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Media and Disability
Author: Miro Griffiths
May 2011
Introduction
The role of the media has been the subject of intense debate since its inception (Fowler,
1991), particularly in relation to the socio-economic development of countries considered
part of the ‘minority world’ (Stone, 1999). According to Golding (1992), political and
market exploitation and marginalisation requires an ‘ideological basis’, formed through
public opinion and facilitated by the media. There is, of course, a positive interpretation to be
found in the media’s role in the battle for cultural diversity and equality (Bagdikian, 1983),
however this is largely overshadowed by the institutional racism and ethnicism practiced by
some parts of the media and the socio-political ideologies of those that control them (van
Dijk, 1991). Whilst the majority of media outlets will not condone extremism, discrimination
or exclusion (van Dijk, 1993), the role of television and news-related media has served to
aggravate social or ethnic division , for instance, in South Asia and the countries of former
Yugoslavia (Sparks, 1994; Meeuwis, 1993).
Through research (Herman, 1992), the Western media continue to advance stereotypes and
prejudices toward minority groups, which are potentially absorbed into the public and
political consciousness.
Forgoing, for the moment, the problems encountered by other
minority groups, it is disabled people who form the core focus of this paper. ‘Disability’ as
an umbrella term very readily applied to issues concerning physical impairment, learning
difficulties or mental health conditions, has not enjoyed an empowering, or even a
particularly positive, relationship with the media (Barnes, 1992).
Disability imagery is often impairment-focused, wherein impairment is portrayed as the cause
of disability, and which is, therefore, ignorant of any social constraints imposed by a nondisabled society (Darke, 1999). Whilst certain assumptions, myths or superstitions about
disabled people are constantly formed and reformed as part of mainstream cultural they are
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subsequently reproduced by the media (Ross, 1997). The struggle for the mainstreaming of
disability issues across society has resulted in an attitudinal shift by those in broadcasting.
According to Darke (1999), a reduction in the number of programmes that focus solely on
disability has coincided with a shift in focus on the part of consumerist broadcasters
concentrating toward viewing figures and/or profit. He suggests that the politicised arguments
of disabled people, who promote a social model perspective to a diverse audience, has been
replaced by the occasional transmission of impairment-related imagery, usually from a
charity or ‘freak’ perspective.
By reviewing academic literature, this paper will assess the idea that misrepresentations of
disability in the media are responsible for the negative attitudes directed towards disabled
people by the general population. It will analyse the various media outlets broadcasting news,
information and fictional imagery to audiences which, along with, a review of the recurring
stereotypes, will prove paramount for understanding the root cause of negative attitudes. The
effect of these stereotypes upon disabled people will be discussed, as well as the global
impact of media portrayal on disability. The emergence of ‘new media’, allows discussion of
the positive opportunities and negative effects this has for disabled people and, some level of
a conclusion on the primacy of the role of the media in the circulation and propagation of
negative attitudes towards disabled people.
Defining the Key Concepts
Media Theories
It is clear that ’the media’, as an institution, is a pervasive aspect of modern society (Herman,
1992), however, before assessing its impact on disability, there is a need to address how it
exists, and for what purpose. According to Mayer (1999) the media is a communicative tool
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May 2011
which has developed and expanded to include various outlets, with the expectation that they
will act as conduits to reach large and diverse audiences. Media saturation has ensured the
public have continuous access to consumerist ideology (Stokes and Reading, 1999), fact and
opinion, in a dynamic mix which reflects and creates ‘culture’ (Tulloch, 2000).
There are currently three theories which attempt to explain the effect of the media on the
individual (Laughey, 2007). The first of these, the Limited-Effects Theory (Iyengar and
Kinder, 1987), considers audiences are in control of their choices and opinions, with the
media itself having only a negligible influence. Supporters of this theory explain how
individuals rely on prior knowledge and personal experience (Baran and Davis, 2002) to
formulate opinion, without thoughtlessly aligning themselves to ‘media-induced opinion’.
The second, Culturalist Theory, argues that audiences interact with the media, by receiving
messages and images and consequently, create their own interpretations (Curran and Morley,
2005). Culturist opinion holds that the vast number of options produced and distributed by
the media is controlled, largely, by audience desire (Poster, 2010). This theory demonstrates
the reciprocal relationship between audience and media, and concludes by deeming the
personal perspective of audiences as superior over the decisions made by large media
corporations (Poster, 1990). Finally, Class-Dominant Theory claims the media reflects the
opinions of minority elites which control the service and distribution methods (Berger, 1982).
