Download The Unification of Germany, 1871

Germany under Bismarck 1871-1890
Key Questions
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What was the nature of Bismarck’s government?
How did Bismarck’s government deal with
a) Conservatism?
b) Liberalism?
c) Catholicism?
d) Socialism?
What was the influence on Bismarck’s government of
a) The army?
b) Industrial elites?
c) Agrarian elites? Rise and influence
What was the legacy of Bismarck’s government? / What was the
state of Germany in 1890?
Germany before Unification - reminder
The German Confederation of 39 individual states was established in
1815 by Napoleon. The Federal Diet at Frankfurt was supposed to be
the main decision-making body but in reality there was no overall head
of state.
There were significant religious, cultural and ethnic differences
between the individual states. Regional identity was strong as was
loyalty to the established absolute monarchs of each state.
The main power in the region for many years was Austria. This dated
back to the period of the Holy Roman Empire which was dominated by
the Austrian Hapsburgs for hundreds of years.
However, as the Vienna settlement (1815 – when the Confederation
was created) had given more land and raw materials to Prussia the
balance of power was due to shift.
In order to maximise the economic advantage Prussia in 1818 created
the customs union, which removed tariffs on trade between Prussiancontrolled states. In 1834 this expanded to become the Zollverein
(customs union) which, by 1936 included 25 states – but not Austria!
The economic advantage of unity arguably generated calls for political
unity: as individuals (liberals in parliament) recognised the benefits of
economic unity, they started to think that political unity would bring
greater benefits still.
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In addition, individual states were aware that they could potentially be
manipulated by the major European powers and that political strength
would be assured by unification.
Despite pressure from the liberals in the Confederation, attempts at
unification faltered throughout the 1850s, which suggests that growing
nationalism alone would not have prompted unification. However, the
constitutional crisis of 1859-1860 was pivotal. The Kaiser, Wilhelm I,
asked von Roon to present a bill to the Prussian Parliament. This bill
was to strengthen the Prussian army in case of involvement in doorstep
European wars (e.g Austria v France). The liberals in Parliament
rejected the bill. The Kaiser had a choice – accept Parliamentary
control over the military or resign.
Von Roon recommended Bismarck as a man who would be capable of
defying Parliament and thereby resolving the constitutional crisis. The
Kaiser appointed Bismarck Minister-President in 1862. Bismarck
resolved the crisis, and secured investment of Prussian wealth in the
military – a crucial step towards making unification a possibility.
Between 1862 and 1871 Bismarck secured German unification.
He had a number of issues to overcome.
Firstly, the big debate had long been whether unification would occur
along a Grossdeutschland (Big Germany) or Kleindeutschland (Little
Germany) model. If it was to occur along a Kleindeutschland model,
the issue was who would object – obviously Austria!
Possible Austrian objection caused significant concerns amongst
southern German states that they would suffer reprisals if they jumped
in with Prussia against Austria. So Prussia had to demonstrate it could
protect these small states, whilst demonstrating to Austria that it was
excluded irrevocably.
Further objection was likely to come from France – as the most
powerful country in mainland Europe, France would not want a
competitor, particularly one as economically strong as Germany.
Prussia had to demonstrate that German expansion/development could
not be halted.
So Bismarck, who could be seen as a pro-active opportunist, essentially
manufactured 2 wars.
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Austro-Prussia War 1866
Bismarck manufactures a war with Austria over Schleswig-Holstein. The
Austrians were resoundingly defeated at Konigggratz. Resisting the
temptation to humiliate the Austrians and thus force them to ally with
Prussia’s enemies, Bismarck settles for control of Schleswig-Holstein
and for Austrian agreement to the creation of a North German
confederation.
This conflict demonstrated Prussia’s military dominance amongst the
German states, thus reassuring southern German states about the
ability of Prussia to protect them in any future Kleindeutschland.
Franco-Prussian 1870
In 1870 the Spanish crown was offered to Prince Leopold – a Prussian.
The French were alarmed. Kaiser Wilhelm refused to renounce
Leopold’s claim, even though Leopold did in fact step down. Bismarck
edited the telegram from Wilhelm, outlining his meeting with the
French, to suggest that Wilhelm had greatly snubbed the French. This
telegram was published in Berlin and abroad.
Napoleon declared war. Bismarck defeats France decisively at Sedan
within 2 months.
France surrendered in January 1871. In May, she signed the Treaty of
Frankfurt. Very humiliating; reparations, symbolic marching of
German army down the Champs-Elysees, loss of Alsace-Lorraine and
the symbolic creation of a unified Germanic states takes place in the
Palace of Versailles. What a poke in the eye!
At this settlement the leaders of individual German states signed over
their political power to the Kaiser of Prussia, in order to preserve their
economic and social safety. A number of concessions were made to
individual states -e.g Bavarian was allowed to retain PEACETIME
control of its army. But Prussia was firmly established as the dominant
power in the newly unified state.
So what was the MOST IMPORTANT FACTOR in securing unification? I
would argue it was the economic dominance of Prussia. Firstly, in
practical terms, economic wealth allowed investment in the army,
which was crucial in defeating opposition to unification. Secondly,
successful industrialisation led to the rise of the middle class. This
middle class saw the benefit of economic union through the zollverein
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and this gave them the impetus to consider political union as desirable.
This nationalism gave Bismarck the ideological support he needed for
his wars against Austria and France.
Of course you don’t have to argue this is the most important factor,
but you DO have to present an argument which is this convincing.
Remember, if in doubt about prioritisation, you can usually
successfully argue that economic change leads to social change which
leads to political change.
So, you already know how the constitution of Germany in 1871 was
constructed.
Past paper Question
(b) Explain why Bismarck opposed any extension of parliamentary
(Reichstag) power after 1871 (7)
(a) Explain briefly what is meant by a ‘federation of self-governing
states’ in the context of the unification of Germany. (3) [June 2003]
We now need to consider how Bismarck ran the country between 18711890.
