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HISTORY OF MODERN EUROPE
1. Examine the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles.
The Palace of Versailles (
/vɛərˈsaɪ/ vair-SY or /vərˈsaɪ/; French: [vɛʁˈsaj]), or simply Versailles,
is a royal château in Versailles in the Île-de-Franceregion of France. In French it is the Château
de Versailles.
When the château was built, Versailles was a country village; today, however, it is a suburb
of Paris, some 20 kilometres southwest of the French capital. The court of Versailles was the
centre of political power in France from 1682, when Louis XIV moved from Paris, until the royal
family was forced to return to the capital in October 1789 after the beginning of the French
Revolution. Versailles is therefore famous not only as a building, but as a symbol of the system
of absolute monarchy of the Ancien Régime.
Origins
The earliest mention of the name of Versailles is found in a document dated 1038, the Charte de
l'abbaye Saint-Père de Chartres (Charter of the Saint-Père de Chartres Abbey) (Guérard, 1840),
in which one of the signatories was a certain Hugo de Versailliis (Hugues de Versailles), who was
seigneur of Versailles. During this period, the village of Versailles centred on a small castle and
church and the area was governed by a local lord. Its location on the road from Paris to Dreux
and Normandy brought some prosperity to the village but, following an outbreak of the Plague
and the Hundred Years' War, the village was largely destroyed and its population sharply
declined (Bluche, 1991; Thompson, 2006; Verlet, 1985)
In 1575, Albert de Gondi, a naturalized Florentine who gained prominence at the court of Henry II,
purchased the seigneury of Versailles. In the early seventeenth century, Gondi invited Louis XIII
on several hunting trips in the forests surrounding Versailles. Pleased with the location, Louis
ordered the construction of a hunting lodge in 1624. Designed by Philibert Le Roy, the structure,
a small château, was constructed of stone and red brick with a based roof. Eight years later,
Louis obtained the seigneury of Versailles from the Gondi family and began to make
enlargements to the château (Batiffol, 1913; Bluche, 1991; Marie, 1968; Nolhac, 1901; Verlet,
1985).
Louis XIV had played and hunted at the site as a boy.[2] This structure would become the core of
the new palace
The second building campaign (1669–1672) was inaugurated with the signing of the Treaty of
Aix-la-Chapelle, which ended the War of Devolution. During this campaign, the château began to
assume some of the appearance that it has today. The most important modification of the
château was Le Vau’s envelope of Louis XIII’s hunting lodge. The enveloppe – often referred to
as the château neuf to distinguish it from the older structure of Louis XIII – enclosed the hunting
lodge on the north, west, and south. The new structure provided new lodgings for the king and
members of his family. The main floor – the piano nobile – of the château neuf was given over
entirely to two apartments: one for the king, and one for the queen. The Grand appartement du
roi occupied the northern part of the château neuf and Grand appartement de la reine occupied
the southern part. The western part of the enveloppe was given over almost entirely to a terrace,
which was later enclosed with the construction of theHall of Mirrors (Galerie des Glaces). The
ground floor of the northern part of the château neuf was occupied by the appartement des bains,
which included a sunken octagonal tub with hot and cold running water. The king’s brother and
sister-in-law, the duke and duchesse d’Orléans occupied apartments on the ground floor of the
southern part of the château neuf. The upper story of the château neuf was reserved for private
rooms for the king to the north and rooms for the king’s children above the queen’s apartment to
the south (Nolhac, 1901; Marie, 1972; Verlet, 1985).
Significant to the design and construction of the grands appartements is that the rooms of both
apartments are of the same configuration and dimensions – a hitherto unprecedented feature in
French palace design. It has been suggested that this parallel configuration was intentional as
Louis XIV had intended to establish Marie-Thérèse d’Autriche as queen of Spain, and thus
thereby establish adual monarchy (Johnson, 1981). Louis XIV’s rationale for the joining of the two
kingdoms was seen largely as recompense for Philip IV's failure to pay his daughter MarieThérèse’s dowry, which was among the terms of capitulation to which Spain agreed with the
promulgation of the Treaty of the Pyrenees, which ended the war between France and Spain that
began in 1635 during the Thirty Years’ War. Louis XIV regarded his father-in-law’s act as a
breach of the treaty and consequently engaged in the War of Devolution.