There are concerns herein for the merging of major media corporations, which would
subsequently limit competition and restricting or manipulating the choice of broadcasts
shown (Stevenson, 1995).
Stereotypes are simplified concepts of individuals based upon prior assumptions; embodying
the personal ignorance towards the individual being representation (Ewen and Ewen, 2006).
Attitudes follow a process of transition, depending on the diversity of experiences an
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May 2011
individual goes through (Petty and Kosnik, 1995); an attitude is part of a judgement,
including emotional response, indication by behavioural action and finally, an evaluation of
the individual’s belief (Pratkanis, Breckler, and Greenwald, 1992).
While the media continues to use printed material, television or radio to distribute
information and imagery, the ‘new media’ phenomena has underpinned a fresh, interactive
opportunity to experience entertainment and revolutionise learning (Lister, Dovey, Giddings,
Grant and Kelly, 2003). According to Manonvich (2001), ‘new media’ is a global term used
to address the various technologies available; this includes new textual experiences, including
simulators and computer games, and identifies new media genres . ‘New media’ has also
aided the construction of relationships between audiences and media outlets, with
opportunities for consumers to challenge journalists or develop relationships with celebrities
and role models (Miller and Slater, 2000). The new phenomena allows for individuals to
tailor social experiences through Internet-based chat rooms, social networking sites and blogs
(Negroponte, 1999); generating a new concept of real versus virtual existence, which is
established for individuals to control (Spigel, 2001).
Disability Theories
Before analysing the media portrayal of disabled people, the concept of disability must be
reviewed. Numerous models of disability exist to explain what causes an individual to be
considered ‘disabled’.
Firstly, the individual model locates disability as the functional
limitations which arise from being identified as a disabled person. It is common for nondisabled individuals to view disability as a personal tragedy (Oliver, 1990), with clear
associations to the individual model. The medical model of disability considers the health of
the individual to be the primary disadvantaging factor (Oliver, 1990).
According to
Shakespeare and Watson (2002) the medicalization element renders the individual abnormal
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May 2011
and dependent upon medical professionals, with rehabilitation and segregation from the
mainstream as the only means by which disability can be overcome.
Continuing the focus on the medicalization of the individual, Foucault’s (1980) research has
produced additional perspectives on the portrayal of disabled people; to the extent that
representations of disability in film are now studied using a Foucaultian analytical model
(Darke, 1994). Foucault (1988) highlighted how society attempts to rationalise abnormality,
through a process of categorically achieving a state of ‘normality’ by supervision and
examination, which concludes with knowledge and the opportunity to exert power. His work
(1980) has focused on the power struggles within society, with the physical body at the centre
of the debate. To exert power, one must learn knowledge through the organisation of claims
and assumptions. In relation to disability, the relationship between impairment and disability
has emerged, and persists, in order for the regime to legitimise the practices which generated
it in the beginning (Tremain, 2001).
For the sake of media imagery, Foucault (1976)
explained how the emphasis on the physical body, especially those considered abnormal,
displaced the individual as an independent source of meaning (Hall, 1997). Rather, the
medical emphasis to achieve ‘normality’ ensured the perceptions of the abnormal body, i.e.
disabled people, were stigmatised and isolated in order to assert it as a true illustration
(Foucault, 1976).
The third model of disability pertinent to the debate over representation and portrayal of
disability in the media is the ‘social model of disability’ (Oliver, 1990). The social model is a
formalised set of values (Union of the Physically Impaired Against Segregation, 1976)
originally considered the ‘fundamental principles’ of the. According to Shakespeare (1994),
the social model allows for clear distinction between impairment and disability, with no
relationship between the two.
The social model contends that disabled people are not
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May 2011
excluded and oppressed due to the nature of the medical condition; rather, it argues, disability
is rooted within society’s failure to accommodate disabled people with a variety of diverse
impairments (Oliver, 1990). As Priestley (2003) identifies, the social model recognises the
‘impairment’ as the health condition and the ‘disability’ as a product of oppression and
exclusion.
To evaluate the role of the media in its portrayal of disability, there is merit in reviewing what
academics and media professionals have recorded when looking at the different stereotypes
of disabled people, and how the non-disabled audience has responded to them.
Media Stereotypes of Disability
Stereotypes of disability are based on, and around, traditional myths and earlier historical
beliefs (Barnes, 1992) and, while the perpetuation of traditional beliefs is an inherent aspect
of normative cultural behaviour , they have been replicated, and, importantly transmitted
beyond their original socio-cultural boundaries through a network of various communicative
channels, including the media (for instance, see Shakespeare, 1994).