Given that the Liberals had failed to establish their brand of
constitutional parliamentary rule in the revolutions of 1848 it was clear
that true democracy was unlikely! Bismarck’s challenge was,
therefore, how to create a modern-seeming state whilst maintaining
traditional structures: preserving Prussian dominance of the union,
protecting the power of the Kaiser, maintaining the power of the army
and of the Junkers. This latter was important because the old agrarian
elites were more conservative, therefore had to be allowed to triumph
over the economically powerful industrialists, who were largely liberal.
So basically, what you see in the period 1871-1890 is a period of
contraction. The period of expansion was over, and the consolidation
of power had begun.
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The state of Germany in 1871
Main Political Parties in the Second Reich (left to right spectrum)
SPD
Party wished to see
a socialist state in
Germany.
Persecuted but
received the largest
number of votes
from 1890 onwards.
Very popular in the
newly expanding
towns
Progressive
Liberals
Middle Class party
that split from the
National Liberals
over the
constitutional crisis
of 1859-1860.
Favoured
constitutional
reform. Supported
the anti-clerical
measures against
the Catholic Church
National Liberals
Centre Party
Free Conservatives Conservatives
Dominant party of
the early years of
the Second Reich.
Middle Class party.
Favoured antiClerical measures
and Free Trade
(obviously)
Created 1870 to
represent interests
of Catholics in
Protestant country.
However, also drew
support from across
society. Generally
conservative in
defence of
tradition, the
monarchy and
morals. Could be
progressive in
matters of social
reform, however.
Less exclusively
agrarian than the
Conservatives –
landlords and
industrialists –
essentially was
party of big
business. Politically
the closest to
Bismarck.
Supported his
policies and
provided many
officials for his
ministries
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This party
represented the
interest of the
Junker class. Strong
in Prussia. Little
real strength in
Reichstag, although
hugely powerful in
the Prussian House
of Deputies
Summary of Germany 1870-1890
Economic growth
= emphasis on free trade as an economic policy
Therefore
= dominance of the liberals in parliament (as the party of free trade)
Also
= growth of middle class
And
= growth of industrial cartels regulating prices
Initial usefulness of Liberals in Reichstag + Bismarck’s hostility to Catholic Centre party
= free trade
= Kulturkampf
BUT:
Economic slump 1873-6 = growth of interest in tariffs
Plus: Slump in agricultural prices + growth of industrial cartels = demand for protection (tariffs)
Growth of middle-class = challenge to the economic (not social/political) dominance of the Junkers = concern for social order
Exacerbated by:
Industrial growth + slump in agricultural prices (early 1870s) = migration to towns = growth of socialism
Growth of socialism + assassination attempt on the life of the Kaiser = fear of anarchism
In addition: Effects of Kulturkampf = growth of power of Centre Party
Overall: Growth of socialism + economic slump + effects of Kulturkampf = decline of liberal dominance in Reichstag
THEREFORE:
From 1878 change of policy
= tariffs
= new alliance with Centre Party rather than liberals
= the beginning of a new struggle against Socialism
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Economic change in the Reich
Remember – changes in the economic balance are pivotal in
explaining historical change. Economic change leads to social
change which leads to political change. For this reason, we
are considering the economic backdrop to the period 18711890 BEFORE we consider how Bismarck led the country.
Germany’s industrial output continued the successful trend
begun in the 1850s until 1890. By 1890 Germany was leading
the way in new chemical and electrical industries and had
also vastly increased output of traditional industrial products
such as coal and steel.
The German economy was also buoyed by the 5million francs
paid by France as part of the Treaty of Frankfurt, which was
paid in full by 1873. This fund was spent by national and
state government, which greatly increased the amount of
capital in circulation.
Currency reform in 1871 also contributed to increased ‘cashin-pocket’.
Economic prosperity led, almost inevitably, to speculation,
and the danger of an overheating economy as investors
borrowed to speculate.
Economic growth led, almost just as inevitably, to the rise of
cartels – groups of major firms in a given industry which
joined forces to fix prices. Between 1875 and 1890 over 200
cartels were established, the most significant of which was
the Central Association of German Industrialists. The natural
urge to protect prices was given added urgency by
competition from foreign companies and the cartels used
their collective power to pressure the government for tariffs.
Tariffs would protect German manufacturers by imposing
import taxes on foreign goods which would raise the price of
those goods, thus creating a preference in the German
consumer for home-grown cheaper products. However, these
cartels were unlikely to be successful in their tariff demands
whilst the economy was buoyant and the Liberals were
dominant in parliament.
Amongst the social changes stemming from such successful
industrialisation was the inevitable rise of the middle-class
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(e.g entrepreneurs like Werner Siemens and August Thyssen).
This emergent class didn’t really challenge the social and
political dominance of the Junkers but they were able to
challenge their economic power, and therefore the
appearance of dominance.
How was this possible?
1. The middle-class were rich and desired the trappings of
success such as mansions in the Grunewald
2. The Junkers were suffering from a decline in
agricultural prices from 1873, made worse by bad
harvests and cheap grain imports from Russia and
America in the late 1870s.
Therefore, many Junkers were forced to sell their estates to
the nouveau riche. Whilst the Junkers maintained their
political dominance in local government (contrary to Liberal
designs), this shift in outward appearance suggested an
undermining of the status of the old elites. This led
landowners, too, to demand price protection. The League for
Tax and Economic Reform was established in 1876 to protect
German landowners.
The other significant social change arising from
industrialisation was the growth of socialism as the direct
result of urbanisation. As workers migrated to the factories
and experienced grim working and living conditions, they
began to seek political representation to voice their
concerns. The SPD was created in 1874. It polled 10% of the
vote in 1877 elections, earning 12 seats in the Reichstag.
Once again, whilst the economy was buoyant and the liberals
were firmly in charge, this threat was minimal.
HOWEVER, from 1873-1876 there was an economic hiccup,
caused partly by over-speculation but also by the collapse of
the Viennese stock market in April 1873. This hiccup has
been seen by some as a ‘Great Depression’ like that
stemming from the Wall Street Crash in 1929. However, this
reputation is founded largely on the impact of this slump,
rather than on the extent of the slump itself. Nevertheless,
as Williamson argues ‘it was the first serious check to
growth since 1857-9’ and therefore was considered serious
enough at the time to cause widespread panic.
This economic hiccup had far reaching consequences, as will
be explored below…!
