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Christianity in the Roman Empire:
Reformed Judaism to Official Religion
T. Brice Pearce
Brice is a senior History major, with a minor in Women’s Studies. His interests lie in
Labor and Working Class History, Women’s History, and Ancient History. After IUP,
Brice plans to attend graduate school studying Women’s History. This paper was
originally written for R. Scott Moore’s “Spectacle in Antiquity” special topics course
(HIST 402) in the fall semester of 2003.
Religion has alternately bound humanity together and torn it apart from the
beginning of recorded history until the present day. Beginning in the first century CE,
Christianity sprang out of the Judaic tradition and began to take a hold on the Roman
world, then a firm grasp on the empire by the middle of the third century CE until
eventually it became the vehicle for legitimization of medieval power. Today,
Christianity is one of the world’s largest religions, with an estimated 1.7 billion followers
worldwide.1 Its rise from inauspicious beginnings in reformed Judaism can be ascribed
to many factors. What observable attributes of this belief system caused its pull on
society, metamorphosizing into the defining cultural practice of western civilization
during the Byzantine and Medieval periods? The development of Christianity happened
in multiple locations and over two centuries; by the time it was adopted by Rome, its
dogma had become so schismatic that the weakened empire was able to use multiple
interpretations of its teachings to retain control over its divided empire. Tracing the rise
of Christianity from its roots in Judaism to its conflict within the Roman Empire and
finally to widespread acceptance and adherence within the fourth century will show how
religion can change society, and how society responds to those changes.
Before Judaism, monotheistic religions were almost non-existent in the literate
world of the Mediterranean and the Near East. In fact, monotheists were often labeled
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atheists, as they did not believe in the interrelationship of the plethora of gods and
goddesses. There were four major religious bases in this area of the world at the
beginning of the Common Era: The Greco-Roman world and its pantheon of gods; the
Persian Empire, which had a strong Zoroastrian following; Buddhism and Hinduism as
state religions in India; and Confucian philosophy in Chinese society.2 Israel was one of
the first nation-states to emerge based solely on monotheistic religion (that of Judaism)
and centralized worship (the temple in Jerusalem). The Babylonian, Persian, and
Egyptian Empires had dominated the Hebrew people before the Romans gained
supremacy, and these societies left their influences on Judean culture of the time,
especially in regard to religious legitimatization of the political sphere – with deified
monarchs being the dominant system of political control. During the first century CE the
Torah was in a period of review and reinterpretation, making Jerusalem a center for
debate and the dissemination of ideas about Judaic law and showing that multiple
interpretations about Jewish religious practice coexisted at this time.
A disparity of ideology allowed pious Jews to question the path of their
synagogues, thereby opening the door for a Christian following to begin in the Judean
world. The Jewish state was subsumed by the Roman Empire in the first century BCE,
provoking several responses from the Jewish community. The first set of reactions was
military in nature, and arose several times before the destruction by the Roman legions of
the Temple in Jerusalem in 70 CE. Sadducees (conservative priests) then struck a
compromise in order to retain some sovereignty, but the Roman governor controlled the
choice of High Priest. The third answer was withdrawal from the public sphere, as
evidenced by the Pharisees (liberal priests) and Essenes (communal, peace-loving
scriptural scholars) – albeit in vastly different ways. Last, a spate of millenarian prophets
(John the Baptist and Jesus, especially) begins to attain notoriety and push the belief that
“some divine act of intervention” would “restore Israel’s fortunes and usher in a new
age.”3 Jews of this time certainly knew that there would be a forthcoming change in
religious structure, but the direction that it would take was uncertain.
Jesus of Nazareth is the figure traditionally associated with the first teachings of
what would come to be known as Christianity. The above-mentioned four responses
within Judaism to the Roman occupation were all pressing issues at the time of Jesus’
nomadic ministry in the late 20’s and early 30’s CE. There is evidence for many
associations that this prophetic figure may have held, putting him “in the company of
Zealot resistance fighters,” and depicting him dichotomously “as an Essene wisdom
teacher” and “an orthodox Pharisee.”4 Obviously, the historical character of Jesus of
Nazareth had debatable associations within the rapidly changing society of his time.
