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Why study the crusades? from Jonathon Phillips The Crusades, 1095 -1197 The study of the history of the crusades is flourishing in schools and universities, in academic research (in Europe, the Middle East and North America); it is also a subject that attracts considerable interest from the general public. In part this is a consequence of the enduring fascination fostered by such a dramatic and important aspect of the histories of western Europe and the Middle East, of Christianity and Islam and, to a lesser extent, Christianity and Judaism. The sense of adventure in trying to conquer and hold a distant and unknown land still exerts a powerful pull on the imagination of the modern West; the perceived glamour of men such as Richard the Lionheart and Saladin have great allure too. Alongside this, there is, to some modern western eyes at least, a curiosity and confusion as to how and why people could fight and kill in the name of God. There is also the historical legacy of the crusades – a legacy of brutality and fanaticism that has cast a deep shadow across relations between Christianity and Islam, Christianity and Judaism, and among Christians themselves. From a western perspective, first the Protestant Church and then an increasingly secular European society have relegated the crusades to a distant and exotic escapade carried out by barbaric and foolhardy knights. While recent academic scholarship has done much to bring the subject back into focus as a complex and central element in the history of medieval Europe, the origins and meaning of the word have become obscured. The term ‘crusade’ has become casualised and secularised. It is used readily in everyday life: a crusade to cut hospital waiting lists, a crusade for fair play in sport. Given the fact that, ultimately, the crusades to the Holy Land collapsed, the continued deployment of the word in such ways shows how far removed it has become from historical reality. Why do people want to identify with something that failed? Its current, generic meaning, therefore, is one of a sense of right, or a quest for justice, and in this form it can trace back its roots to the medieval usage. In the world of contemporary Islam, however, the crusade has retained a much sharper and more vivid presence, in large part because the outline of events in the medieval period have a number of pertinent parallels to the present. In 1099 the armies of the First Crusade (representing the Catholic Church of western Europe) captured Jerusalem and were popularly reported as wading ankle-deep in the blood of their slain Muslim foes; in the wake of this conquest the Crusader States were formed and Christian rule was established in the Levant. By 1187 Saladin had united the Muslims of the Eastern Mediterranean region under the banner of the jihad, or holy war. The forces of Islam retook the city of Jerusalem and relegated the Christians to a strip of land on the Mediterranean coast until their eventual expulsion in 1291. For today’s Muslim world the ingredients seem familiar: violent western incursions, slaughter and oppression of the faithful and the loss of the holy city of Jerusalem. These are among the reasons why the crusade still has such a high profile in the Muslim Middle East. At the start of the twentieth century, as the Arab world began to try to shake off the shackles of western imperialism, the struggles of their predecessors against the crusaders seemed highly relevant and this is a perception that has continued. Even more significantly, a role model was available: Saladin – a devout Muslim who succeeded in driving out the invaders. Such a figure has obvious attractions in the modern age and contemporary political leaders have striven to appropriate his legacy. Saddam Hussein, for example, has a huge mural depicting himself leading his Iraqi tanks into battle alongside an image of Saladin in front of his own mounted warriors. Saddam has, therefore, identified himself as someone who, like Saladin, will defeat the westerners and drive them from the Middle East. In 1992, the late President Assad of Syria oversaw the construction of a large equestrian statue of Saladin in Damascus. The emir is riding to victory, guarded by Muslim holy men and with defeated crusaders trailing on the ground behind his horse. Placed just outside the old citadel of Damascus, Saladin is, of course, symbolically protecting Islam and the city, while the West bows to him. Colonel Gadaffi is another Muslim leader who has employed the ideas of jihad and in the 1980s he compared the United States to the crusaders and described the Americans as ‘leaders of the modern crusader offensive’. A further, important parallel with the age of the crusades exists for Muslim militants in the form of the state of Israel. Although the First (and subsequent) crusades were responsible for numerous atrocities against the Jews of Jerusalem (in 1099) and in western Europe (1096, 1147, 1190), the close identification of Israel with the USA, and, in the eyes of some, as an enemy of Palestine and occupier of the holy city, means there is a perception that the crusader kingdom of Jerusalem was a forerunner of the modern Israeli state. Some Muslim polemicists argue that the creation of Israel was the West’s revenge for the failure of the crusades and they point out that the Christians were eventually expelled from the Levant: inevitably, therefore, they argue that the Jews will suffer the same fate. The militant Islamic groups in the Middle East, Hamas and Hizbollah, both invoke the struggle between the crusaders and jihad in their efforts to liberate Palestine. Most pointedly of all today, one name of Osama bin Laden’s organisation is ‘The World Islamic Front against Jews and Crusaders’. When, after the bombings of 11 September 2001, President George W. Bush described the struggle with bin Laden as a crusade (a phrase that the president backed away from very rapidly once the implications of the word were revealed to him) he had fulfilled the stereotype created by those looking for the historical parallel and offered an opportunity to tap into the emotional tinderbox of centuries of conflict.