Download Women`s Career Aspirations

This report describes the educational, occupational, and familial behavior a panel of
sixty-four women exhibited during the first seven yearsfollowing their college graduation. Their career patterns are compared with the aspirations they held as seniors in
college. The findings reveal high consistency between senior aspirations and actual
behavior on some items, e.g., mariage and graduate school, but less consistency on
others, including occupational choice. Generally the women worked more often and
had children less frequently than they had anticipated. The actual life style patterns of
these women and their aspirations for the future result from the fact that women
pursue
a
contingency strategy in organizing their adult lives.
Women’s Career Aspirations
and Achievements
COLLEGE AND SEVEN YEARS AFTER
ELIZABETH M. ALMQUIST
North Texas State University
SHIRLEY S. ANGRIST
Pittsburg Plate Glass Industries
RICHARD MICKELSEN
Carnegie—Mellon University
Holland,
’-heories
of
occupational choice (Ginzberg et al., 1951;
1966; Super, 1953)lead to the prediction that
once college students commit themselves to an occupational
preference they are likely to pursue it after college (Pietrofesa
and Splete, 1975; Crites, 1969). Elsewhere we argued that such
Authors’ Note: This article is a revised version of a paper presented at the American
Sociological Association Meetings, Chicago, 1977. The research reported herein was
supported by a grant from the Faculty Research Council, North Texas State Univer-
sity.
SOCIOLOGY OF WORK AND OCCUPATIONS, Vol 7 No. 3, August
@ 1980 Sage Publications, Inc
367
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368
prediction may not apply to women because they try to juggle
occupational preferences with marital and familial aspirations
(Angrist and Almquist, 1975). Furthermore, for educated men,
work and career are synonymous-but for women, choosing a
field of work is not the same as committing oneself to a career.
Most women still marry and married women still tend to give
family priority, pursuing a &dquo;contingency&dquo; strategy. Thus, they
fit paid work around the demands of husband and children,
rarely giving work the priority than men characteristically do.
But perhaps the feminist movement and national equal
employment opportunity goals have changed all this. In this
new supportive climate, perhaps young women now give priority to work, and by organizing their lives around work treat it
a
as
&dquo;career.&dquo;
College graduates, including married women with preschoolaged children, have been in the forefront of women’s revolutionary march into the labor force (Almquist, 1977; Darian,
1976). However, there are a number of continuing conditions
which decrease the probability that women, even college graduate women with specific career training, will be able to easily
and continuously pursue paid employment. For women, having a
college degree increases the likelihood of having a marital role
that makes working difficult.Female college graduates typically marry men with substantial incomes which reduces the
absolute need for wives to work. These high income families
have relatively few children but they expect to produce &dquo;quality&dquo; children which requires that mothers devote an enormous
amount of time and energy to them (Becker and Lewis, 1973).
Moreover, middle and upper-middle class families expect gracious entertaining and elaborate consumption patterns, so that
the number and complexity of household tasks for these
women is greater than in lower income families (Galbraith,
1973; Huber, 1976; Angrist et al., 1976). In addition, high
status males are likely to make a number of job-related moves,
and their wives may stop working after migrating because they
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369
suitable job in the new city (Long, 1974; Miller,
1966). Finally, there has been no long-term increase in the
availability of part-time jobs which would make it more plausible to combine work with the demands of marital and family
roles (Darian, 1976).
Along with the steady increase in women’s labor force participation rates, there has been a virtual explosion of studies
that address the phenomenon. One line of studies analyzes
women students’ aspirations and documents their increasing
preference for work (Tangri, 1972; Osipow, 1975; Parelius,
1975; McLaughlin et al., 1976; Brito and Jusenius, 1978;
O’Donnell and Anderson, 1978). Another line suggests links
between women’s fertility aspirations and their plans for paid
work (Waite and Stolzenberg, 1976). Still other studies focus
on mature women in order to assess the relationship between
paid employment and a number of variables such as education,
family income, children’s ages, and sex role attitudes (e.g.,
Macke et al., 1978). These surveys assist in understanding why
some women work and others do not, but because they are not
longitudinal studies,2 they do not describe the manner in which
career aspirations developed during college influence labor
force participation rates nor do they reveal the extent to which
women are able to implement in adult life the aspirations
expressed in college.
We believe that aspirations developed during college do
influence women’s career patterns and that career choicesboth the decision to work and the specific job chosen-are
embedded in a larger array of life-style choices. This article
reflects these assumptions by reporting on a panel of women
who were studied both as college seniors and as adults seven
years later. We investigate the extent to which their college
aspirations are carried out in adult life and we portray their
postcollege life style in terms of the relative emphasis they have
given to further education, work, family life, and leisure
cannot
find
a
pursuits.