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What you need to know now is that in 1878 Bismarck
introduced protective tariffs.
Craig pp98-100
Whitfield p59-60
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Bismarck and the Liberals
In the Reichstag 1871 the National Liberals held 155 out of
399 seats. As it had support from Progressives and Free
Conservatives they had undisputed majority.
‘All three of these parties were filled with men who had
long regarded German unity as not only politically desirable
but economically necessary, and were now intent upon
removing the remaining obstacles to the development of
trade and manufacturing and upon doing the utmost to
create the kind of economic infrastructure that would
enable Germany to compete in the markets of the world’
Craig
As the Liberals were opposed to any limitations on the
freedom of the individual to pursue economic prosperity,
liberal policy, therefore, was characterised by free-trade,
increased centralisation of government and an end to
Feudalism.
The latter 2 points do not make them the obvious bedfellows
for Bismarck. However, initially, the alliance between
Bismarck and the Liberals was successful. Bismarck and the
Liberals had common interests in the measures taken to
complete unification. Moreover, remember that Bismarck
needed the Reichstag to support him, in order to make him
appear indispensable to the Kaiser. As the economy was
prosperous and the Liberal policy of free trade made
economic sense and as the Liberals, therefore, were the
dominant party in the Reichstag, Bismarck used a Liberal
alliance to pass a number of measures consolidating the
Constitution:
o A common currency
o Legal system standardised
- in 1877 a law standardising procedure in local,
district, state and provincial courts was passed.
- In 1879 the codification of civil law began
The National Liberals were instrumental in securing the
passage of these acts through the Reichstag.
Indeed, AJP Taylor has argued that it was difficult to say,
between 1871 and 1877, whether ‘Bismarck or the National
Liberals determined the character of Germany policy’.
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I think this is over-stating the case. The Chancellor supported
the National Liberals in policy relating to the administrative
and economic sphere. However, he was unprepared to
support them in matters of royal or government prerogative,
or social privilege. For example, the Liberals were unhappy
about the absolutism that persisted in Mecklenberg, where
no parliamentary body existed. They repeatedly brought to
the Bundesrat an amendment to the Constitution which
stipulated that every state must have an elected
representative body. Bismarck allowed the bill to be
defeated each time.
Equally, in 1874, Bismarck refused to accede to Liberal
demands to grant editors the right to protect their sources as
he believed that journalistic freedom would protect dissident
views, which he was not prepared to tolerate. The Press Law
enabled the government to imprison newspaper editors for
publishing sensitive information or protecting their sources.
Even more significantly, he refused to acknowledge
Parliamentary control over the army, a liberal demand
dating, you will remember, from the Constitutional Crisis of
1860. The 1874 Septennial Law allowed the Reichstag to
review military spending every 7 years. However, this was in
no way the complete Parliamentary control of the army
desired by the Liberals. This law was essentially the first
confrontation between Bismarck and the Liberal philosophy
since the 1860 crisis, and confirmed very much the same
outcome – the armed forces were outside of Parliament’s
remit.
Nevertheless, it was a compromise of sorts. Why was
Bismarck even prepared to condone this level of
Parliamentary control?
It was, unsurprisingly, no love of democracy, but
REALPOLITIK, Bismarck’s watchword!
In 1870 the Centre Party was formed. This party represented
the Catholic minority in a Protestant nation, although it was
by no means exclusive. The Centre Party wanted to amend
the constitution to protect the Church. Bismarck saw the
existence of a confessional party (i.e a party where loyalty is
based on religion rather than political views) as dangerous.
Loyalty to the church/Pope conflicted with loyalty to the
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state: ‘what we have is the age old struggle for power, as
old as the human race itself, between kingship and the
priestly caste’ Bismarck’s speech to the Reichstag 1873.
In order to destroy the Centre Party, Bismarck needed the
support of the Liberals. As the Liberals were inherently anticlerical (again, objecting to any institution which limited the
freedom of the individual), they were obvious allies.
Kulturkampf, the attack on the Church, was launched.
We will return to the details of Kulturkampf shortly, when
we consider Bismarck’s relationship with the Catholics. It is
mentioned here to illustrate Bismarck’s motives for alliance
with the Liberals to 1878.
So what went wrong?
Firstly, the conspicuous consumption of the middle-classes
was starting to raise concerns about a collapse of public
morals. Rape cases doubled between 1872-1878. As many of
the upper middle-classes were liberals (for economic
reasons), the connection between liberalism and immorality
was beginning to emerge, a connection which resurfaced to
haunt Germany in the Weimar period.
Secondly, the economy slumped in 1873. This had two
immediate outcomes.
A) As an alliance of producers, agricultural and industrial,
sought protection for their livelihoods in the form of tariffs
the Liberals, the party of free trade, became increasingly
unpopular. If Bismarck was to establish tariffs he would need
to abandon the Liberal alliance and seek alliance with a
more conservative force in the Reichstag.
B) The economic slump caused increased hardship for the
lower classes, which turned increasingly towards the socialist
SPD for answers, a force which needed to be challenged, in
Bismarck’s view, by increasingly conservative policies.
Thirdly, Kulturkampf had failed to destroy the Centre Party
but had actually increased solidarity amongst Catholics and
their sympathisers. As part of the concern about liberal
values there evolved a view that anti-clericalism was really
materialism in disguise, and that attacks on personal
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religious allegiance were not appropriate political
objectives. In 1874 the Centre Party doubled their vote.
Fourthly, 2 attempts on the Kaiser’s life in 1878 led Bismarck
to introduce legislation limiting the freedom of the press
more severely and making class agitation a criminal offence.
These bills were obviously defeated by the Liberals, enabling
Bismarck to damn the Liberals as unpatriotic, dissolve the
Reichstag and call new elections. The Liberals lost 29 seats,
the Centre party held onto their seats and became the
dominant power in the Reichstag.
All of the above meant that Bismarck was increasingly
attracted to the conservative Centre Party away from the
Liberals, AND that the Centre Party was increasingly a
significant enough presence in the Reichstag to make an
alliance with them a viable political possibility.
