college (Pietrofesa and Splete, 1975; Crites, 1969). Elsewhere we argued that such Authors’ Note: This article is a revised version of a paper presented at the American Sociological Association Meetings, Chicago, 1977. The research reported herein was supported by a grant from the Faculty Research Council, North Texas State Univer- sity. SOCIOLOGY OF WORK AND OCCUPATIONS, Vol 7 No. 3, August @ 1980 Sage Publications, Inc 367 Downloaded from wox.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016 368 prediction may not apply to women because they try to juggle occupational preferences with marital and familial aspirations (Angrist and Almquist, 1975). Furthermore, for educated men, work and career are synonymous-but for women, choosing a field of work is not the same as committing oneself to a career. Most women still marry and married women still tend to give family priority, pursuing a &dquo;contingency&dquo; strategy. Thus, they fit paid work around the demands of husband and children, rarely giving work the priority than men characteristically do. But perhaps the feminist movement and national equal employment opportunity goals have changed all this. In this new supportive climate, perhaps young women now give priority to work, and by organizing their lives around work treat it a as &dquo;career.&dquo; College graduates, including married women with preschoolaged children, have been in the forefront of women’s revolutionary march into the labor force (Almquist, 1977; Darian, 1976). However, there are a number of continuing conditions which decrease the probability that women, even college graduate women with specific career training, will be able to easily and continuously pursue paid employment. For women, having a college degree increases the likelihood of having a marital role that makes working difficult.Female college graduates typically marry men with substantial incomes which reduces the absolute need for wives to work. These high income families have relatively few children but they expect to produce &dquo;quality&dquo; children which requires that mothers devote an enormous amount of time and energy to them (Becker and Lewis, 1973). Moreover, middle and upper-middle class families expect gracious entertaining and elaborate consumption patterns, so that the number and complexity of household tasks for these women is greater than in lower income families (Galbraith, 1973; Huber, 1976; Angrist et al., 1976). In addition, high status males are likely to make a number of job-related moves, and their wives may stop working after migrating because they Downloaded from wox.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016 369 suitable job in the new city (Long, 1974; Miller, 1966). Finally, there has been no long-term increase in the availability of part-time jobs which would make it more plausible to combine work with the demands of marital and family roles (Darian, 1976). Along with the steady increase in women’s labor force participation rates, there has been a virtual explosion of studies that address the phenomenon. One line of studies analyzes women students’ aspirations and documents their increasing preference for work (Tangri, 1972; Osipow, 1975; Parelius, 1975; McLaughlin et al., 1976; Brito and Jusenius, 1978; O’Donnell and Anderson, 1978). Another line suggests links between women’s fertility aspirations and their plans for paid work (Waite and Stolzenberg, 1976). Still other studies focus on mature women in order to assess the relationship between paid employment and a number of variables such as education, family income, children’s ages, and sex role attitudes (e.g., Macke et al., 1978). These surveys assist in understanding why some women work and others do not, but because they are not longitudinal studies,2 they do not describe the manner in which career aspirations developed during college influence labor force participation rates nor do they reveal the extent to which women are able to implement in adult life the aspirations expressed in college. We believe that aspirations developed during college do influence women’s career patterns and that career choicesboth the decision to work and the specific job chosen-are embedded in a larger array of life-style choices. This article reflects these assumptions by reporting on a panel of women who were studied both as college seniors and as adults seven years later. We investigate the extent to which their college aspirations are carried out in adult life and we portray their postcollege life style in terms of the relative emphasis they have given to further education, work, family life, and leisure cannot find a pursuits. Downloaded from wox.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016 370 PROCEDURES studied were part of one class in the women’s college of a private urban university. They majored in a variety of fields-home economics, humanities, social sciences, and natural sciences. The class, which graduated in 1968, was studied intensively over the four years of college in terms of role development and career aspirations. Descriptions of this class and results based on their college years are reported in detail elsewhere (Almquist and Angrist, 1970, 1971; Angrist The women and Almquist, 1975; Angrist, 1972a, 1972b). In this article we report on 64 women who were in the senior class of 116 and who responded to the follow-up questionnaire in 1975, seven years after college. The 64 respondents are 55% of the seniors. The nonrespondents were predominantly women who could not be found through either alumni records or the home address during college. Comparison of the 64 respondents with the 52 nonrespondents on selected senior year variables showed no significant differences; the two groups were comparable in college majors, grades, marital status, occupational choices, graduate school plans, career salience, and mother’s employment status. The similarity between respondents and nonrespondents indicates that the 64 women in the follow-up sample are representative of the total senior class. ASPIRATIONS AND ACTUALITY FAMILIAL ASPIRATION AND ACTUALITY All the seniors had wanted to marry, but of the 64, not all had married by the time of follow-up-only 80% had done so. As seniors, about two-thirds had preferred to be married by the age of 23. We find some tendency for those who had preferred to marry soon after college to be married at the seven year follow-up (86%); those who had wanted to wait until age 24 or Downloaded from wox.