As previously
mentioned, there is a continuing dispute over the social role of the media and, by extension,
the influence of mass media upon the general population (Iyengar and Kinder, 1987; Curran
and Morley, 2005; Berger, 1982). Nevertheless, the media is a pervasive feature of daily life,
with statistics showing that the most popular activity for men and women in England is
watching television, with listening to music on the radio and reading also highly desired
activities (Office for National Statistics, 2010).
As noted by Hunt (1966) some disabled people are perceived as examples of triumph over
adversity, whilst, others are objectified as pitied individuals to stimulate charity funding. Yet
the question remains, what types of disabled imagery are manifested in the media, and how is
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it contextualised? According to Darke (1999) the negative portrayal of disability, expressed
by Hunt (1966), has not changed. Using Barnes’ (1992) breakdown of recurring stereotypes,
there is clear evidence that the public are exposed to negative images, which construct
disability as a threat to the well-being of the non-disabled community.
Firstly, the disabled person has been stereotyped to appear pitiable or pathetic (Barnes, 1992),
which maximises the potential for raising monetary funding for charitable causes (Holden,
1991). Charity advertising has continued to use such imagery, usually in black and white, to
illustrate show the tragic situation of disabled people who yearn for relief from the torment
imposed by their impairment (Corker and French, 1999). These images offer only short- to
mid-term benefits for the charity, and do nothing to raise awareness of the disabling barriers
imposed by society (Swain, French and Cameron, 2003).
Where fictional characters are concerned, it is a regular practice to depict disabled people as
visibly passive and dependent upon others, in order to demonstrate the altruistic and sensitive
side of the character that provides the platonic love, care and/or support (Barnes, 1992). In
films such as The Elephant Man (1980), the protagonist, Merrick, has a severe abnormality
which facilitates his tale of exploitation, abuse and institutionalisation. Throughout the film,
Merrick is seen as a literate, talented, thoughtful individual; however, according to Darke
(1994), it is the focus on these actions which instigates feelings of pity towards the character.
The audience’s perception of a man with severe physical abnormalities, who possesses the
capacity to think and talk, is viewed through tragedy; particularly evident in the tears shed by
the protagonist at his own image.
The second stereotypical depiction is disabled individual as object of violence (Barnes,
1992). Here, disability equates to vulnerability, and the individual becomes a candidate for
violence (Murphy, 1987). Television has displayed images of disabled people as victims of
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May 2011
violent abuse, ‘disabled villain who is punished’ or ‘disabled survivor of abuse’ (Gartner and
Joe, 1987); this stereotype concludes with the disabled character portraying a range of values,
whether the violence is committed to demonstrate tragedy – child with autism distressed and
bullied because of impairment (e.g. Black Balloon, 2008), or comedy – man with learning
difficulties whipped to force him to perform an action (e.g. Blazing Saddles, 1974).
News articles have also adopted this stereotype, with many sensationalising violence against
disabled people (Haller, 1998). The emphasis of these articles fixate on describing the abuse
and failures in the support services which led to the opportunity to cause violence (Michalko,
2002); the effects upon the individual are seldom described, and therefore the individual is
held up as ‘example’ rather than ‘source’, implying the disabled community cannot speak for
itself (Hall, 1997).
The depiction of the disabled individual as sinister and evil is one of the primary stereotypical
images (Barnes, 1992). Characters which embody these traits are visible across the spectrum
of popular media outlets. Davidson, Woodill and Bredberg (1994) comment on the use of
impairment to create tension in fictional stories; particularly the focus on physical
disfigurement when the character is performing an evil act, which ensures that the reader
implicitly associates impairment with evilness. Ross (1997) references films such as the
Treasure Island (1950) or Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde (1941); both have characters with physical
impairments, however the concentration on impairment exaggerates their depiction as ‘other’
and an associated absence of rational thought and moral standards.
Mental health conditions are associated with similarly corrupt behaviours (Barnes, 1992).
Newspapers continue to associate the evil or sadistic nature of an individual to instability of
the mind (Haller, 2010), reinforcing inaccurate perceptions that all mental health conditions
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May 2011
are dangerous for society, and most importantly, the majority of the community who are nondisabled.
Darke (1994) demonstrated how the media stereotypes disabled people as objects of curio.