Jesus’ teachings included such ideas as “freedom for the prisoners and recovery of sight
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for the blind, to release the oppressed,”5 preaching to Gentiles (non-Jews), and the
inclusion of women among his idea of the “oppressed.”6 All of these teachings alarmed
the Sadducees, who were eventually able to influence a much more powerful group.
Jesus as a political threat to orthodox Judaism (of the Sadducees) and the Roman
rule in Palestine is evidenced by his trial in both the Sanhedrin (Jewish temple court) and
in front of the Roman procurator in Jerusalem (Pontius Pilate). The situation of Jesus’
Roman trial, and the influence of the Sanhedrin as a local ruling authority, is documented
in Chapter 23 of Luke in the Bible, saying:
Then the whole gathering of them arose, and brought him before Pilate. And they began to accuse
him, saying, ‘We have established that this man is leading our nation astray; he forbids the
payment of tax to Caesar and he is putting it around that he is the Messiah, a king.’ But Pilate
questioned him, asking: ‘Are you the King of the Jews?’ But he answered him: ‘You say it.’
Pilate said to the chief priests and the crowds: ‘I find no crime in this man.’ But they declared
even more insistently: ‘He is rousing the people to revolt with his teaching in the whole of Judea,
stretching from Galilee even to here.’7
Ultimately, Jesus was crucified by the ruling Roman government around 30-35 CE, at the
behest of subordinate Jewish local authority. The Sanhedrin had convicted Jesus of
blasphemy, and under Jewish law the punishment for that crime was death. However, the
Roman government had deprived the council of the right to issue a death sentence,
causing their need for sanction from the Roman governmental infrastructure This action
eliminated a religious rival for the Sadducees and a politically turbulent figure who
troubled Roman control of the area.8 After his death, stories of his miraculous
resurrection and ascension into heaven circulated widely, establishing a motive for his
twelve main followers, or apostles, to spread his message and found an ideology that
would slowly become a major influence in the Empire.
The combination of Roman infrastructure, which maintained a reliable system of
land transport and sea trade, and the proliferation of the Greek language throughout the
eastern part of the Empire as a common language enabled the disciples of Jesus to spread
his teachings quickly and found churches in many cities. The apostle Paul (formerly
Saul) documented these places, with his letters to churches in Rome, Corinth, Galatia,
Ephesus, Phillippi, Colossae, and Thessalonica, around the time of 50 CE.9 It is in these
letters (that encompass ten books of the New Testament) that Paul took on the ideas of
Jesus, and his desire to proliferate them after his conversion. The main idea behind
Christian thought of the time, or at least what Paul preached, is stated in Galatians 3:28
as, “there is neither Jew nor Greek, slave nor free, male nor female, for you are all one in
Christ Jesus.”10 These were quite revolutionary ideas, owing to the hierarchical and
misogynistic structures of polytheistic religions and governmental organizations of the
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time. These factors led to the establishment of a large number of small churches
throughout Asia Minor and the eastern Mediterranean, beginning the widespread
awareness of the new religious ideology.
The phrase “male nor female” directs the focus to a path not often thought of in
antiquity, equal opportunities for women. Some scholarship asserts that within the Early
Church a “patriarchal framework continued to exist from antiquity through the Roman
period;” in stark contrast to the opportunities open to women in the early Church.11 The
relative measure of freedom enjoyed by women in the early church was a major factor in
its appeal to the Mediterranean world. Women were seen as church leaders in many
places: Lydia opened her home in Philippi as a church and missionary staging post to
Europe,12 Priscilla and her husband taught, and Phoebe as a leader in the Roman church
at Cenchrea – all documented by Luke and Paul.13 A trend began of embracing a celibate
life, especially with women. Choosing celibacy allowed these women to remove
themselves from patriarchal domination that was forefront in their daily life.14
Women were originally seen to fulfill the roles of deaconess, prophetess, and
teacher within the early church. The Luke writer “shows no desire to confine women to
roles that only involved providing material assistance,” but “also mentions women who
prophesied and women who taught.”15 He mentions specifically Tabitha and Priscilla, in
order to show “how the Gospel liberates and creates new possibilities for women … as
part of the progress and effects of the Christian Gospel.”16 However, “it was equivalent
to placing a theoretical time bomb under them. It was only a matter of time before the
foundations of these traditional distinctions would be eroded to the point at which they
could no longer be maintained.”17
Between the years of 66 and 70 CE, turbulence reigned in Palestine, due to a
widespread Jewish movement in Israel for independence from Roman authority. Roman
officials made no distinction between Christianity and Judaism at the time, with
Christians suffering for the crimes of Jews and Jews punished for the misdeeds of
Christians. With the persecution and subsequent execution of James by Sadducee
leaders, the Christian community in Jerusalem began to migrate. By the time of the
destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem by General Titus in 70 CE, the Christian
movement was no longer centered in Jerusalem.18 The relocation of the Nazarene
disciples to Syria (Antioch, Damascus, Edessa) began the conversion of Semitic-speaking
people in the region, and the alleged Saul/Paul conversion from persecutor to avid
missionary and theorist happened on the road to Damascus.19 The missionary work of
the Apostles and Paul spread the word throughout Greece and Asia Minor, Rome and
even to Alexandria in Egypt, but Roman society was unenergetic to subscribe to
monotheistic ideas.