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016 371 were somewhat less likely to be married (68%). Along with their eagerness to marry, nearly all these women had expected to have children-95% had said so. Of those who wanted to have children, only two-thirds were parents at the time of the follow-up study. Although the discrepancies between familial aspirations and actual life choices by age 28 are noteworthy, the shifts in attitudes are far more striking. Responses to a five-item measure called Sex Role Ideology, which taps attitudes toward the division of labor in domestic tasks between husband and wife, show radical change. Whereas 44% as seniors scored in the traditional half of the scale, no one among the alumnae did so-all the formerly traditional respondents became modern in outlook, favoring an egalitarian division of labor in the household. older EDUCATION The desire for postgraduate education characterized 73% of the seniors. As adult women, we found that 79% of those who had intended to pursue graduate or professional education had done so. Overall, 74% of these women were rather consistent in fulfilling these aspirations: most of those planning to attend graduate school had done so and most of those not planning to had indeed not done so. The other 26% changed their mindssome went to graduate school despite lack of earlier plans, others who had hoped to get advanced training did not get n. WORK In the realms of marriage, children, and advanced training, some of these women fell short of their aspirations. By contrast, in the realm of employment, most exceeded their earlier plans. Whereas about 59% of seniors had expected to work, 72% of the alumnae were working at the time of the follow-up and only 5% had not worked at all since graduation. Downloaded from wox.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016 372 While their occupational choices were varied at both stages in their lives, in general, their actual fields tend to differ from their original ones. Senior occupational preferences were compared with the occupations pursued after college. They were rated &dquo;consistent&dquo; if half or more of the woman’s jobs were in the same or in fields closely related to that of her senior occupational preference and if the level was generally the same at both stages. Of 58 women, 34 (59%) worked in quite different fields than they had intended.3 For example, a potential bacteriologist became a computer systems analyst after working as a lab technician, and a teacher became manager of a small bookstore. Many changed fields, but there is no clear rise or decline in the prestige level of their actual occupations. Using the Duncan Index to compare the prestige of their senior occupational preference with their actual jobs, we find about as many moving up as moving down. For example, one woman who wanted to be a decorator became an assistant professor in a university and another who wanted to be a professor was working as a secretary. Considering occupational choice in terms of fields typical or atypical for women, we find that these women stay rather consistently in one or the other category (Table 1). Typical occupations are those which had more than one-third women because the 1960 Census reported that one-third of the labor female.4 If women were distributed in each occupation in proportion to their representation in the labor force, each occupation would have one-third women. Any occupation with less than one-third women was termed &dquo;atypical&dquo; for women. Women who picked &dquo;typical&dquo; fields as seniors, such as dietetics or teaching, usually worked in such fields after college. Those who preferred atypical fields, such as textiles research scientist or technical writer, tended to stay in such fields. Perhaps their original choices lock women into a few fields. Overall, 70% are consistent on the typicality dimension. In addition to their changes in occupational choices, panel members have also changed some of their work values. They force was Downloaded from wox.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016 373 TABLE1 Changes in Typicality of Occupational Choice* *McNemar Test for the Significance of Change = 1.895, Not significant. asked about the importance of eight features of an occupation at both time periods. As Table 2 shows, they value work that offers freedom from close supervision noticeably more, but they now care less about high income, security, and pleasing parents. But it is also interesting that some values remain important over time. These are &dquo;work with people&dquo; and &dquo;use special abilities.&dquo; were CHANGES IN WORK ASPIRATIONS The generally increased emphasis on work is also reflected in the increased willingness to work despite familial obligations. Substantial change occurs toward favoring gainful employment even when children are young and the husband’s salary is adequate (see Table 3). The most dramatic shift is from great reluctance to work if one had preschool children to willingness to do so. But sizeable shifts occur for five of the seven conditions presented. Thus regardless of the number of children, their ages, and the husband’s salary, these women have clearly changed their minds about working: most are now willing to work despite family conditions which make work outside the home difficult, and despite not needing the money. Downloaded from wox.