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370
PROCEDURES
studied were part of one class in the women’s
college of a private urban university. They majored in a variety
of fields-home economics, humanities, social sciences, and
natural sciences. The class, which graduated in 1968, was
studied intensively over the four years of college in terms of
role development and career aspirations. Descriptions of this
class and results based on their college years are reported in
detail elsewhere (Almquist and Angrist, 1970, 1971; Angrist
The
women
and Almquist, 1975; Angrist, 1972a, 1972b).
In this article we report on 64 women who were in the senior
class of 116 and who responded to the follow-up questionnaire
in 1975, seven years after college. The 64 respondents are 55%
of the seniors. The nonrespondents were predominantly
women who could not be found through either alumni records
or the home address during college. Comparison of the 64
respondents with the 52 nonrespondents on selected senior
year variables showed no significant differences; the two
groups were comparable in college majors, grades, marital
status, occupational choices, graduate school plans, career
salience, and mother’s employment status. The similarity
between respondents and nonrespondents indicates that the 64
women in the follow-up sample are representative of the total
senior class.
ASPIRATIONS AND ACTUALITY
FAMILIAL ASPIRATION AND ACTUALITY
All the seniors had wanted to marry, but of the 64, not all
had married by the time of follow-up-only 80% had done so.
As seniors, about two-thirds had preferred to be married by the
age of 23. We find some tendency for those who had preferred
to marry soon after college to be married at the seven year
follow-up (86%); those who had wanted to wait until age 24 or
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371
were somewhat less likely to be married (68%). Along
with their eagerness to marry, nearly all these women had
expected to have children-95% had said so. Of those who
wanted to have children, only two-thirds were parents at the
time of the follow-up study.
Although the discrepancies between familial aspirations and
actual life choices by age 28 are noteworthy, the shifts in
attitudes are far more striking. Responses to a five-item measure called Sex Role Ideology, which taps attitudes toward the
division of labor in domestic tasks between husband and wife,
show radical change. Whereas 44% as seniors scored in the
traditional half of the scale, no one among the alumnae did
so-all the formerly traditional respondents became modern in
outlook, favoring an egalitarian division of labor in the household.
older
EDUCATION
The desire for postgraduate education characterized 73% of
the seniors. As adult women, we found that 79% of those who
had intended to pursue graduate or professional education had
done so. Overall, 74% of these women were rather consistent in
fulfilling these aspirations: most of those planning to attend
graduate school had done so and most of those not planning to
had indeed not done so. The other 26% changed their mindssome went to graduate school despite lack of earlier plans,
others who had hoped to get advanced training did not get n.
WORK
In the realms of marriage, children, and advanced training,
some of these women fell short of their aspirations. By contrast, in the realm of employment, most exceeded their earlier
plans. Whereas about 59% of seniors had expected to work,
72% of the alumnae were working at the time of the follow-up
and only 5% had not worked at all since graduation.
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372
While their occupational choices were varied at both stages
in their lives, in general, their actual fields tend to differ from
their original ones. Senior occupational preferences were compared with the occupations pursued after college. They were
rated &dquo;consistent&dquo; if half or more of the woman’s jobs were in
the same or in fields closely related to that of her senior
occupational preference and if the level was generally the same
at both stages. Of 58 women, 34 (59%) worked in quite different fields than they had intended.3 For example, a potential
bacteriologist became a computer systems analyst after working as a lab technician, and a teacher became manager of a
small bookstore. Many changed fields, but there is no clear rise
or decline in the prestige level of their actual occupations.
Using the Duncan Index to compare the prestige of their senior
occupational preference with their actual jobs, we find about as
many moving up as moving down. For example, one woman
who wanted to be a decorator became an assistant professor in
a university and another who wanted to be a professor was
working as a secretary.
Considering occupational choice in terms of fields typical or
atypical for women, we find that these women stay rather
consistently in one or the other category (Table 1). Typical
occupations are those which had more than one-third women
because the 1960 Census reported that one-third of the labor
female.4 If women were distributed in each occupation in proportion to their representation in the labor force,
each occupation would have one-third women. Any occupation with less than one-third women was termed &dquo;atypical&dquo; for
women. Women who picked &dquo;typical&dquo; fields as seniors, such as
dietetics or teaching, usually worked in such fields after college. Those who preferred atypical fields, such as textiles
research scientist or technical writer, tended to stay in such
fields. Perhaps their original choices lock women into a few
fields. Overall, 70% are consistent on the typicality dimension.