40
There are many accounts, Christian and pagan, of the harassment and occasional
martyrdom of early Christian believers and teachers. Evidence shows that the “imperial
cult had become the focus of the persecution.”20 The imperial cult was the mechanism
through which the emperor himself was deified by the state. It is also important to
understand the use of the cult as a socially binding tool in newly conquered or culturally
and ethnically diverse areas (through syncretism), and the threat posed by noncompliance
of the general populace.21 Consequently, the followers of Christ and the cult of Caesar
stood in opposition to each other, and this necessitated a response from the Imperial level.
After the great fires in Rome in 64 CE, Emperor Nero supposedly turned the blame onto
the Christians, as reported by Tacitus:
No device prevailed, neither public largess, nor princely munificence, nor placation of the Gods to
dispel the infamous suspicion that the fire had been started at the [Emperor’s] command.
Therefore, to quiet the rumor, Nero cast the blame and ingeniously punished a people popularly
called Christians and hated for their crimes.22
Titus took Jerusalem as a general in 70 CE, and razed the Temple, the center of Judaic
religious worship and learning as well as much of traditional culture. This destroyed
Jewish sovereignty and hastened the spread of Christian teaching among the Gentile
population of the Empire. The questioning of Christians, set up by Emperor Trajan, that
were followed throughout the second century are illustrated by Pliny:
I have taken the following course with those who were denounced to me as Christians. I asked
them whether they were Christians. If they confessed, I asked a second and a third time with
threat of penalty. If they persisted, I ordered their execution, for I do not doubt whatever it was
that they profess, certainly their stubbornness and inflexible obstinacy deserved to be punished.23
These harsh penalties include the mass crucifixions at ludii (games), Christians versus
gladiators and beasts in the Colosseum, and the rise of a new idea – martyrdom.
Martyrdom was the celebration of death due to devotion to Christian ideals and its
punishment under Roman common law. There were, however, two opposing effects
brought into Roman society via Christianity and the concept of martyrdom. First, from
the Imperial standpoint, the church lost a leader and susceptible pagans were dissuaded
from subscribing to that belief structure. However, Christians were charged to remain
faithful, even if they became a martyr for their efforts, bolstering righteous feelings from
within the church to continue its mission.24 Martyrdom reappeared several times during
the church’s rise to social standing and influence, with differing opinions from the church
and the congregation.
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Christians in the early Empire were stigmatized and persecuted, fostering the
belief that suffering in the name of God or Jesus demonstrated piety and faithfulness.
They also faced several other societal challenges, in dealing with rumors about the
church, such as cannibalism, related mainly to the rite of communion, referred to as
koinōnia (Greek: love feast or fellowship), in which the Last Supper with Jesus and his
Apostles was celebrated by the equation of bread and wine with his body and blood. The
widespread Christian use of words such as brother, sister, and love, combined with night
meetings and a common social belief that lamps would be extinguished in order to
facilitate orgies, also fueled charges of incest in the Christian community.25
There was also a large response to the Christian movement from within the
Jewish community, focusing mainly on theological and ideological disparities. Christians
of the time believed that the Jewish faith incorrectly interpreted the scriptures, “especially
those concerning the Christ or Messiah.”26 Many went so far as to consider the
practitioners of Judaism as “blind to the truth,”27 and that Judaic society as a whole was
hostile to Christianity.28 Conversely, and in part as a response to Christian thought,
Jewish mentality of the time focused on the Christian believers as “heretics,”29 and there
was also “forthright critical comment on the life of Christ, with the claim that he was
rightly condemned as a deceiver,”30 in accordance with text in the Pentateuch
(Dueteronomy 13:1-15). By the end of the first century CE, the separation with Jewish
Law and tradition was complete and the way was paved for Christian and Jewish
opposition for several centuries, particularly virulent until around 600 CE.