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016 374 TABLE 2 Changes in Work Values *Responses ranged from 1 = completely unimportant to 5 = very important. Percent important includes responses 4 or quite important and 5 or very important. **Based on the McNemar Test, for the Significance of Change, two-tailed. This strong trend toward preference for working is reflected in another way. One question posed the following conditions: &dquo;Assume that you are trained for the occupation of your choice, that you are married and have children, and that your husband earns enough so that you never have to work unless you want to. Under these conditions, which of the following would you prefer: to participate in clubs or volunteer work; to spend time on hobbies, sports, or other activities; to work part-time in your chosen occupation; to work full-time in your chosen occupation; to concentrate on home or family.&dquo; Whereas 14% had chosen clubs, volunteer work, hobbies, and sports as seniors, only 5% did so seven years later. And the 13% who had favored concentrating on home and family dwindled to 4%. Downloaded from wox.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016 375 TABLE 3 Changes in Conditions for Working *Responses ranged from 1 = definitely not to 5 = definitely would. Percent who would work includes responses 4 or probably would and 5 or definitely would. **Based on the McNemar Test for the Significance of Change, two-tailed. The shift to work options from family and leisure pursuits occurred among 22% of the panel. The dramatic growth of willingness to work is muted somewhat by the less emphatic focus on career. In a question that asks how the woman sees herself in the future, we used the term &dquo;career woman&dquo; rather than work and contrasted it with &dquo;housewife.&dquo; We asked: &dquo;Would you like to be a housewife with no children, a housewife with one or more children, an unmarried career woman, a married career woman without Downloaded from wox.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016 376 children, a married career woman with children?&dquo; The answers show some increased preference for the career options (from 58% to 65%) with a noticeable 16% who shifted from wanting housewife with children to wanting to be a career with children. But 35% of these women see themselves as housewives 10 years from now when they will be about 38 years old. It is interesting that 17% who had a career self-image as seniors have come to see themselves as housewives. Despite increased preference for working and increases in actual employment, many women do not have a career self-image. For them work probably means gainful employment rather to be a woman than self-concept as a career woman. LIFE STYLE PATTERNS An eleven item Life Style Index (LSI) was constructed from the responses the total class had given during each of the four years of college. The scale includes several items already discussed here, mostly questions about motivation or willingness to work under different circumstances. (Details of the construction of the Index are in Angrist and Almquist, 1975.) High scores on the LSI indicate high willingness to work, or a career orientation, and low scores reflect low desire to work, or a family orientation. Fifty-two women who had completed the LSI as seniors responded to the follow-up questionnaire. Inventories of the actual life-style patterns of the alumnae do not permit a simple division between careerists and noncareerists. Instead, the women appear to form three groupscareerists, workers, and familists. Careerists are those women who had gone to graduate school or worked continuously since graduation. Most had obtained an advanced degree (M.S., Ph.D., J.D.) and were settling into initial jobs in the fields for which they were trained. Others had not obtained an advanced degree, but had shown a pattern of advancing to more responsible and challenging posts within the same field of work. Very few had entered their particular field Downloaded from wox.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016 377 after making a change from another area of work. Each of the careerists preferred her current field, planned to continue working, or to seek a promotion. About half the women exhibited a clear career pattern during the seven years. Examples of the careerists include Beth who, after a brief as a traveling secretary for a sorority, did graduate work in foods and nutrition and then completed a dietetic internship at a state university medical school. She has worked continuously, first as a dietician and now as a therapeutic clinician in a hospital. Karen began as a social worker, later worked in drug rehabilitation and simultaneously obtained a master’s degree in public health. She is now a community educator in emerstint gency medical services. Most of the career women who hold doctorates are currently assistant professors in academic institutions. An exception is a woman whose doctorate is in neuroendocrinology and who has been employed for two years as a research scientist. It is noteworthy that half of the women careerists are married but none are mothers. Most of these women list &dquo;getting my degree&dquo; or some form of work achievement as their single greatest achievement since leaving college. are women who had been in paid employment for a share of the seven years, but do not show a steady progreslarge sion within a field of work or marked enthusiasm for continuing to work. Most of the women in this group had worked until the arrival of children and then stopped. The remainder are currently employed, usually because their husbands are in graduate school or becaue they want to use their extra time. Twentyeight percent of the respondents exhibited a work pattern over the seven years, but only 12% of the panel were actually employed at the time of the follow-up. Workers Many of in the worker category held jobs as or miscellaneous positions unrelated to their college degrees, e.g., sales or secretarial work. Some had enrolled in graduate school but none had completed a graduate degree. When queried about their accomplishments, the women teachers, social workers, Downloaded from wox.