In addition to their changes in occupational choices, panel
members have also changed some of their work values. They
force
was
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373
TABLE1
Changes in Typicality of Occupational Choice*
*McNemar Test for the Significance of Change
=
1.895, Not significant.
asked about the importance of eight features of an occupation at both time periods. As Table 2 shows, they value work
that offers freedom from close supervision noticeably more,
but they now care less about high income, security, and pleasing parents. But it is also interesting that some values remain
important over time. These are &dquo;work with people&dquo; and &dquo;use
special abilities.&dquo;
were
CHANGES IN WORK ASPIRATIONS
The generally increased emphasis on work is also reflected in
the increased willingness to work despite familial obligations.
Substantial change occurs toward favoring gainful employment even when children are young and the husband’s salary is
adequate (see Table 3). The most dramatic shift is from great
reluctance to work if one had preschool children to willingness
to do so. But sizeable shifts occur for five of the seven conditions presented. Thus regardless of the number of children,
their ages, and the husband’s salary, these women have clearly
changed their minds about working: most are now willing to
work despite family conditions which make work outside the
home difficult, and despite not needing the money.
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374
TABLE 2
Changes
in Work Values
*Responses ranged from 1 = completely unimportant to 5 = very important.
Percent important includes responses 4 or quite important and 5 or very important.
**Based on the McNemar Test, for the Significance of Change, two-tailed.
This strong trend toward preference for working is reflected
in another way. One question posed the following conditions:
&dquo;Assume that you are trained for the occupation of your
choice, that you are married and have children, and that your
husband earns enough so that you never have to work unless
you want to. Under these conditions, which of the following
would you prefer: to participate in clubs or volunteer work; to
spend time on hobbies, sports, or other activities; to work
part-time in your chosen occupation; to work full-time in your
chosen occupation; to concentrate on home or family.&dquo; Whereas
14% had chosen clubs, volunteer work, hobbies, and sports as
seniors, only 5% did so seven years later. And the 13% who had
favored concentrating on home and family dwindled to 4%.
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375
TABLE 3
Changes
in Conditions for
Working
*Responses ranged from 1 = definitely not to 5 = definitely would. Percent who
would work includes responses 4 or probably would and 5 or definitely would.
**Based on the McNemar Test for the Significance of Change, two-tailed.
The shift to work options from family and leisure pursuits
occurred among 22% of the panel.
The dramatic growth of willingness to work is muted somewhat by the less emphatic focus on career. In a question that
asks how the woman sees herself in the future, we used the term
&dquo;career woman&dquo; rather than work and contrasted it with
&dquo;housewife.&dquo; We asked: &dquo;Would you like to be a housewife
with no children, a housewife with one or more children, an
unmarried career woman, a married career woman without
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376
children, a married career woman with children?&dquo; The answers
show some increased preference for the career options (from
58% to 65%) with a noticeable 16% who shifted from wanting
housewife with children to wanting to be a career
with children. But 35% of these women see themselves
as housewives 10 years from now when they will be about 38
years old. It is interesting that 17% who had a career self-image
as seniors have come to see themselves as housewives. Despite
increased preference for working and increases in actual
employment, many women do not have a career self-image.
For them work probably means gainful employment rather
to be a
woman
than
self-concept
as a career woman.
LIFE STYLE PATTERNS
An eleven item Life Style Index (LSI) was constructed from
the responses the total class had given during each of the four
years of college. The scale includes several items already discussed here, mostly questions about motivation or willingness
to work under different circumstances. (Details of the construction of the Index are in Angrist and Almquist, 1975.) High
scores on the LSI indicate high willingness to work, or a career
orientation, and low scores reflect low desire to work, or a
family orientation. Fifty-two women who had completed the
LSI as seniors responded to the follow-up questionnaire.
Inventories of the actual life-style patterns of the alumnae do
not permit a simple division between careerists and noncareerists. Instead, the women appear to form three groupscareerists, workers, and familists.
Careerists are those women who had gone to graduate school or
worked continuously since graduation. Most had obtained an
advanced degree (M.S., Ph.D., J.D.) and were settling into
initial jobs in the fields for which they were trained. Others had
not obtained an advanced degree, but had shown a pattern of
advancing to more responsible and challenging posts within the
same field of work. Very few had entered their particular field
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377
after making a change from another area of work. Each of the
careerists preferred her current field, planned to continue working, or to seek a promotion. About half the women exhibited a
clear career pattern during the seven years.