Finally, a new Pope, Leo XIII, in 1878 made reconciliation
with the Church and Centre Party possible at just the time as
it became politically desirable. How handy!
bismarck break with liberals swk ex 30 min.pdf
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Past Paper Questions on the Liberals
Source A.
Throughout his chancellorship, Bismarck was determined to
prevent any extension of parliamentary power. This soon led
to tension with the more left-wing National Liberals who
remained committed to further constitutional change.
Adapted from ‘Bismarckian Germany’ KA Lerman 1997
(a) Read Source A and then explain briefly what is meant by
‘National Liberals’ in the context of Bismarck’s Germany (3)
[June 2004]
[q1]
Source B
Bismarck in the early 1870s was certainly not a spokesman
for the Junkers, but he did not feel bound to follow the
views of the National Liberals merely because they were the
largest party in the Reichstag
Adapted from Germany, 1815-1839 F McKichan 1992
(b) Read source B and explain why Bismarck co-operated
with the National Liberals 1871-1878 (7) [Jan 2004]
[q2]
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Bismarck and the church –
After unification about two-thirds of Germans were
Protestant (mainly Lutheran) while about one-third were
Catholics.
Almost immediately after unification Bismarck embarked
upon a policy of ‘kulturkampf’. This actually means
something like ‘clash of civilisations’ but was basically a
campaign against the Catholic minority by the state.
Why Kulturkampf?
1. Catholics were traditionally pro-Austrian, rather than
pro-German, which made Bismarck suspicious of their
loyalty.
2. Owing allegiance to an outside agency (the Pope) was
evidence of divided loyalties anyway. Bismarck saw
the Catholic Church in Germany as a "state within a
state”.
3. The support of national minorities for the party
further confirmed Bismarck’s fear of sectarianism.
4. In 1870 the doctrine of Papal Infallibility stated that
the Pope could not be wrong. Therefore any
statement the Pope made which contradicted
government policy would, Bismarck felt, further
compromise loyalty to the Kaiser.
5. The Centre Party policy was to support church schools,
which Bismarck saw as sectarian, to support more
autonomy for individual states over imperial
government, hardly desirable in the context of a
newly unified nation, and to support social reforms,
which the naturally conservative Bismarck feared
represented a radical social agenda.
6. Bismarck needed the support of the anti-clerical
Liberals against the Centre Party. Bismarck used the
inherent anti-religious sentiment of the Liberals for his
political ends
7. Arguably, Bismarck also used Kulturkampf as a way of
deflecting Liberal constitutional demands; the
Bielefeld School of German historiography sees the
Kulturkampf as a classic example of negative
integration. Bismarck attempted to unite the
Protestant majority in the Reichstag against the
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Roman menace and distract the Liberals from
constitutional questions.
The obvious ground for attack was education, as education
was controlled by the state and secular education was a
central tenet of liberal philosophy. As education was a
matter of state policy rather than Reich policy, the main
protagonist was Prussia, although Baden and Hesse also
pursued anti-Catholic policies in this period.
In 1871 Bismarck dissolved the Catholic division of the
Prussian Ministry of Culture on the grounds that Dr Kratzig,
its chief, had encouraged the use of Polish rather than
German as the principle language in Posen. A leading anticlerical, Adalbert Falk was appointed as minister.
In 1871 the state was given control over education.
In 1872 the Jesuits were forbidden from establishing new
institutions, ordered to dissolve existing institutions and put
at risk of expulsion from Germany.
In 1873, the notorious ‘May Laws’ were introduced:



The state was given control over the education of the
clergy; candidates for the priesthood had to attend a
German University for three years before entering a
seminary.
Civil Marriage was introduced.
The power of the Papacy in Germany was undermined
when disciplinary authority over the Church was given
to the Royal Tribunal for Ecclesiastical Affairs,
provincial governors were given the right to veto the
appointment of parish priests and provision was made
for the civil appointment of Bishops.
In 1874 a second set of May Laws was introduced:


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Dissident parish priests could have their income
confiscated
Recusant bishops could be imprisoned
The state was given the power to expel all clerics who
did not meet the requirements set in 1873. Vacancies
were to be filled by state appointments
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The church refused to accept these measures. A Papal
Encyclical of 1875 declared the measures invalid.
Bismarck was not prepared to tolerate outside interference
in matters of state. The state responded by cutting off all
financial aid to Bishops until they recognised the laws. All
monastic orders except those engaged in medical work were
expelled from Prussia. A wave of expulsions followed. By
1876 almost 1400 parishes were without a priest.
The impact was profound. As laws became more severe many
Germans became concerned about state preparedness to
punish matters of conscience.
Ludwig Windthorst, the leader of the Centre Party
(Zentrum), discouraged opposition outside Parliament,
reasoning that it would give Bismarck further reason to
repress the Catholics. Instead, he urged voters to use the
electoral process to air their views about Bismarck’s policies
(think about this when considering why Bismarck didn’t
really want too much Parliamentary power!!). The elections
of 1874 demonstrated public support for Zentrum (doubled
their vote) and opposition to Bismarck’s policy of
Kulturkampf.
Bismarck, being a realist, was probably aware that the time
for change was upon him. Whilst the Chancellor might
theoretically dominate the Reichstag, Bismarck’s own
position as Chancellor would be untenable unless he could
ensure its cooperation. In addition, the economic crisis
meant that the Liberals were no longer the useful
parliamentary allies they had been in the early 1870s. The
two issues of socialism and protectionism had become more
important and the Liberals were not the allies to deal with
them. Moreover, as a natural conservative, Bismarck was
probably becoming alarmed at the potential fragmentation
of society if his Kulturkampf policies were pursued.
As Carr argues “the time had come for the chancellor to
cut his losses before the Empire was seriously weakened
by a campaign that had only succeeded in deepening the
confessional divisions in Germany.”
In 1878 the death of Pope Pius IX and the election of the
Leo XIII opened the way for compromise. Leo wrote to the
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Kaiser expressing his hope for friendly relations with
Germany.
In 1879 Bismarck acted and Falk was dismissed. Most of the
"May Laws" were dismantled in the following years except for
those relating to state schools and civil marriage.
Long term impact:
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Craig argues that much of the sense of unity won by
war with France was lost in the period of German v.