There are various reasons why storylines depict a disabled person for enhancing a particular
atmosphere, yet perceiving disability as a curiosity encourages non-disabled audiences to
consider impairment imagery as an opportunity for voyeurism (Barnes, 1992). The portrayal
of disabled individuals in a ‘freak-show’ model remains prominent in modern filmmaking,
especially with the popularity of the science fiction and horror genres (Pointon and Davis,
1997). Herein, disabled characters are placed for their shock or ‘scare’ value ensuring their
continued perception as an objectified ‘other’ as which impairment and behaviour is a
recognised trait of their non-human or inferior status (Shakespeare, 1994).
Even factual documentaries ensure that their portrayal of disability highlights a range of
impairments, from the recognised to the mysterious, to encourage a lewd fascination in the
audience (Sweeney, 2005). Recent documentary series, such as Extraordinary Bodies (2011)
and Little People, Big World (2010) exploit disabled people for the benefit of curiosity
(Media Watch, 2011). These programmes ignore their potential for raising awareness of
barriers towards inclusion and rather showcase only the tragic; highlighting the disrespect or
indignity faced by the individual. .
An equally pervasive stereotype is that of the ‘super cripple’; the disabled individual capable
of great acts of courage and/or determination (Barnes, 1992). The ‘qualities’ of which these
individuals are possessed are frequently unrealistic; for instance, in cinema, loss of vision or
visual impairment is usually compensated for with superior hearing (Schwartz et al, 2010).
Furthermore, the media links the supposed ‘remarkable’ qualities or actions of the disabled
person to the generosity or compassion of others (Van Kraayenoord, 2002). Many news
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May 2011
articles consider the role of a parent or carer, or, indeed, of an altruistic individual, as an
important factor for ensuring the disabled person reaches their potential, however, as Barnes,
believes (1992), the reproduction of such imagery can have detrimental consequences.
This image is not representative of the disability community (Darke, 1994); viewers
subsequently assume disabled people can compensate for their ‘debilitating health condition’
by utilising their superior abilities and therefore do not experience barriers to participation
(Karpf, 1988). Charity advertising has used similar messages to acquire funding from
sympathetic viewers. Many demonstrate the potential talents of disabled children. These are
usually relatively mundane skills which would go unrecognised in a non-disabled child, but
which are held up and celebrated in view of impairment, i.e. their hindrance (Corker and
French, 1999).
In juxtaposition to the ‘super-cripple’ model is the stereotype of the disabled individual as
object of ridicule (Barnes, 1992). Mainstream comedy has continually used disabled people
to extract humour from the functional limitations imposed by their impairment (Hasler,
1993). This can manifest through characters with limited cognitive capacity (Blackadder,
1993) or those who engage in illogical thinking and behaviour (Fawlty Towers, 1992) (Clark,
2003). Characters who appear mentally distressed for the purposes of comedy are typically
paired with a partner who appears content throughout the programme; the ‘voice of sanity’,
who is always depicted as a non-disabled person (Clark and Marsh, 2002). Such portrayals
undermine the idea that disabled people can be valued and respected members of their
community and significantly lower the self-worth of the individual (Biken and Bogdana,
1977).
Disabled sexuality in the media has been characterised by asexual behaviour or abnormality
(Barnes, 1992.). In many productions, sexual opportunities centre on male characters only,
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May 2011
illustrating the undesirable nature of romanticising with a disabled female (Kent, 1987).
Films, fictional radio productions and theatre shows have depicted people with physical
impairments as impotent, whilst displaying individuals with learning difficulties or mental
health issues as desperately craving lustful activities (Darke, 1999).
The final stereotype outlined here exists as a product of the portrayal of disabled people as
‘ordinary’ figures in society (Barnes, 1992). While this has been positively received by many
(Campbell, 1990), there are worrying trends accompanying the model.
The lack of
appearance as a character with significant purpose to the plot, on the whole, is non-existent
(Schwartz et al, 2010); characters with physical, visual or hearing impairments are most
noticeable for having bit-part roles, not directly pertinent to the story (Clark, 2003). This
one-dimensional approach to disability fails to utilise the conduits of radio, television and
print, to publicise the reality of what disabled people encounter when participating within
their community (Ross, 1997).
There are many other stereotypes listed by Barnes (1992) and Hunt (1966); although they are
not rigid in their depiction.
Many traits for one stereotype can be seen in others not
mentioned here, such as: burden, participation in the community and bitter because of
impairment (Shakespeare, 1994). There is evidence to show different media stereotypes
significantly influence audience attitude towards the national and communal identity (see
section titled: New Media, New Problem?) of a disabled person (Schwartz et al, 2010). The
stereotypes covered in this section are overwhelmingly negative, and have outlined what
perceptions they confer upon the non-disabled audience, but the effects have been analysed
further and on a global scale.