Examples of the careerists include Beth who, after a brief
as a traveling secretary for a sorority, did graduate work
in foods and nutrition and then completed a dietetic internship
at a state university medical school. She has worked continuously, first as a dietician and now as a therapeutic clinician in a
hospital. Karen began as a social worker, later worked in drug
rehabilitation and simultaneously obtained a master’s degree
in public health. She is now a community educator in emerstint
gency medical services. Most of the career women who hold
doctorates are currently assistant professors in academic institutions. An exception is a woman whose doctorate is in neuroendocrinology and who has been employed for two years as a
research scientist. It is noteworthy that half of the women
careerists are married but none are mothers. Most of these
women list &dquo;getting my degree&dquo; or some form of work achievement as their single greatest achievement since leaving college.
are women who had been in paid employment for a
share
of the seven years, but do not show a steady progreslarge
sion within a field of work or marked enthusiasm for continuing to work. Most of the women in this group had worked until
the arrival of children and then stopped. The remainder are
currently employed, usually because their husbands are in graduate school or becaue they want to use their extra time. Twentyeight percent of the respondents exhibited a work pattern over
the seven years, but only 12% of the panel were actually
employed at the time of the follow-up.
Workers
Many of
in the worker category held jobs as
or miscellaneous positions unrelated
to their college degrees, e.g., sales or secretarial work. Some
had enrolled in graduate school but none had completed a
graduate degree. When queried about their accomplishments,
the
women
teachers, social workers,
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378
responded in terms of job-related achievements. Others
expressed disappointment about not finding an occupation or
not getting a job that pleased them. Almost all of those women
were married, and some had children.
some
Familists are those women for whom creating a home and
raising children are foremost. They had entered paid work only
occasionally. Virtually all have one or more children and most
have a rich variety of leisure activities including volunteer
work, hobbies, and sports. Less than one-fourth of the women
showed a seven-year pattern of familial activity, but over onethird are currently living a family-centered life style.
All of the familists have at least one child and this group
includes all of the women who have two or more children. A
few have done no paid work since graduating from college.
Others have taught school or done secretarial work, but they
terminated their employment before the birth of the first child.
An example is Jane who worked as an American secretary in
the French embassy for two years, has one five-year-old child,
and enjoys gourmet cooking, knitting, and rugmaking as hobbies. She also participates extensively in church activities.
Familists frequently say that establishing a home or that motherhood is their single greatest accomplishment since leaving
college.
When we compare senior year aspirations of these women
with their pattern of behavior over the seven years after college
according to the above typology (panel I of Table 4), we find
some consistency and some inconsistency. Forty-one percent
show clear consistency between aspirations and actual life
styles and 32% show clear inconsistency, i.e., they are career
aspirants with family styles or family aspirants with career
styles. But 28% of the class has exhibited the working pattern
over the seven years, and they come about equally from career
and family aspirers. The women whom we typed as Workers
show how contingency factors shape a woman’s life. They fit
their work periods around family exigencies, and their geogra-
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379
phic location often hampers their opportunity to find
ble employment.
agreea-
LOOKING INTO THE FUTURE
From responses to several questions about their preferences
and plans for the future, we again distinguished three patterns:
Careerists (48%) who have definite plans for specific careers;
Familists (31%) who are mainly oriented toward rearing children, having leisure activities, and working only occasionally;
and Workers (22%) who envision keeping their partial work
commitments or returning to the labor force soon, but without
a definite career goal (panel 2 of Table 4). Many of them are in
a kind of holding pattern; they are waiting until children are in
school before resuming paid employment and making definite
plans about the specific field of work. Again, the workers
TABLE 4
Life Style Aspirations and Patterns
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380
present strong indications ofpursuing
contingency strategy
take for granted
(Angrist
Almquist, 1975). They
that they are responsible for rearing their children personally,
yet they would like somehow to incorporate work into their
lives. At the moment, most cannot predict where they will be
living in the future, or what the job opportunities might be.
They adopt a &dquo;wait and see&dquo; attitude toward the next few years.
and
a
seem to
There are some similarities and some differences between
senior year aspirations and alumane future aspirations. Half
the alumnae hold the same plans for the future as they held as
seniors. Twenty-two percent plan to work and most of these
are women who held career aspirations as seniors. Seventeen
percent converted from family to career aspirations and a scant
12% defected from career plans as seniors to family plans as
alumnae. If those who have future work plans are included
among those who are judged consistent, then 71% show consistency between aspiration as seniors and as alumnae.