German conflict on confessional grounds
The struggle left Catholics with a distrust of the state
that was to last for years.
Embittered Polish-German relations.
Liberalism was virtually destroyed as a credible
political force in Germany
[However, it must be remembered that the post-1878
alliance in the Reichstag was not solely with the Centre Party
but can be considered a broadly conservative alliance – see
below!]
kulturkampf.pdf
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Past Paper Questions on Catholics
Source B
Adapted from Bismarck. AJP Taylor, 1955.
“When the Roman Catholics created their own political
party, the Centre, this won support from all those that
disliked Bismarck’s Germany. The Poles and Alsatians who
co-operated with the Centre were Roman Catholics. Men
from Hanover, who disliked Bismarck’s Empire, also
supported the Centre Party although they were Protestants.
On the other hand, some Roman Catholic nationalists
supported Bismarck. The Kulturkampf was an effort to
strangle the Centre Party. From 1874 Bismarck tried
repeatedly to negotiate with the Pope behind the back of
the Centre leaders, and offered to drop the May Laws if the
Pope would order the Centre to give him unquestioning
support.
(a) Read Source B. Explain briefly the significance of the
term ‘May Laws’ in the context of the Kulturkampf in
Germany. (3) [Jan 2003]
(b) Explain why Bismarck went onto the offensive against the
Catholic Church in the years 1871-1878’ (7) [June 2005]
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Bismarck and the Conservatives
However, even though overtures towards the conservatives,
in general, and the Centre Party, in particular, were both
desirable and possible in 1878, it took an assassination
attempt on the Kaiser to act as the catalyst for a restructuring of the power balance in the Reichstag. Bismarck
blamed the attempts on the socialists and tried to pass an
anti-socialist law. Whilst some Liberals offered limited
support, mainly in a bid to retain any vestiges of power,
most of the Liberals blocked it. Bismarck therefore accused
them of being unpatriotic, dissolved the Reichstag (see how
rarely that threat was actually used?) and called new
elections. The Liberals lost 29 seats and the Centre Party
became the new dominant force.
At this point, Bismarck introduced his Tariff Bill 1879 which
imposed import duties on iron, iron goods and grain. The bill
was passed by a majority made up from Conservatives
(Junkers), Free Conservatives (industrialists), Centrists and a
few right-wing Liberals, once again, desperate to hang onto
whatever power was available.
How did Bismarck secure the support of these various
conservative groups?
The reasons for the support of the Centre Party are explored
above. However, it should be noted that the Centre Party
offered Bismarck no easy alliance. Windthorst supported
protectionism but opposed indirect taxation – he did not
want to strengthen Bismarck’s hand at the expense of the
states! Bismarck then had to compromise significantly with
Zentrum. He supported the election of the Zentrum deputy,
Baron von Frankenstein, as vice-president of the Reichstag
and president of the tariff committee. The Bill was only
finally passed once Bismarck accepted Frankenstein’s
amendment to the bill which limited the % of income from
taxation that would go to central government; the rest had
to go directly to the states. Further ref to this later. [He also
– in standard Bismarck fashion – sought to outmanoeuvre
Windthorst by negotiating directly with the Papacy over the
dismantling of Kulturkampf.]
The support of the Conservatives is unsurprising. At the
point of unification of Germany, Bismarck essentially
extended Prussian structures and systems into Germany as a
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whole. The Prussian system was dominated by Junkers so this
class increased in significance, post-unification. Despite the
Liberal dominance of the Reichstag, the Junkers maintained
their pre-eminence in local government, local courts and the
army.
Just a reminder of Weber’s thesis of the German Sonderweg
(special path) – he argued that Germany’s development
followed a ‘Sonderweg’ or special path. Rather than
becoming a liberal parliamentary democracy, as in the
British or French model, Germany’s path was unusual. The
middle classes, despite growing in wealth and economic
importance, did not gain more political power. The Prussian
landed elites continued to dominate the key positions in the
army, civil service and government and did all they could to
protect their privileged position, aided and abetted by
Bismarck, himself a Prussian aristocrat and opponent of
democracy. After the collapse of the monarchy in 1918, the
elites became more and more desperate to resist democracy
and keep power for themselves, which, it has been argued,
paved the way for Hitler’s rise.
But the question Weber’s thesis raises is ‘Why would Junker
dominance be allowed to continue in the face of
considerable pressure from the middle-classes who were
both economically powerful and politically dominant up to
1878?’.
There were several possible reasons:
-Because the 1871 constitution embraced particularism (i.e
regionalism) rather than true centralization, so there was no
central challenge to regional Junker authority.
-Because unification essentially meant the extension of
Prussian structures into the Federation, there was no
challenge to traditional elites and, in fact, they were given
more significance because they assumed national rather than
simply Prussian importance.
-Because Bismarck himself was conservative (with a small
‘c’!) and a Junker. This means he was unlikely to challenge
the dominance of his own class. More subtly, you could argue
that as Bismarck had the Reichstag firmly under control (by
means that you should already know), the regional
importance of the Junkers was allowed to continue as the
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actual authoritative government of the nation, rather than
the often symbolic authority of the Reichstag.
Obviously, the power of the Junkers to challenge Reich
government was limited whilst the Liberals were dominant in
the Reichstag and Bismarck was committed to compromise
with them.
However, as both the economy and the popularity of the
Liberals slumped, Bismarck was much more prepared to
consider the demands of the Conservatives, namely those for
tariff protection.
This accounts for Conservative support for Bismarck. In fact,
these tariffs were successful in securing landowner support
for Bismarck all through the 1880s agricultural depression.
The support of the Free Conservatives (industrialists) was
assured by protective tariffs and by Bismarck’s opposition
to socialism.
As the 19th century wore on, the industrial elites became
more important. Many entrepreneurs were Liberals, but most
of the truly powerful industrial magnates were Free
Conservatives (there is broadly a correlation between the
amount of money someone earns and their level of support
for right-wing politics – obviously this is a gross
generalization, but it may help you to conceptualise the
issues). These Free Conservatives would support Bismarck’s
proposal for protective tariffs once the economy slumped,
for obvious economic reasons, but this is not to
underestimate the political reason for their support. These
Free Conservatives were horrified by the growing popularity
of socialism (why?) and were very appreciative of Bismarck’s
attempts to destroy it.