As with any religious text, dogmatic interpretations of Christianity varied greatly.
For the Christian movement, the major variances depended heavily on geographic
location, and obviously language as well. The main geographic regions of the earliest
movements (before the emergence of the Great Church) were the main Roman centers of
the Empire; separate ideological systems appeared in: Syria and Mesopotamia, Greece
and Asia Minor, Alexandria and Egypt, and the Western Mediterranean.
The growth of the Eastern tradition in Christianity can be traced to a few early
bases. Within Syria and Mesopotamia, the influence of Aramaic texts and sources led to
Syraic being chosen as the communicative language of the Christians in this region,
which caused their dogma to be based heavily on the writings of the disciples of Jesus.31
The importance of the two major Roman cities within this region, both built on trade and
cultural mixing, is clear. Antioch’s importance lay in the Roman governmental
infrastructure’s presence there, making it the third largest city of the Mediterranean world
and a place for ideas to intersect. However, Edessa may be even more important, due to
its location on the silk trade routes, allowing matriculation of Christian thought into
Armenia and Arabia.32 It is important to note the heavy influences of the time from
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Semitic texts and psalms on Christian thought of the region, but this was based on the
acculturation of the local populace more than the Jewish faith.33
As earlier mentioned, the Greek language was an important vehicle for the spread
of Christian teachings. The apostolic tradition – spearheaded by James, Paul, Timothy
and Titus, Peter, and possibly John and Philip – contributed to the rapid and early growth
of Christianity in Greece and Asia Minor. Here one can find evidence of the well-known
traditional household ekklesia (Greek: “those called out” or “assembly”) and an intricate
network of church leadership, both male and female, enabling believers to form citywide
communities bound together through literature. With most of the early Christian cannon
written as letters to churches in the cities of the region (Corinth, Ephesus, Galatia,
Thessalonica), and the rise of catholicity within the region, the importance of this
provincial area to early Christian thought is imperative. These ideas and beliefs play
heavily in the later form and shape of the Roman Church and subsequent dogmatic
conflict.34 Greece and Asia Minor were a fertile ground for the dissemination of
Christian thought and teachings.
With the intellectual importance of the city of Alexandria, there comes evidence
of some of the first ways in which Christianity began to reach the Greco-Roman mindset
in the second and third centuries. The finest minds of the ancient world gathered here,
and discussed and disseminated ideas with great rapacity. Christian subscription
probably grew out of the large, semi-autonomous Jewish community within the city
itself. There are stories of non-canonical texts circulating throughout the city, and even
of a secret gospel of Mark detailing mysteries related from Jesus to his disciples –
repudiated by Clement in the latter second century CE, which all influenced the
transitioning view of Christianity within the Empire.35
The western Mediterranean, slowly declining as the center of Roman power,
greatly influenced the spread of major Christian ideologies. The imperial culture was
imposed on Christian belief systems with Christ at the head; creating a new civic order
that repudiated Roman decadence and lasciviousness, as symbolized in the book of
Revelations, depicting Rome as both a terrifying beast and a seductive harlot.36 With
prominent use of the Greek koine vernacular, many early Christians were clustered into
the same social categories as foreigners and those of the lower classes. It was not until
the second century CE that Latin even became a popular language in the Christian
movement – and subsequently increased in popularity with virtuous Roman citizens.37
These regional, lingual, and textual variances led directly into a period of
tumultuous evolution for the Christian Church in the following centuries. At this time,
the Christian Church was slowly formalizing, and a hierarchical structure of leadership
was beginning to take shape, based mainly on the election/appointment of bishopric
43
positions. The increased number of intellectuals and wealthy patricians within the
movement allowed Christianity to increase its presence within society, pushing it to the
forefront of religious matters and created the religious repression, such as that evidenced
in Trajan. Before the official adoption of Christianity as a state religion, there were
several main schisms among the believers of the faith that greatly affect the views of the
Roman world towards the religion, especially within the dogmas of Gnosticism and
Catholicism.