CONCLUSION
Since we know of no comparable study of the connection
between women’s career aspirations and achievements, there is
no established context in which to place these findings. In
terms of consistency between aspirations and actual behavior
(omitting current attitudes such as work values and the desirability of working under different conditions), we find variability in the degree of consistency among individual items. This
variability ranges from a low of 59% who work in the occupations they preferred, through the 74% who fulfilled their plans
for graduate school, to the high of 80% who are actually
married. Lacking comparable studies, it is impossible to tell
whether these rates of consistency are high or low. However,
comparisons among the different items tell us something about
changes in the class and the degree to which they have been able
to implement their aspirations.
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381
less often marry and less often have children than they had anticipated. But they more often go to
graduate school and they spend longer periods in paid employment. One might argue that the society-wide movement toward
work and career stems from the failure to fulfill plans for
marriage and family. Indeed there are a few &dquo;reluctant&dquo; careerists-women who were initially family oriented but who have
not married. On the other hand, a sizable number of the
inconsistents are women who converted from noncareer plans
to career activity. Attitudinal changes support the claim that
genuine conversion to work and career rather than failure has
occurred. More alumnae than seniors see themselves as careerists, want to work despite having preschool-aged children, and
emphasize the satisfaction to be obtained from work. These
changes mirror the trend observed nationally-college-educated mothers of young children have increased their work
First, the
women
dramatically.
interesting comparison is between the somewhat low
of
degree consistency between the specific occupation chosen
and actual occupation entered, on one hand, and the higher
consistency between preference for typical or atypical occupations and actually working in them, on the other. The findings
confirm our earlier assertion (Almquist and Angrist, 1970) that
the particular occupation may be a highly changeable matter,
rates
One
but that the choice of masculine or feminine field is more
stable.
When we consider total life style patterns-how women put
together the individual elements-we find somewhat less consistency between aspirations and actual behavior than we
found on the individual items. In their seven-year patterns and
their current life styles, half the women are clearly fulfilling
their expectations. Behavior is always a more stringent test of
choice-making than is an expression of intent. It is relatively
easy for people to express their aspirations and more difficult,
especially for women, to actually implement them. That 50% of
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382
the alumnae exhibit clear
career
patterns at this stage in the life
remarkably high.
The typing of alumnae as careerists, workers, or familists
presents intriguing distinctions among the actual patterns
these women display. Confirmation of the validity of these
cycle
seems
labels comes from other responses the women make. Careerists
very often mention work achievement as their single greatest
accomplishment since leaving college while familists point to
achieving a statisfying relationship with their husbands or
doing a great job of rearing their babies. The worker alumnae
enjoy their activities and take pleasure in their job achievement,
but overall seem less committed to either career or family.
While the typing is meaningful, it also obscures individual
variability, indecisiveness, and difficulties in implementing
choices. The career women who have trouble finishing a doctorate, who are passed over for promotion, or become unexpectedly pregnant with twins are examples of the difficulties in
staying a careerist. Similarly the familists who divorce their
husbands or find themselves unable to bear children have
difficulty staying out of the labor force.
All of the women have been observed during a period in their
life cycle that is replete with contingencies. The first few years
after college are a time of trying and juggling several options.
Women about 27 or 28 years old have considered graduate
school, marriage, children, and diverse job opportunities, but
they probably have not settled into any one combination yet. It
is not too late for them to marry or to have more children, and
it is too soon to expect them to have carved out a specific work
niche or to have reached the top of their career fields.
Predicting the multiple directions women’s lives will assume
is more difficult than predicting simply whether they will work
or not work, and whether they will marry or not. We have
studied several dimensions-how much work, the types of
jobs, leisure activity-as well as the strategies women use for
combining these with family life. We find that in the seven
formative years after college, a high percentage of these women
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383
fulfill their aspirations-more than half do so. But, seven years
after college graduation is too soon to predict the final patterns
these women’s lives will take.
NOTES
some of the references in the following paragraph were suganonymous paper referred for publication. The paper was titled "The
Dilemma of Education: Home and Work Rules for Women" and was based on the
Manpower Administration’s National Longitudinal Survey of Work Experience conducted by the Bureau of the Census for Herbert Parnes at Ohio State University.
2. Even the National Longitudinal Survey of Work Experience does not test
whether women are able to implement the aspirations they developed in school since
the women were sampled after they completed their education.
3. Three women chose no occupation as seniors and three others have not worked
1. This theme and
gested
in an
any job since college.
4. Since these women graduated from college in 1968, we used the 1960 census data
on occupations for the typicality criterion. However, close checking of the 1970 census
data using 40% female as the criterion reveals that none of the occupations included
here had changed from typical to atypical or vice versa.
5. The question asked in senior year was "Fifteen years from now, would you like
to be...." In the follow-up, it was "Ten years from now, would you like to be...." Both
assume that the woman is projecting into her middle or late thirties.
at
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