Audience Reaction
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The media representation of disability, through television, radio or print, has a significant
formative effect on the opinions and attitudes of non-disabled people. (Sancho, 2003).
Across the Western world, the media continues to influence the public and political
consciousness by enforcing stereotypes and prejudices toward minority groups (Herman,
1992).
Research has demonstrated how
media discourse is embraced or rejected by
audiences based on the specific socio-temporal context in which it is published (Wilde,
2010), a fact evident in individual responses to disability (Cumberbatch and Negrine, 1992).
According to Wilde (2010), non-disabled audiences have difficulty in positioning the
‘dominant ideology’ of what disability represents within a social context; the lack of
consensus on what is a tangible depiction of disabled people in the media further complicates
the marginalisation of the disability community (Abercrombe and Longhurst, 1998). This
issue raises questions over the different identities constructed by disabled and non-disabled
people, and subsequently the emergence of a ‘theory of normality’ (Darke, 1998). This
theory makes evident the thought processes adopted by non-disabled individuals when
accepting disabled people as equal. With the media continuing to subsume the disability
community within a variety of negative stereotypes (Barnes, 1992), the audience assumes that
disabled people can only be accepted by others when conforming to the same media
representations (Darke, 1998). Whilst some disabled people emulate these portrayals to gain
acceptance (Nochimson, 1997), those who refuse are further oppressed by audiences (Sancho,
2003).
This oppression is borne from the notion that disabled people are rejected by non-disabled
people, because of discomfort and fear and ultimately a sense of difference between the
dominance of media portrayal and reality (Sancho, 2003). The objectification of disabled
people by the media has encouraged the ‘fetishism’ described by Shakespeare (1994);
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furthermore, disabled people are used by communication outlets, including the media, to
project emotions and represent specific values. Sontag (1982) describes the use of freakshows in Britain during the nineteenth century, which depicted disabled people as sub-human
and reinforced the conceptual ‘otherness’ already held by a majority of non-disabled people.
Nevertheless, the behaviours represented by these ‘freak-shows’ are not consigned only to
19th C Britain, as noted by Abercrombie and Longhurst (1998).
Modern media has encouraged the phenomenon of self as a spectacle, especially for those
disabled people who believe they must perform for an imagined audience (Abercrombie and
Longhurst, 1998).
The prominent, overwhelmingly negative, characteristics of disabled
people in the media (Barnes, 1992) fuel a desire by non-disabled people for increased
knowledge about disability (Wilde, 2010).
This knowledge, however, is predominately
curio- or impairment-focused, and does not offer any prospect of equality for disabled people
(Pointon and Davis, 1997).
According to Mallett (2009), mainstream media portrayal of disability is the cause of
negative and discriminatory attitudes across British literature. Such approaches result in the
formation of theoretical and political mechanisms subsequently utilised to assert a set of
principles for ‘critical correctness’, or rather, to dictate acceptable terminology in the context
of disability representation (Mallett, 2010). Damaging stereotypes exist in the absence of
public outcry, discussion or official sanction (McRuer, 2006); which thus allows the media to
continue to expound messages about disability, for comedic or altruistic value etc., with the
expectation that non-disabled audiences desire a form of representation which adheres to
indecorum and transgression, and is devoid of chastisement (Tyler and Cohen, 2008).
In a similar manner to Shakespeare’s (1994) articulate description of the non-disabled
perception of disabled people as inferior as a product of media imagery, McRuer (2006) has
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expanded on media involvement in the issue of global inequality for marginalised groups, by
claiming that the neoliberal capitalism which dominates our economic and cultural system
can only exist when ‘ablebodies’ demonstrate a tolerance towards minority groups. He
further explains how limited liberation movements have questioned the success of
heterosexual, non-disabled people; however, for such people to remain in power, they must
demonstrate a dutiful tolerance of such minorities. The media, McRuer (2006) argues, aides
this tolerance by repeatedly placing disabled characters in subordinate positions, ensures, as a
result, the wealth, power and desirability of non-disabled people, by establishing a distinct,
but, importantly, comparable, group.
The end result being that, non-disabled people
sympathise with the minority groups struggling against oppression, but are, ultimately,
attracted to the elitism of non-disabled characters.