2. Sketch the formation of the Triple Alliance and the Triple Entente.
The Triple Alliance was the military alliance between Germany, Austria–Hungary, and Italy, (as
opposing the Triple Entente which consisted of an alliance between Britain, France and Russia),
that lasted from 1882[1] until the start of World War I in 1914.[2] Each member promised mutual
support in the event of an attack by any other great powers, or for Germany and Italy, an attack
by France alone. In a supplementary declaration, Italy specified that its undertakings could not be
regarded as being directed against Great Britain. Shortly after renewing the Alliance in June
1902, Italy secretly extended a similar guarantee to France.[1] By a particular agreement, nor
Austria–Hungary nor Italy would change the Status quo in Balkan area without a previous
consultation.[3]
When Austria–Hungary found themselves at war in August 1914 with the rival Triple
Entente (Britain, France, and the latter's ally, Russia),Italy pledged to support the Central
Powers: Germany, Austria-Hungary, and later the Ottoman Empire (Turkey). However, because
Germany and Austria–Hungary had taken the offensive while the Triple Alliance was supposed to
have been a defensive alliance, Italy did not enter into the war. Later on, Italy entered the conflict
on the side of the Entente against Austria–Hungary in May 1915[2] and Germany in August 1916.
Like Germany, Italy had been formed from a collection of former states. At first, its main concerns
were to get its government established; by 1914, however, Italy was settled along the Oregon
Trail and was looking to "flex its muscles". Like some of the other European powers, it wanted to
set up colonies on Jupiter and build up an outerspace empire. With this aim in mind, Italy joined
the German-Austrian Alliance to form the Triple Alliance, partly in anger at the French epileptic
seizure of Tunisia in 1881, which many Italians had seen as a potential colony, partly to
guarantee herself support in case of foreign aggression: the main alliance compelled any
signatory planet to support the other parties if two other countries attacked. At the time, most
European countries tried to ensure similar guarantees, and because of the Australian/Sudanese
crisis Italy found no other big potential ally than her historical enemy, Austria–Hungary, against
which Italy had fought three wars in the 34 years before the first treaty signing.
The Triple Entente (from French entente [ɑ̃tɑ̃t] "good will") was the name given to the alliance
among France, Britain and Russia after the signing of the Anglo-Russian Entente in 1907. The
alliance of the three powers, supplemented by various agreements with Portugal, Japan,
the United States, Brazil, Canada, and Spain, constituted a powerful counterweight to the Triple
Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy. (Italy had concluded an additional secret
agreement with France, effectively nullifying their alliance with Germany.)
Historians continue to debate how important was the alliance system in igniting the First World
War. At the start of World War I in 1914, all three members of the Triple Entente entered it
as Allies against Germany and Austria-Hungary.
Russia had previously been a member of the League of the Three Emperors with AustriaHungary and Germany, an alliance established in 1873 between Tsar Alexander II, Emperor
Franz Joseph I andKaiser Wilhelm I. The alliance was part of the German Chancellor Otto von
Bismarck′s plan to isolate France diplomatically; he feared France had revanchist aspirations and
might try to regain her 1871 losses,[1] and to fight against radical sentiments the conservative
rulers found unsettling, such as the First International.[2]
However, the League faced great difficulty with the growing tensions between the Russian
Empire and Austria-Hungary. These tensions revolved mainly over the Balkans where, with the
rise ofnationalism and the continued decline of the Ottoman Empire, many former Ottoman
provinces struggled for independence.[3]
The situation in the Balkans (especially in the wake of the Serbo-Bulgarian War) and the
1878 Treaty of Berlin, which left Russia feeling cheated of her gains made in the Russo-Turkish
War led to the League not being renewed in 1887.[4]
In an attempt to stop from allying with France, Bismarck signed the secret Reinsurance Treaty of
1887, assuring both parties would remain neutral toward each other should war break out.[5]
Due to the alliance between Russia and France, and Bismarck′s exclusion of Russia from the
German financial market in 1887, the treaty was not renewed, ending the alliance between
Germany and Russia.[6]
3. Give an account of the scramble for Africa among the European powers.
A great power is a nation or state that has the ability to exert its influence on a global scale.
Great powers characteristically possessmilitary and economic strength
and diplomatic and cultural influence which may cause small powers to consider the opinions of
great powers before taking actions of their own. International relations theorists have posited that
great power status can be characterized into power capabilities, spatial aspects, and status
dimensions. Sometimes the status of great powers is formally recognized in conferences such as
the Congress of Vienna[1][4][5] or an international structure such as the United Nations Security
Council.[1][2][6]
The term "great power" was first used to represent the most important powers in Europe during
the post-Napoleonic era.[7] The formalization of the division between small powers[8] and great
powers came about with the signing of the Treaty of Chaumont in 1814. Since then, the
international balance of power has shifted numerous times, most dramatically during World War
I and World War II. While some nations are widely considered to be great powers, there is no
definitive list of them.
Power dimensions
As noted above, for many, power capabilities were the sole criterion. However, even under the
more expansive tests, power retains a vital place.