A blend of Christian thought, Hellenistic culture, Egyptian mysteries, and
Platonic ideology, Gnosticism arose in the Roman Empire in the earliest years of the
second century CE. It is thought to have emerged from the teachings of Simon Magus
the Samaritan and then proliferated throughout Roman society by Valentinus. The
numerous, but disparate, teachings focused on the ideal that believers were “set free from
their imprisonment in material creation, as they ascend through the heavenly orders in
salvation.”38 This signified the importance of the belief in the immortal soul, and a view
of a hierocratic structure to Christianity. There is also evidence for more gender parity
represented in the Gnostic tradition, perhaps based on the release from bodily existence.
In fact, in the heretical (non-cannonized) gospel of Thomas there is strong wording in the
closing phrases:
Simon Peter said to them, “Mary should leave us, for females are not worthy of life.”
Jesus said, “Look, I shall guide her to make her male, so that she too may become a living spirit
resembling you males. For every female who makes herself male will enter heaven’s kingdom.”39
The writings produced within the Gnostic vein vary greatly in their scope, but the church
response was quick to affirm “the danger that an alien thought-world might provoke
losses for Christianity.”40 This shows that the polarization had already occurred in
society, and that certain belief systems were able to take precedence over others.
The Catholics stood in stark contrast to the Gnostics, believing heavily in the cult
of public martyrdom and a tradition of arguments based on canonized scripture and
apostolic tradition, although they interpreted essentially the same texts. In their efforts to
refute Gnostic beliefs and teachings, Catholic authors did not succeed in their attempt at
“stem[ming] the growth of Gnosticism, so much as to shape Catholic Christian identity
within the Hellenistic philosophical context.”41 The prolific nature and popularity of the
main writers of Catholic thought (Justin Martyr, Irenaeus of Lyons, Clement of
Alexandria and his successor Origen, and Bardasian with his early assertion of the trinity)
influenced the direction of the established church greatly. Due primarily to this influence,
eventually Catholicism emerged as the dominant ideology in the faith, but not for a few
centuries.
44
Constantine, a major player in the Roman imperial struggles of the early fourth
century CE, was prone to visions and the subsequent switching of gods in order to win
military victories.42 According to popular opinion, before a battle in which he defeated
his main rival Maxentius, he had one of his famous visions. In it, a voice told him to put
the Chi (X) and Rho (P) symbols on the shields of his soldiers to ensure a victory. With
the triumph of his armies, Constantine sought out the meaning of his illusory symbol, and
was told by his men that it stood for Christianity. After his victory in 312 CE,
Constantine began to donate money to Christian churches and eventually issued the Edict
of Milan the following year, endorsing tolerance for all religious beliefs – monotheistic or
polytheistic. In the writings of Lactantius, one can see the idea that the new support of
Christianity is justified:
Wherefore your Dignity should know that it is our pleasure to abolish all conditions whatever
which were embodied in former orders directed to your office about the Christians … and that
every one of those who have a common wish to follow the religion of the Christians may from this
moment freely and unconditionally proceed to observe the same without any annoyance or
disquiet.43
With this evidence and the restoration of church property (to the corporation, not
individual), one can see that the rise of the Christian faith to prominence was set in torrid
motion.
With Constantine’s victory over Licinius in 324 CE, he was able to extend the
joint rule of the Empire to the Christian Church. There were a few difficulties in
becoming the first Christian Emperor. Constantine began to identify Christianity with
old Rome and associated paganism with the barbarians of the army. The Christians gave
up their objection to warfare, but still did not espouse militarization. And, of course, the
deification of the ruler must subsequently cease; as Bainton says: “Constantine had to
give up being [viewed as] a god.”44
Idealism reigned at this stage with the Christian bishops beginning to wonder if
the Kingdom of God had come, and believing that the Empire and the church had
discovered their ordained accord.45 But the Empire and the Church had a long road to
climb yet and many schisms and controversies to endure. The mandatory adoption of
Christianity by Roman citizens was debated and criticized heavily, after its official
sanction in 393.