So, we can see why Bismarck’s tariff proposals attracted
right-wing support, but why was Bismarck himself prepared
to sanction tariffs and destroy his Liberal alliance?
Obviously, you have a partial answer to this already – the
slump in the economy and the loss of popularity of the
Liberals. However, remember that Bismarck practised
REALPOLITIK – pragmatic politics. Tariffs and the break with
the Liberals had to have a tangible (i.e real rather than
theoretical) benefit to him!
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Whitfield argues that ‘as a Junker landowner himself,
Bismark was sympathetic to the demands of the
agriculturalists. A threat to agricultural incomes would, in
the long term, undermine the economic position of the
Junker aristocracy’ which Bismarck wouldn’t want to allow,
as it would basically be eroding not only the traditional
structures he held so dear, but his own social position!
Moreover, Bismarck, ever the pragmatist, was also aware
that tariffs would help the government raise money.
Remember that in the constitution central government
cannot raise taxes, but have to wait for direct taxes to be
levied by individual states and passed on (a considerable
power for the states I might add!). Imposing tariffs would be
an effective way of raising revenue – and would not need
Reichstag approval – independence!!!! This was the issue that
stuck in the throat of Zentrum!
Craig argues that Bismarck’s interest in financial
independence was such that he actually considered
alternatives to tariffs before finally bowing to pressure, such
as indirect taxes on non-essential items such as tobacco,
sugar and beer. The Liberals did not want to agree to this as,
once voted on, these indirect taxes would become automatic
which would in turn reduce the fiscal (economic) power of
parliament. It was a power struggle.
It is hard to know at what point the balance of favour tipped
in the conservative direction. In July 1877 Bismarck even
offered Bennigsen, the co-founder of the National Liberals,
the post of Prussian Minister of the Interior. Did he still see
the National Liberals still as the best partner? Or was he
scheming to make the Conservatives nervous and therefore
make them more likely to support him? [These questions are
not raised idly – you should consider a response!]
When Bismarck announced in the Reichstag that he was
planning to introduce a tax on tobacco, the Liberals pointblank refused, and this helped tip the balance.
Other factors contributing were, of course, the emergence,
by 1876, of a potential conservative-Zentrum economic
consensus, offering Bismarck a viable alternative
parliamentary ally. In addition, the death of Pius IX made it
possible for Bismarck to pursue this alliance. It’s no
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coincidence that Bismarck’s parliamentary challenge to the
Reichstag came 2 days after the new Pope, Leo XIII, wrote to
the Emperor offering reconciliation!
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Bismarck and the Socialists
In the wake of the economic crisis of 1873 the two leading
working-class parties, the General German Worker’s Union
and the League of Workers’ Clubs co-operated in the election
of 1874 and, a year later, formed the Social Democratic
party (SPD). In 1877 the party polled 10% of the vote.
Craig claims that Bismarck ‘recognised in the Socialist
movement a fundamental threat, not only to the social and
political order that he was establishing in Germany, but to
the established order in Europe as a whole’.
Why did Bismarck see the Socialists as a threat?
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Socialism was an international movement. This made
them un-german, as far as Bismarck was concerned. As
Carr notes "Socialism like Catholicism had allegiances
beyond the Nation state which Bismarck could neither
understand nor tolerate".
Socialism’s emphasis on class conflict and the redistribution of wealth presented a threat to the social
order. As Bismarck was traditional, conservative (small
‘c’) and from the Junker elite, this would never be
well received.
The socialist movement was based in south-west
Germany, where the spirit of 1848 was still alive (go
back to your textbook if you can’t remember this!)
The Socialists had supported the Paris Commune and
opposed the seizure of Alsace-Lorraine during the
Franco-Prussian war.
The movement gained more supporters during the
slump of 1873-6. At this point the 2 socialist
organizations merged (see above).
Socialist newspapers were growing in circulation.
Trade unionism was a threat to industry and a
foretaste of the danger of collective action if the
movement remained unchecked
However, the anti-socialist backlash of 1878 onwards did not
arise as a result of socialist actions, but as a result of the
attempted assassination of the Kaiser by anarchists.
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However, this did not stop Bismarck seizing the opportunity!
Craig ‘Bismarck’s success in the constitutional conflict of the
1860s had a permanent effect upon his parliamentary
practice. In later years, whenever the monarchicalconservative principle was threatened by a renewal of
parliamentary ambitions, he tended to revert to the
methods that had been effective in that earlier time:…the
identification of political opposition with lack of patriotism
and subversion, the ruthless employment of…harassment
against individuals and parties labelled as Reichsfeinde.’
Thus, Bismarck tried to pass an anti-socialist law. The
Liberals opposed – unanimously, on principle, for once.
Bismarck claimed the Liberals were unpatriotic, dissolved
the Reichstag and called for new elections.
Again, you need to decide what you think Bismarck’s primary
motivation was:
a) Did Bismarck dissolve the Reichstag because he was
determined to get his anti-socialist bill through and the
Liberals were blocking it?
b) Did Bismarck introduce the anti-socialist bill as a means to
destroy the liberals through new elections, as he knew they
would oppose the bill?
c) Did Bismarck realize that his tariff policy was economically
essential and that, having chosen this economic path, he
knew that he had lost his liberal alliance and so needed new
elections to generate parliamentary support – from anywhere
– to ensure his continued dominance? In this case, would it
have mattered what the catalyst was?
d) Was Bismarck simply trying to bring the Liberals to heel
over economic policy by frightening them with new
elections?
Whatever your decision, you must be able to justify it! What
evidence do you have to support your choice?
The results of the election were as follows:
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Seats before the
election
Seats after the
election
Socialists
National Liberals
Progressive
Liberals
12
128
35
9
99
26
Conservatives
40
59
Free Conservatives
Centre
38
94
57
95
Source: Craig
One outcome of this swing was the passage of the Tariff
Reform Bill, which we have already mentioned. There are a
number of possible arguments about this bill:



Did Bismarck sell out his economic principles for the
support of the conservatives against the Socialists?