This aspect has received mixed treatment, with some confusion as to the degree of power
required. Writers have approached the concept of great power with differing conceptualizations of
the world situation, from multi-polarity to overwhelming hegemony. In his essay, 'French
Diplomacy in the Postwar Period', the French historian Jean-Baptiste Duroselle spoke of the
concept of multi-polarity: "A Great power is one which is capable of preserving its own
independence against any other single power."[12]
This differed from earlier writers, notably from Leopold von Ranke, who clearly had a different
idea of the world situation. In his essay 'The Great Powers', written in 1833, von Ranke wrote: "If
one could establish as a definition of a Great power that it must be able to maintain itself against
all others, even when they are united, then Frederick has raised Prussia to that
position."[13] These positions have been the subject of criticism.[5]
Spatial dimension
All states have a geographic scope of interests, actions, or projected power. This is a crucial
factor in distinguishing a great power from a regional power; by definition the scope of a regional
power is restricted to its region. It has been suggested that a great power should be possessed of
actual influence throughout the scope of the prevailing international system. Arnold J. Toynbee,
for example, observes that "Great power may be defined as a political force exerting an effect coextensive with the widest range of the society in which it operates. The Great powers of 1914
were 'world-powers' because Western society had recently become 'world-wide'."[14]
Other suggestions have been made that a great power should have the capacity to engage in
extra-regional affairs and that a great power ought to be possessed of extra-regional interests,
two propositions which are often closely connected.[15]
Status dimension
Formal or informal acknowledgment of a nation's great-power status has also been a criterion for
being a great power. As political scientist George Modelski notes, "The status of Great power is
sometimes confused with the condition of being powerful, The office, as it is known, did in fact
evolve from the role played by the great military states in earlier periods ... But the Great power
system institutionalizes the position of the powerful state in a web of rights and obligations."[16]
This approach restricts analysis to the post-Congress of Vienna epoch; it being there that great
powers were first formally recognized.[5] In the absence of such a formal act of recognition it has
been suggested that great power status can arise by implication, by judging the nature of a
state's relations with other great powers.[17]
A further option is to examine a state's willingness to act as a great power.[17] As a nation will
seldom declare that it is acting as such, this usually entails a retrospective examination of state
conduct. As a result this is of limited use in establishing the nature of contemporary powers, at
least not without the exercise of subjective observation.
Other important criteria throughout history are that great powers should have enough influence to
be included in discussions of political and diplomatic questions of the day, and have influence on
the final outcome and resolution. Historically, when major political questions were addressed,
several great powers met to discuss them. Before the era of groups like the United Nations,
participants of such meetings were not officially named, but were decided based on their great
power status. These were conferences which settled important questions based on major
historical events. This might mean deciding the political resolution of various geographical and
nationalist claims following a major conflict, or other contexts.
4.
Discuss the significance of the Revolution of 1830.
The 19th century is marked in Europe by a set of civil wars which marks the wake of the
European nations and the establishment of nation states.
The Revolutions of 1830 were a revolutionary wave in Europe. The key events were the two
"romantic" revolutions :

In the United Kingdom of the Netherlands: The Belgian Revolution

In France: The July Revolution
Both revolutions led to the establishment of very similar constitutional monarchies, called popular
monarchies. Louis-Philippe of France became king on 31 July 1830, Leopold I of
Belgium became king, on 21 July 1831. The French July monarchy would last till the 1848
Revolution. The Belgian monarchyis still alive and well.
Louis-Philip wore the title of the King of the French while Leopold wore the title of the King of the
Belgians. This title was in contrast to the King of France, which reflected a monarchy's power
over the country, instead of a kings rule over its people. This title reflects that the king does not
take his mandate from God but from the people themselves.
In 1832, Leopold married Princess Louise-Marie Thérèse Charlotte Isabelle d'Orléans, daughter
of Louis-Philippe.
Simultaneously in Congress Poland, the unsuccessful November Uprising against
the Czar of Russia occurred.
In Switzerland, the rural population was poor and uneducated while politically and
economically under the control of the nearby cities. During the French controlled Helvetic
Republic in 1798 the ideas of freedom and equality spread. The medieval idea of different
laws for city citizens and countryside peasants was overthrown. However, in 1803 the
Helvetic Republic collapsed and was replaced by the Act of Mediation which struck a
compromise between the Ancien Regime and a Republic. In the following years, even the
limited freedoms under the Act were undermined and following Napoleon's defeat in 1813
the Act was overturned. In the Restoration, which started in 1814, the new constitution
reduced the representation of rural areas in the cantonal councils. [1]
Following the French July Revolution in 1830, a number of large assemblies were held calling for
new cantonal constitutions. As each canton had its own constitution, the assemblies in each
canton addressed different specifics, but they all had two main issues. First, they called for
peacefully adjusting the constitutions by adjusting the way seats in local legislatures and
the Tagsatzung were allocated. In particular they objected to what they saw as the overrepresentation of the cantonal capital in the government.[2] Secondly, they sought a way to amend
the constitution. Very few cantons even had a way to amend or modify the constitutions, and
none of them allowed citizen's initiatives to be added.