The media representation of disabled people has determined society’s expectation that
disabled people exist in social suspension, are isolated from society as undefined, ambiguous
people (Murphy, 1987). Accumulated stereotypes have engrained negative attitudes upon
non-disabled people, identifying those with physical impairments or learning difficulties or
mental health conditions as having warped or malfunctioning bodies (Murphy, 1987). The
concept of the ‘broken body’ as inferior and an object to control, relates to the discussion by
Foucault (1988) on the fixation of the body as an entity of power or, in this case,
powerlessness.
Disabled imagery is used to evoke emotion or symbolise, in a majority of cases, negative
circumstance (Barnes, 1992). Literature has argued that the media imagery of disabled
people has intensified the exclusion of disabled people by the non-disabled community
(Shakespeare, 1994). According to Morris (1991), the physical characteristics of disability
causes fear among people to the extent that non-disabled people fear becoming disabled
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themselves and, by extension, objectified, asexualised or maligned. The consequence of such
is, inevitably, the separation and exclusion of disabled people from community and society
life (Morris, 1991). Nevertheless, Heavy (1991) believes it is not disability which frightens
people, but the impact of impairments upon society.
This is associated with media
representation of disabled people as, according to Darke (1999), the majority of portrayals are
impairment focused.
Considering the global impact of the media on non-disabled people’s attitude towards
disability, Haller, Dorries and Rahn (2000) state that media coverage of disability issues
excludes language which favours the social inclusion of disabled people.
Jones and
Harwood’s (2009) evaluation of media representation in Australia outlined how news
coverage of disability publicises the potential for miracle cures, and, by extension, create an
unrealistic hope for disempowered individuals and families. Such messages reinforce the
negative connotations surrounding impairments or mental health conditions, and
subsequently create a standardised cure-focused media model (Farnall and Smith, 1999).
Research pertaining to the influence of disability representation upon audiences in Japan,
attempted a comparative analyses from theoretical perspective of cultivation theory (Bryant
and Zillmann, 1994). Japanese media has, previously, been inclined to operate around a
hierarchy of impairments, which directly affects the decision to portray disabled characters
(Saito and Reiko, 2005); almost unanimously in one-dimensional roles which emphasise
their impairment in line with a number of social and environmental barriers which they must
overcome (Iwao, 2000). The reproduction of particular impairments and identical obstacles
has resulted, incorrectly, in an assumed knowledge, by the non-disabled audience, on the
issues faced by disabled people (Klobas, 1988). Their belief in an accurate portrayal of
disability, albeit drawn from a fictional source, generated an assumed duty of control over
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disabled people (Shapiro, 1994), which, again, relates to Foucaultian principle of the body as
an object of power (Foucault, 1988).
In Romania, similar research was carried out in relation to media influence on disability
perception. Ciot and Van Hove (2010) explained the educational impact such media outlets
have had for Romanian society.
He believed the media had contributed to the social
inclusion and acceptance of a minority group; however non-disabled people viewed positive
images of disability as individuals who triumphed over adversity, or sought cure to their
medical problem. Negative images had connotations of disabled people as victims of abuse
or passive ‘burdens upon society’.
As Nelson (2000) highlights, such portrayals are
problematic for the struggle against exclusion, since even positive representations do not
align with the agendas of Disabled People’s Movements (Lang, 1998). As a result, nondisabled audiences will empathise with disabled people who adopt a medical or individual
model of disability (Oliver, 1990) and ignore supporters of the social model.
Representations of disability focus on the medicalization component, i.e. the health condition
or impairment (Barnes, 1992), the result being that the media systematically treat disability as
a singular ‘problematic’ theme throughout fictional and non-fictional productions (Jones and
Harwood, 2009). Audiences have come to accept these stereotypes as valid representations,
and have acted accordingly towards disabled people in their communities (Shakespeare,
1994). Hitherto, the focus has been on conventional media outlets, i.e. film, radio and print;
however more recent research has also come to recognise the influence of ‘new media’. As
such, the next section of this paper will discuss how the Internet, virtual reality simulators
and new forms of media communication, has represented disability and, subsequently,
influenced popular perception.
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New Media, New Problem?
The development of ‘new media’ has revolutionised communication, with the opportunity to
instantly express thoughts and opinions, develop multi-cultural understanding and, ultimately,
become immersed in a virtual world controlled and dictated by those who use it (Jenkins,
2008). This technology has the potential to support the inclusion of disabled people, and
change the attitudinal inequalities that previous media forms have encouraged (Burns and
Jacobs, 2006). New media has the capability to change or promote social, cultural and
political aspects of our society; however, according to (Ellis and Kent, 2011), whilst this is an
ideal chance for new media to alter the portrayal of disabled people and, subsequently,
popular attitudes, currently disabled people are marginalised within the digital world.