Did Bismarck take advantage of the necessity (as he
perceived it) of crushing the Socialists to also shift his
economic policy, which was something he wanted to
do anyway (for reasons above)?
Did Bismarck simply take advantage of the necessity
(as he perceived it) of crushing the Socialists to crush
the Liberals through economic policy they couldn’t
support?
[You might like to consider the additional question of why, if
Bismarck perceived the Socialist threat to be so great, he did
not challenge them until 1878?!]
The second outcome of this right-wing swing was the first of
the Anti-Socialist Laws.
Bismarck’s policies for destroying the socialists have often
been described as a "Stick and Carrot" approach. The stick:
The Law deprived socialist organisations of the right of
assembly and publication (of the 47 socialist newspapers, 45
were banned). It also gave the government the power to
expel persons from their residence who could be described
as agitators.
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On the other hand, SPD deputies were allowed to participate
in elections and sit in the Reichstag. Does this show that
Bismarck had failed in his attempts to create a constitution
that was essentially authoritarian and the will of the people
was being expressed, or does it suggest that Bismarck’s
constitution had genuinely created a Reichstag which had
only symbolic power and the presence of SPD deputies really
didn’t matter?
Whichever way you argue, in effect, socialism was banned in
Germany. All Trade Unions associated with the SPD were
crushed. Prominent socialists were expelled from key cities
such as Hamburg. The police routinely arrested Socialist
candidates before election day – in 1881 Bebel, leader of the
SPD had to stand in 35 constituencies owing to the shortage
of candidates!
However, the anti-socialist laws did not halt socialism.
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Membership of TUs increased to 278000 by 1890
With the exception of 1887 the SPD increased its votes
in all elections between 1881 and 1890
Why didn’t the anti-socialist laws halt socialism?
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In 1880 the SPD, now in effect an underground
organisation, met in Switzerland to resist Bismarck's
measures. The most famous of these converences was
the Wyden Conference. The reunion of leading
socialists and leaders was, as Craig argues,
psychologically heartening.
A new socialist newspaper was published in Zurich and
smuggled into Germany. This paper restored the tie
between leaders and local organizations that the
police had tried to destroy.
Socialists developed solidarity – as the Catholics did
during Kulturkampf
Socialist doctrine was clarified and distanced from
anarchism.
The carrot:
Social Welfare Reform
However Bismarck realised that socialism could not be
defeated by harsh measures alone. He knew that policies
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were needed to improve the position of workers in Germany
so as to erode support for the socialists. Williamson wrote
that he wanted “to reconcile the working classes to the
authority of the state.”
Craig, slightly more generously, claims that Bismarck had
been considering such measures since his first days as
Minister President of Prussia in 1862. He claims that Bismarck
‘wished to demonstrate that the state had more to offer to
the working class than the Social Democrats’.
Your choice – again! – pragmatism or conviction?
1883 – Medical insurance scheme introduced - compensation
to workers during illness.
1884 - Accident Insurance law – compensation for workers
injured at work. Paid for by employers! Extended to
agricultural workers in 1886
1889 - Old Age Pension scheme was introduced for workers
over seventy.
Although he failed to curb growing SPD support the measures
were very constructive and helped to improve the life of
most ordinary Germans. They were twenty years ahead of
Britain in the area of Social Welfare. As Massie noted
“Bismarck had given the German working class the most
advanced social legislation in the World.”
It could be argued that this state-sponsored social welfare
much to undermine the Socialist agenda – they had to
support such practical improvements in the lives of workers
or be seen as abandoning socialist principles out of pure
opposition to government. However, the Socialist tactic was
simple – approve all policies in principle but seek to
substitute bills of their own or to amend proposed drafts. In
this sense they could be seen to be very much the authors of
the new policy. Sneaky!
The SPD did face some small opposition in the form of Adolf
Stoecker’s Christian Social Workers Party. This group
attracted supported based on a dual policy of support for
Bismarck’s social reforms and anti-semitism. Bismarck had
originally considered including Stoecker’s party in his antisocialist law but hadn’t done so. This may have been because
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he hoped that Stoecker’s anti-semitism would attract lowermiddle class and working voters and thereby diminish the
power of the liberals and the socialist.
However, as noted above, the Socialist vote was staunch and
the SPD increased their presence in the Reichstag from 9
seats to 12 in the 1881 elections.
Matters were getting critical for Bismarck:
1-The SPD were growing
2-Stoecker’s party was growing
3-The Liberals were no longer a viable source of support. The
National Liberals split again in 1880 and the more
independent members formed their own party, winning 47
seats in the 1881 elections. This group of secessionists
(break-away people) then made overtures to the Progressive
Liberals, thus increasing the left-wing presence in the
Reichstag. By 1884 these two groups had formally joined into
the German Free Thought party (Freisinnige). Added problem
for Bismarck – this party had the support of the Crown Prince
– who hated Bismarck! Grave danger of the Emperor’s heir
whipping what was left of the Liberals into shape against
Bismarck.
4-The Centre Party were only ever a temporary ally.
Although they would support Bismarck over matters of social
insurance, they would never compromise over matters of
state independence or collude with him in limiting the
powers of the Reichstag.
5-The Conservatives and Free Conservatives were his most
reliable source of support, but they had lost 30 seats in 1881
and only had 85 seats between them – not enough to give
Bismarck the control he craved.
Carr ‘The growth of Social Democracy greatly exacerbated
the basic conflict that was inherent in the Bismarck
constitution, that between monarchical power and
parliamentary pretension; and this made the Reichstag,
where the conflict centred, more and more unmanageable’
So, what could Bismarck do to regain control?
If bringing the Reichstag to heel was no longer possible,
Bismarck was determined to limit their power to legislate.
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The period from 1881 to 1890 could, therefore, be seen as a
deliberate attempt to limit the power of the Reichstag.
Firstly, he restructured the bureaucracy of Prussia.
Bismarck appointed Puttkamer as Minister of the Interior to
succeed Adalbert Falk. Puttkamer restructured the civil
service. He ensured that anyone with liberal pretensions was
unable to advance. He also eliminated older judges and
prosecuters in the Department of Justice. This removed
those whose thinking may have been influenced by the
progressive ideas of the 1860s! All civil servants were also
bound to take the oath that supported the Emperor…
Secondly, he facilitated a royal decree of 4 January 1882
which announced that the King-Emperor was personally
responsible for the direction of the government. He wanted
to prove that the power of the Reichstag was transitory
compared with the permanence of the power of a monarch.