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016 378 responded in terms of job-related achievements. Others expressed disappointment about not finding an occupation or not getting a job that pleased them. Almost all of those women were married, and some had children. some Familists are those women for whom creating a home and raising children are foremost. They had entered paid work only occasionally. Virtually all have one or more children and most have a rich variety of leisure activities including volunteer work, hobbies, and sports. Less than one-fourth of the women showed a seven-year pattern of familial activity, but over onethird are currently living a family-centered life style. All of the familists have at least one child and this group includes all of the women who have two or more children. A few have done no paid work since graduating from college. Others have taught school or done secretarial work, but they terminated their employment before the birth of the first child. An example is Jane who worked as an American secretary in the French embassy for two years, has one five-year-old child, and enjoys gourmet cooking, knitting, and rugmaking as hobbies. She also participates extensively in church activities. Familists frequently say that establishing a home or that motherhood is their single greatest accomplishment since leaving college. When we compare senior year aspirations of these women with their pattern of behavior over the seven years after college according to the above typology (panel I of Table 4), we find some consistency and some inconsistency. Forty-one percent show clear consistency between aspirations and actual life styles and 32% show clear inconsistency, i.e., they are career aspirants with family styles or family aspirants with career styles. But 28% of the class has exhibited the working pattern over the seven years, and they come about equally from career and family aspirers. The women whom we typed as Workers show how contingency factors shape a woman’s life. They fit their work periods around family exigencies, and their geogra- Downloaded from wox.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016 379 phic location often hampers their opportunity to find ble employment. agreea- LOOKING INTO THE FUTURE From responses to several questions about their preferences and plans for the future, we again distinguished three patterns: Careerists (48%) who have definite plans for specific careers; Familists (31%) who are mainly oriented toward rearing children, having leisure activities, and working only occasionally; and Workers (22%) who envision keeping their partial work commitments or returning to the labor force soon, but without a definite career goal (panel 2 of Table 4). Many of them are in a kind of holding pattern; they are waiting until children are in school before resuming paid employment and making definite plans about the specific field of work. Again, the workers TABLE 4 Life Style Aspirations and Patterns Downloaded from wox.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016 380 present strong indications ofpursuing contingency strategy take for granted (Angrist Almquist, 1975). They that they are responsible for rearing their children personally, yet they would like somehow to incorporate work into their lives. At the moment, most cannot predict where they will be living in the future, or what the job opportunities might be. They adopt a &dquo;wait and see&dquo; attitude toward the next few years. and a seem to There are some similarities and some differences between senior year aspirations and alumane future aspirations. Half the alumnae hold the same plans for the future as they held as seniors. Twenty-two percent plan to work and most of these are women who held career aspirations as seniors. Seventeen percent converted from family to career aspirations and a scant 12% defected from career plans as seniors to family plans as alumnae. If those who have future work plans are included among those who are judged consistent, then 71% show consistency between aspiration as seniors and as alumnae. CONCLUSION Since we know of no comparable study of the connection between women’s career aspirations and achievements, there is no established context in which to place these findings. In terms of consistency between aspirations and actual behavior (omitting current attitudes such as work values and the desirability of working under different conditions), we find variability in the degree of consistency among individual items. This variability ranges from a low of 59% who work in the occupations they preferred, through the 74% who fulfilled their plans for graduate school, to the high of 80% who are actually married. Lacking comparable studies, it is impossible to tell whether these rates of consistency are high or low. However, comparisons among the different items tell us something about changes in the class and the degree to which they have been able to implement their aspirations. Downloaded from wox.