Films, television programmes and fictional stories which all adhere to the stereotypes
previously mentioned (Barnes, 1992), are now available to purchase and download directly
from the Internet (Ulin, 2006). The realignment of distribution towards online formats has
resulted in an increased accessibility for negative portrayals of disability (Ellis and Kent,
2011). These negative images, which result in prejudice, ignorance and intolerance towards
disabled people, are readily available for public or private consumption (Ulin, 2006). Yet,
whilst new media outlets are not responsible for the development of this imagery, they are,
nevertheless, responsible for their distribution. This is a situation which cannot be resolved
without a focused and direct deconstruction of the origins of these stereotypes (Sancho,
2003).
Discussion forums exist to allow users of new media technology to share opinion and
criticism, not least as they relate to entertainment services (Allan, 2008). They have the
potential; however, to reproduce the negative imagery of traditional media, as users articulate
their acceptance of disabled stereotypes and reinforcing their views among like-minded
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individuals (Mallett, 2010). Messages which refer to particular stereotypes can evolve into
real-world ridicule and dislike for disabled people (Shakespeare, 1994).
This idea of user-generated content has significant implications for the attitudinal barriers
imposed upon disabled people (Allan, 2008). As conventional media is criticised for an
inability to delivery content aligned with public interest (Ellis and Kent, 2011), new media
formats, such as social networking sites and mobile applications, have allowed users to
upload newsworthy or entertaining pictures, videos or stories (Richardson, 2007). Whilst this
has benefited disabled people in the fact that events can be uploaded to serve as accurate
representations of those within a minority group, they are typically paired with journalistic
narratives similar to those stereotypes noted above (Barnes, 1992). Documented events
related to disability are edited, narrated and presented to conform to pre-existing illustrations
of disabled people, reinforcing the negative and disempowering attitudes of non-disabled
people (Jones and Harwood, 2009). There is also evidence of the exploitation of usergenerated content to abuse the marginalised and oppressed social status of disabled people
(Kowalski, Limber and Agatston, 2007). ‘Happy Slapping’, for instance, describes the new
media phenomena of filming the physical abuse of an individual for comedic value and,
ultimately, mass distribution (BBC, 2010). Considering disabled people are perceived as
‘vulnerable individuals’, thusly they are a target of bullying and abuse; the desire of the
audience to access this imagery raises deep concerns for disabled people’s equal status within
society (Shakespeare, 1994).
(Paciello, 2000) has argued that the Internet, a form of new media, holds the potential for
disabled people to take responsibility for their own image and to alter popular perception.
Currently, disabled people are perceived as inferior, sub-human and having a
‘malfunctioning’ body (Shakespeare, 1994; Murphy, 1987); the Internet, however, frees
18
Media and Disability
Author: Miro Griffiths
May 2011
disabled people from this social status. It allows for interaction with a diverse audience and
an opportunity to communicate which would not be possible in the real world (Thomas,
1997). Furthermore, by appearing on social networking sites and within virtual worlds,
disabled people can create avatar identities without disclosing their impairments and,
consequently, heighten their social role (Sharkey, 2000). This form of new media allows
individuals to promote messages of empowerment and to demonstrate the true potential of
disabled people without being stigmatised (Paciello, 2000). Yet, as might be expected, there
are also potentially harmful side effects. Online identities are ultimately, anonymous and
need bear no similarity to their creator (Thomas, 1997); this means negative messages
towards disabled people can be broadcasted and replicated with a complete absence of
responsibility (Huang and Guo, 2005).
Social networking sites have been credited as platforms for E-governance, facilitating an
extension of individualism, social relationships and community involvement (Ellis and Kent,
2011).
Non-disabled people can be informed of the political mobilisation and social
interactions required for the disabled community to effectively battle against oppression
(McRuer, 2006), and can facilitate the organisation of an empowered, multi-national,
disabled group in an online context. There has, however, been criticism from user-led
disability groups in relation to the inaccessible and hostile environment of social networking
sites (Pachiello, 2000), which reflect a failure by education systems and social cohesion
initiatives to implement the needs of disabled people within the non-disabled society (Ellis
and Kent, 2011).As a result, the relationship between minority and majority is further
strained, as the non-disabled public perceive these accessibility issues as a difficulty
attributable directly to a burdensome minority social group (Huang and Guo, 2005).