Thirdly, the army officer corps was restructured / purged in
the same manner as the civil service had been. Before 1870
the officer corps would have been entirely traditional in
outlook as they were almost exclusively from Junker
families. However, as the army expanded post-unification,
officers were recruited from a wider social base. All officers
were required to swear the oath of loyalty to the Emperor
and to promise that whilst they served they would allow no
political allegiance to detract from their duty.
The issue of the army was traditional battle ground between
the Reichstag and the Chancellor and the 1880s were no
different. As Reichstag criticism of the army grew, headed by
Eugen Richter, the War Minister, von Kameke seemed
incapable of dealing with it. Fortunately, Bismarck was none
too happy about the Reichstag debating matters that
touched upon royal prerogative. Kameke resigned and was
replaced by Paul Bronsart. Bronsart took the appointment
subject to Bismarck’s condition that the Chief of the General
Staff would be granted direct access to the Emperor without
the War Minister’s approval or intervention. Bismarck had
emasculated the office of War Minister. However, in so
doing, he had also removed some of the power of his own
role as Chancellor that he had fought so hard for since 1871.
This was in 1883.
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Bismarck topped off his re-assertion of authority by, once
again, pulling an ‘external issue’ out of the bag. (previous
external issues of course being hatred of the Catholics,
Socialists, Minorities). This time around it was the vision of
Empire and the conquest of foreign territory.
The 1884 elections tested the success of this strategy. On
one hand, the National Liberals had decided that they
preferred Bismarck’s vision than an alliance with the
Freisinnige which reduced Bismarck’s fear of a resurgence of
a united liberal alliance: The Freisinnige held only 67 of their
previous 106 seats, the (more now right-wing) National
Liberals won 50 seats. The conservatives won 28. On the
other hand, the SPD doubled their vote winning 24 seats and
the Centre Party won 99. So the Reichstag was as
unmanageable as ever. An example of the opposition they
posed to Bismarck was the struggle he had to get the
Reichstag to renew the anti-socialist law in 1886.
Further moves to counter opposition could be seen in
Bismarck’s policy of Germanisation of the 1880s. Again, this
could be seen as a policy of persecuting an outsider to breed
unity within, particularly as a challenge to Stoecker’s
popularity.
Anti-semitism emerged as Jews were used as scapegoats for
economic problems after 1873, and resurfaced as a
significant wave of public sentiment during the agricultural
depression of the 1880s. Therefore, as well as targeting
Socialists (and, previously, Catholics), Bismarck also attacked
Jews and Poles. Shades of the racial hierarchy to emerge in
the Third Reich?! (sonderweg).
1886 Settlement Law encouraged German peasants to settle
in east Prussian provinces. By 1885 more than 32000 Poles
and Jews had been forced to leave these territories.
German was declared the official language in Polish schools
and in French schools of Alsace-Lorraine.
This obviously appealed to the conservatives but did
Bismarck attack minorities to make his own policies more
appealing to the conservatives, or to attract public support
away from ‘radical’ parties such as Stoecker’s, towards more
traditional values?
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More information is contained within the attached handout:
nash_minorities.pdf
These measures had limited success. They caused
resentment and the establishment of local peasant
organisations to protect their Polish culture.
However, despite very limited success in either bringing the
Reichstag under control, or removing sources of discontent,
Bismarck was saved by international affairs. Once again,
think back to the influences on Bismarck’s actions – Proactive and visionary? Pragmatic? Just plain lucky?
When the Bulgarian crises made Bismarck seek increased
military preparation for fear of war, rather than ask the
Reichstag to extend the existing Septennat (7 year military
budget), he asked them for a new Septennat. This was a
whole year before it was due to expire. The Reichstag said
they would only renew for 3 years so…
What a shock! Bismarck said the Reichstag was unpatriotic
and dissolved it!
In the 1887 elections the Conservatives, Free Conservatives
and National Liberals won 220 of the 375 Reichstag seats.
The Centre held its share but the Freisinnige and the SPD
were greatly reduced. Bismarck had triumphed again!
[Assassination attempt on Kaiser Attempted Assasination
Wilhelm I source qs.doc
DERBY HIGH SCHOOL AS HISTORY
AQA OPTION G, UNIT 1: IMPERIAL AND WEIMAR GERMANY 1871-1925
A JORDAN
Germany under Bismarck 1871-1890
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Past Paper Questions – summary questions
(c) ‘Bismarck preserved his power until 1890 by maintaining
a skilful balancing act between the various political
groupings’. Explain why you agree or disagree with this
opinion (15) [June 2004]
(c) ‘Bismarck did all he could, during his years as Chancellor
of Germany, to limit the power of the Reichstag’ Explain why
you agree or disagree with this view (15) [Jan 2004]
(c) ‘It was Prussia and the Prussian elites which dominated
the newly unified Germany from 1871-1879’ Explain why you
agree or disagree with this statement (15) [June 2003]
(c) Explain the reasons why Bismarck changed his domestic
policies from 1871 (15) [Jan 2003]
(c) ‘In 1878-1879 Bismarck adopted a completely new
political strategy, abandoning a liberal alliance in favour of a
conservative one.’ Explain why you agree or disagree with
this view. (15) [Jan 2006]
What you must do now is to decide on your argument in the
following questions:
1. Why did Bismarck change his policies in 1878?
You must have a clear line of argument that follows through
your essay.
2. Who/What was dominant in German politics from 18711890?
3. Did Bismarck deliberately try to limit the power of the
Reichstag between 1871-1890?
4.Was Bismarck success between 1871 and 1890 defined by
assertive action (i.e knowing what he wanted and going for
it), pragmatism (reacting to circumstances) or luck?
DERBY HIGH SCHOOL AS HISTORY
AQA OPTION G, UNIT 1: IMPERIAL AND WEIMAR GERMANY 1871-1925
A JORDAN
Germany under Bismarck 1871-1890
- 34 -