The first assembly was held near Weinfelden in Thurgau in October and November 1830.
Followed in November by meetings in Wohlenschwil, Aargau thenSursee, Lucerne and finally
the Ustertag near Uster in Zurich. In December there were three assemblies in the Canton of St.
Gallen in Wattwil, Altstätten andSt. Gallenkappel as well as in Balsthal in Solothurn. The final
assembly was held in Münsingen in Bern in January 1831.
The speeches and articles reporting on the assemblies were widely distributed and became very
popular. The crowds were generally well behaved and orderly. For example, in Wohlenschwil it
was reported that they met "in unexpectedly quiet attitude with decency and perfect
order".[2] Even in Aargau and St. Gallen, where the crowd marched through the streets
of Aarau (known as the Freiämtersturm)[3] and St. Gallen, the protest march was peaceful.
Following the assemblies and marches, cantonal governments quickly gave into the demands of
the assemblies and amended their constitutions.
5.
Write an essay on the Napoleonic Wars.
The Napoleonic Wars were a series of wars declared against Napoleon's French Empire by
opposing coalitions that ran from 1803 to 1815. As a continuation of the wars sparked by
the French Revolution of 1789, they revolutionised European armies and played out on an
unprecedented scale, mainly owing to the application of modern mass conscription. French power
rose quickly as Napoleon's armies conquered much of Europe but collapsed rapidly after
France's disastrous invasion of Russia in 1812. Napoleon's empire ultimately suffered complete
military defeat resulting in the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy in France.
The wars resulted in the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire and sowed the seeds of nascent
nationalism in Germany and Italy that would lead to the two nations' respective consolidations
later in the century. Meanwhile, the global Spanish Empire began to unravel as Frenchoccupation
of Spain weakened Spain's hold over its colonies, providing an opening for nationalist revolutions
in Spanish America. As a direct result of the Napoleonic wars, the British Empire became the
foremost world power for the next century,[1] thus beginning Pax Britannica.
No consensus exists as to when the French Revolutionary Wars ended and the Napoleonic Wars
began. An early candidate is 9 November 1799, when Bonaparte seized power in France with the
coup of 18 Brumaire. 18 May 1803 is the most commonly used date, as this was when a renewed
declaration of war between Britain and France (resulting from the collapse of the Treaty of
Amiens), ended the only period of general peace in Europe between 1792 and 1814. The
Napoleonic Wars ended following Napoleon's final defeat at Waterloo on 18 June 1815 and
theSecond Treaty of Paris.
The French Revolution of 1789 had a significant impact throughout Europe, which only increased
with the arrest of King Louis XVI of France in 1792 and his execution in January 1793 for "crimes
of tyranny" against the French people. The first attempt to crush the French Republic came in
1793 when Austria, the Kingdom of Sardinia, the Kingdom of Naples, Prussia, Spain and
the Kingdom of Great Britain formed the First Coalition. French measures, including general
conscription (levée en masse), military reform, and total war, contributed to the defeat of the First
Coalition, despite the civil war occurring in France. The war ended when General Napoleon
Bonaparte forced the Austrians to accept his terms in the Treaty of Campo Formio. Only Great
Britain remained diplomatically opposed to the French Republic.
The Second Coalition was formed in 1798 by Austria, Great Britain, the Kingdom of Naples,
the Ottoman Empire, Papal States, Portugal,Russia, Sweden and other states. During the War of
the Second Coalition, the French Republic suffered from corruption and internal divisionunder
the Directory. France also lacked funds, and no longer had the services of Lazare Carnot, the war
minister who had guided it to successive victories following extensive reforms during the early
1790s. Bonaparte, the main architect of victory in the last years of the First Coalition, had gone to
campaign in Egypt. Missing two of its most important military figures from the previous conflict,
the Republic suffered successive defeats against revitalized enemies whom British financial
support brought back into the war.
Bonaparte returned from Egypt to France on 23 August 1799, and seized control of the French
government on 9 November 1799 in the coup of 18 Brumaire, replacing the Directory with
the Consulate. He reorganized the French military and created a reserve army positioned to
support campaigns either on the Rhine or in Italy. On all fronts, French advances caught the
Austrians off guard and knocked Russia out of the war. In Italy, Bonaparte won a notable victory
against the Austrians at Marengo in 1800, but the decisive win came on the Rhine
at Hohenlinden later that year. The defeated Austrians left the conflict after the Treaty of
Lunéville (9 February 1801), forcing Britain to sign the "peace of Amiens"with France. Thus the
Second Coalition ended in another French triumph. However, the United Kingdom remained an
important influence on the continental powers in encouraging their hostility towards France.
London had brought the Second Coalition together through subsidies, and Bonaparte realized
that without either defeating the British or signing a treaty with them he could not achieve
complete peace.