19
Media and Disability
Author: Miro Griffiths
May 2011
The hype of virtual reality has intensified with the development of popular virtual worlds,
such as Second Life and PlayStation Home (Reeves and Read, 2009) which provides users
with a virtual environment for communication, stimulation and creativity (Helsel and Roth,
1991). Virtual worlds hold great prospects for equality between disabled and non-disabled
people (Sharkey, 2000), whilst simultaneously recognising the socially-constructed disabling
barriers within reality (Oliver, 1990). The cultural, physical and attitudinal variation visible
amongst the users of virtual worlds allow for a culture where disability is considered within
an ethics of diversity inherent to the virtual community (Huang and Guo, 2005); although this
depends on whether disabled users feel compelled to use such opportunities to change public
perceptions of disability (Pajtas, 2007).
According to Ellis and Kent (2011), new media should be viewed in hope rather than
trepidation, when considering the public perception of disability. The various technologies of
new media permit users to take control of content and choose the information to publicise
(Jenkins, 2008).
There is a risk of exploitation, abuse and continuation of traditional
stereotypes influencing attitudes and behaviours of non-disabled people; however, new media
presents the potential for disabled people to gain control and firmly place attitudinal
discrimination on the mainstream agenda (Ellis and Kent, 2011).
Conclusion
The media can be a powerful tool for developing cultural diversity and equality within
society (Bagdikian, 1983) and, whilst most media outlets will condone extremism,
discrimination and exclusion, many fictional and non-fictional programmes have exacerbated
social and ethnic division (van Dijk, 1993). According to Herman (1992), Western media
persist in depicting minority groups with negative stereotypes; generating prejudice and
discriminatory behaviour as a result. For the purpose of this paper, stereotypes of disabled
20
Media and Disability
Author: Miro Griffiths
May 2011
people were analysed to determine the influence such portrayals had on the majority of the
population. The effects of these stereotypes was assessed in line with the global impact of
media portrayal on disability; and finally, with the emergence of ‘new media’, the positive
and negative effects this had on influencing attitudes towards disabled people.
Media influence has been intensely debated (Fowler, 1991), with multiple theories emerging
to explain its existence. Literature has argued how audiences are primarily in control of their
own opinions, with the media having an insignificant role, or one which only serves to reflect
popular demand (Iyengar and Kindler, 1987; Curran and Morley, 2005), whilst others
(Berger, 1982) suggest that media reflects only the opinions of the minority elites which
control them. Similarly, the concept of disability has been scrutinised. One of the most
common perspectives is the identification of the disabling barriers as the functional
limitations of the individual, or considering the health to be the defining factor for
disadvantage (Oliver, 1990). The ‘social model of disability’ has become the dominant force
behind the inclusion of disabled people in society (Shakespeare, 1994), as it outlines the
inability of society to accommodate disabled people, rather than accepting inequality as a
result of impairment (Priestley, 2003).
According to Darke (1999), media portrayal of disability is heavily impairment-focused;
nevertheless, stereotypical depictions of disabled people are based on traditional myths and
historical beliefs, which are continually replicated and transmitted through communicative
channels (Barnes, 1992). Popular perceptions are constructed around triumph over adversity,
or focus on disabled individuals as objects of pity, evil or ridiculous (Barnes, 1992); none
promote or empower disabled people, and a majority of non-disabled spectators view these
stereotypes as an illustration of reality (Shakespeare, 1994). Clear evidence (such as...)has
shown how media can influence audience attitudes towards disabled people (Schwartz et al,
21
Media and Disability
Author: Miro Griffiths
May 2011
2010); therefore the false and/or negative portrayal of disability will only further distance
disabled people from the majority (Sancho, 2003).
Stereotypes promote the development of ‘normality theory’, whereby non-disabled audiences
will only accept disabled people into society when they conform to media representation
(Darke, 1998). Furthermore, the objectification of disabled people incites the ‘fetishism’ of
audiences, intrigued only be impairment or the particular characteristics of disability
(Shakespeare, 1994). As Abercrombie and Longhurst (1998) suggest, audiences have a
desire to view disabled people as a spectacle; oppressing their existence and reinforcing their
inferiority (see Foucault, 1988).
Whilst attitudinal discrimination cannot be the total responsibility of either traditional or new
media, (Allan, 2008); equality demands that the media act as a vital conduit for the disability
movement to promote positive messages of inclusion, aimed at the non-disabled population
(Sancho, 2003).
Across the globe, media outlets are broadcasting images aligned with
individual and medical model concepts of disability (Darke, 1998); by adopting a social
model perspective, the media can help eradicate social stigma (Barnes, 1992).
22
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Author: Miro Griffiths
May 2011
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