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016 381 less often marry and less often have children than they had anticipated. But they more often go to graduate school and they spend longer periods in paid employment. One might argue that the society-wide movement toward work and career stems from the failure to fulfill plans for marriage and family. Indeed there are a few &dquo;reluctant&dquo; careerists-women who were initially family oriented but who have not married. On the other hand, a sizable number of the inconsistents are women who converted from noncareer plans to career activity. Attitudinal changes support the claim that genuine conversion to work and career rather than failure has occurred. More alumnae than seniors see themselves as careerists, want to work despite having preschool-aged children, and emphasize the satisfaction to be obtained from work. These changes mirror the trend observed nationally-college-educated mothers of young children have increased their work First, the women dramatically. interesting comparison is between the somewhat low of degree consistency between the specific occupation chosen and actual occupation entered, on one hand, and the higher consistency between preference for typical or atypical occupations and actually working in them, on the other. The findings confirm our earlier assertion (Almquist and Angrist, 1970) that the particular occupation may be a highly changeable matter, rates One but that the choice of masculine or feminine field is more stable. When we consider total life style patterns-how women put together the individual elements-we find somewhat less consistency between aspirations and actual behavior than we found on the individual items. In their seven-year patterns and their current life styles, half the women are clearly fulfilling their expectations. Behavior is always a more stringent test of choice-making than is an expression of intent. It is relatively easy for people to express their aspirations and more difficult, especially for women, to actually implement them. That 50% of Downloaded from wox.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016 382 the alumnae exhibit clear career patterns at this stage in the life remarkably high. The typing of alumnae as careerists, workers, or familists presents intriguing distinctions among the actual patterns these women display. Confirmation of the validity of these cycle seems labels comes from other responses the women make. Careerists very often mention work achievement as their single greatest accomplishment since leaving college while familists point to achieving a statisfying relationship with their husbands or doing a great job of rearing their babies. The worker alumnae enjoy their activities and take pleasure in their job achievement, but overall seem less committed to either career or family. While the typing is meaningful, it also obscures individual variability, indecisiveness, and difficulties in implementing choices. The career women who have trouble finishing a doctorate, who are passed over for promotion, or become unexpectedly pregnant with twins are examples of the difficulties in staying a careerist. Similarly the familists who divorce their husbands or find themselves unable to bear children have difficulty staying out of the labor force. All of the women have been observed during a period in their life cycle that is replete with contingencies. The first few years after college are a time of trying and juggling several options. Women about 27 or 28 years old have considered graduate school, marriage, children, and diverse job opportunities, but they probably have not settled into any one combination yet. It is not too late for them to marry or to have more children, and it is too soon to expect them to have carved out a specific work niche or to have reached the top of their career fields. Predicting the multiple directions women’s lives will assume is more difficult than predicting simply whether they will work or not work, and whether they will marry or not. We have studied several dimensions-how much work, the types of jobs, leisure activity-as well as the strategies women use for combining these with family life. We find that in the seven formative years after college, a high percentage of these women Downloaded from wox.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016 383 fulfill their aspirations-more than half do so. But, seven years after college graduation is too soon to predict the final patterns these women’s lives will take. NOTES some of the references in the following paragraph were suganonymous paper referred for publication. The paper was titled "The Dilemma of Education: Home and Work Rules for Women" and was based on the Manpower Administration’s National Longitudinal Survey of Work Experience conducted by the Bureau of the Census for Herbert Parnes at Ohio State University. 2. Even the National Longitudinal Survey of Work Experience does not test whether women are able to implement the aspirations they developed in school since the women were sampled after they completed their education. 3. Three women chose no occupation as seniors and three others have not worked 1. This theme and gested in an any job since college. 4. Since these women graduated from college in 1968, we used the 1960 census data on occupations for the typicality criterion. However, close checking of the 1970 census data using 40% female as the criterion reveals that none of the occupations included here had changed from typical to atypical or vice versa. 5. The question asked in senior year was "Fifteen years from now, would you like to be...." In the follow-up, it was "Ten years from now, would you like to be...." Both assume that the woman is projecting into her middle or late thirties. at REFERENCES E. M. (1977) "Review essay: women in the labor force." 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LEWIS (1973) ’On the interaction between the quantity and quality of children." J. of Pol. Economy 81: 279-299. BRITO, P. K. and C. L. JUSENIUS ( 1978) "A note on young women’s occupational for age 35." Vocational Guidance Q. 27: 165-175. CRITES, J. O. (1969) Vocational Psychology: The Study of Vocational Behavior and Development. New York: McGraw-Hill. DARIAN, J. C. (1976) "Factors influencing the rising labor force participation rates of married women with pre-school children." Social Sci. Q. 56: 614-630. GALBRAITH, J. K. (1973) Economics and the Public Purpose. Boston: HoughtonMifflin. GINZBERG, E., S. W. GINSBERG, S. AXELROD and J. L. HERMA (1951) Occupational Choice: An Approach to a General Theory. New York: Columbia University Press. HOLLAND, J. L. (1966) "A theory of vocational choice." J. of Counseling Psychology 6: 35-45. HUBER, J. (1976) "Studies in sex stratification." Social Sci. Q. 4: 545-547. LONG, L. H. 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