Christianity’s power of survival and eventual rise to dominance in the
Mediterranean-influenced world was hastened by its ability to be interpreted in many
different ways. This is seen by the placement of the Roman Empire on top of the Church
hierarchy - the Emperor, while no longer a god, was now a direct link to God. Roman
45
society was originally seen in great opposition to the Christian following, as seen in the
laws of the time between Nero and Trajan, but eventually some embraced at least the
name of Christianity through the dissemination of ideas into the Greco-Roman world.
All of the transitions that Christian doctrine went through during this period were
strongly related to the responses of the society at large. However, this amorphous nature
within the dogmatic beliefs of Christianity came to cause problems later in the Empire, as
it essentially becomes “ the nitroglycerine”46 under Roman society in the next decades.
The troubles and schisms that Christianity will face in the near future will test the bonds
between the Roman government, populace, and eventually the rest of Latin-influenced
Europe. Perhaps it can be seen as such in relation to Christianity – that it is strong and
binding when a state itself is weak and needs other framework to keep order.
1
McGrath, Alister E. An Introduction to Christianity. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1997. p. XV
Irvin, Dale T. and Scott W. Sunquist. History of the World Christian Movement. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis
Books, 2001. pp.3-4
3
Riches, John. “The Birth of Christianity.” Early Christianity. Ed. Ian Hazlett. Nashville, TN: Abingdon
Press, 1991. p.31
4
Merkel, Helmut. “The Opposition between Jesus and Judaism.” Jesus and the Politics of His Day. Ed.
Ernst Bammel and C. F. D. Moule. New York, NY: Cambridge UP, 1984. p. 129
5
The Bible. Luke 4:19
6
McGrath, p. 91-2
7
The Bible. Luke 23:1-5.
8
McGrath, p. 100
9
The Bible; New Testament book titles
10
This is the stated goal of Christian teaching, not necessarily the path that it was to follow.
11
Witherington III, Ben. Women in the Earliest Churches. New York, NY: Cambridge UP, 1988. p. 15
12
Ibid, p. 148
13
McGrath, 238-9
14
Irvin and Sunquist, p. 48
15
Witherington, p. 155
16
Ibid, p. 156
17
McGrath, pp. 240-1
18
Irvin and Sunquist, p. 50
19
Ibid, p. 57
20
Bainton, Roland H. Early Christianity. Princeton, NJ: D. Van Nostrand Co., 1960. p. 22
21
Ibid.
22
Tacitus, Annals XV, 44. from Bainton, p. 87
23
Pliny, Epis. X, 96. from Bainton p. 88
24
Wagner, Walter H. After the Apostles: Christianity in the Second Century. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg
Fortress, 1994. p. 133
25
Ibid
26
Irvin and Sunqusit, p. 100.
27
Eugen Weber, The Rise of the Church. Produced Fred Barzyk. WGBH Boston in association with the
Metropolitan Museum of Art. Santa Barbara, CA : Intellimation, 1989.
28
Horbury, William. “The Jewish Dimension.” Early Christianity. Ed. Ian Hazlett. Nashville, TN:
Abingdon Press, 1991. p. 49.
2
46
29
Eugen Weber, The Rise of the Church. Produced Fred Barzyk. WGBH Boston in association with the
Metropolitan Museum of Art. Santa Barbara, CA : Intellimation, 1989.
30
Horbury, p. 49.
31
Irvin and Sunquist, p. 57
32
Ibid, 58.
33
Ibid, 63.
34
Ibid, 66-7.
35
Ibid, 86-7
36
Ibid, 74.
37
Ibid, 76.
38
Ibid, 116.
39
Logion 114, quoted from The Gospel of Thomas: The Hidden Sayings of Jesus. Trans. Marvin Meyer.
San Franciso, CA: HarperCollins, 1992. p. 65.
40
Rudolph, Kurt. “Gnosticism.” Early Christianity. Ed. Ian Hazlett. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press,
1991. p. 193.
41
Irvin and Sunquist, p. 119.
42
Eugen Weber, The Rise of the Church. Produced Fred Barzyk. WGBH Boston in association with the
Metropolitan Museum of Art. Santa Barbara, CA : Intellimation, 1989.
43
Lactantius, XLVIII, 2-12. from Bainton, p. 160-1.
44
Bainton, p. 64.
45
Ibid.
46
Ibid.
47