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Mobilizing Money: How the World’s Richest Nations Financed Industrial Growth Caroline Fohlin Johns Hopkins University Cambridge University Press, 2012 Why study financial systems? • Financial systems have significant impact on our financial well-being • They contribute to economic growth • How they are organized and designed may influence how much they contribute to growth January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 2 Why study their long-run evolution? • Things change • Initial conditions affect paths of development • We’d like to know how things might work in the future • We want to understand impact of shocks and regime changes January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 3 Three key conclusions 1. Modern financial systems are rooted in the past, are idiosyncratic to specific countries, and are highly path-dependent. January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 4 Three key conclusions 2. Financial institutions and markets do not create economic growth without significant first steps in industrial development and supporting institutions. January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 5 Three key conclusions 3. There is no ‘one-size-fits-all’ solution to financial system design and industrial development. January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 6 The main policy lesson of history • Policy makers should aim to develop a strong, stable, and legally protected financial system with a rich diversity of institutions and vibrant markets that can adapt to changing needs. January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 7 Continuing themes • Distant roots of modern financial systems • Idiosyncrasies in political interventions • Long-term persistence, punctuated by disruptions January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 8 Plan for the seminar 1. The problem of classifying financial systems 2. The roots of financial structure 3. Financial structure and growth January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 9 Topic 1 Classifying Systems Key results – few countries fit stereotypes: stop thinking in terms of dichotomies – loose relationship among scope of services, extent of bank relationships, prevalence of stock markets – short-run upheaval but long-term stability January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 11 Legal tradition • Vast majority of the world has one of two types of legal tradition – Common law – Civil law • Many countries of one type have influences from the other type – Canada – Louisiana (U.S.) January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 12 Legal tradition • But substantial variation within types – Is the U.S. common law the same as the U.K.? – Is German civil law the same as French or Spanish? • Is there a true dichotomy of legal tradition? January 2014 Source: ictregulationtoolkit.org Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 13 Hypothetical effects of legal tradition • Two key channels (Beck, Demirgüç-Kunt, and Levine, 2002) – “political” channel: common law legal tradition gives higher priority to the rights of individual investors compared with the state • Hastens development of property rights and financial markets. January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 14 Hypothetical effects of legal tradition – “adaptability” channel: common law tradition adjusts more rapidly to emerging commercial needs • quickly provides new contracting means • fosters financial development January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 15 Political systems • Typical dichotomies – Federal versus unitary – Centralized versus decentralized – Autocratic versus representational • You can have various combinations – E.g. federal doesn’t imply centralized • Big changes over time January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 16 Hypothetical effects of political systems • Political centralization may lead to creation of national institutions such as central banks – This is good • But it could signify desire to control economy (can be confused with autocracy) – This might not be so good January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 17 Financial system dichotomies • Universal versus specialized banks • Relationship versus arms-length banking • Banks versus markets January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 18 Universal versus specialized banking • Universal banking: provision of a wide range of financial services by the same institution. – typically combines standard commercial banking functions (shortterm credit, deposit taking, payments clearing, bill discounting) with underwriting and trading in securities. – Modern universal banks also sell insurance, mortgages and investment funds (usually through affiliates) • Specialized banking: banks restrict their activities to one or a small portfolio of services – E.g., exclusive provision of loans or investment services. January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 19 Relationship versus arms-length banking • What exactly is relationship banking? – remains quite vague in the literature on financial system design • I formalize the concept using three main characteristics: – proxy voting – equity shares – board positions • Also can have informal relationships without the visible signs – E.g.? January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 20 Banks versus markets • In a “bank-dominated” financial system, banks provide the majority of external finance • In a “market-oriented” system, markets take the leading role January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 21 Financial system dichotomies • Bank-dominated • Universal banks • Relationship oriented January 2014 • Market-oriented • Specialized banks • Arms-length banking Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 22 Economic, Political, and Legal Factors: Hypothetical Relationships La Porta et al/Dietl Common law tradition Banking specialization Market orientation Rajan and Zingales January 2014 La Porta et al/Dietl State decentralization Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins Verdier 23 Universal banks • Universal banking emerged in the mid- to late- 19th century. – Germany and Italy key examples • Spread over many parts of the world in 19th c. – has existed in nearly all continental European countries to some extent. – did not supplant other types of institutions January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 24 Geography of universal banking • Belgium’s pattern common in many moderately industrialized countries of the mid- to latenineteenth century: – small number of large-scale, typically limited-liability universal banks – good number of smaller specialized banks focusing more on narrower range of services January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 28 Geography of universal banking • Similar mix of institutions emerged elsewhere to varying degrees – continental Europe (at least in Denmark, France, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland) – parts of Latin America (Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, for example) – in limited way, even in Australia, New Zealand, and the United States before various financial crises and regulatory actions damped it out. January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 29 Geography of universal banking • Germany at extreme – dozen or more large-scale universal banks, remained at the extreme until the major concentration movement of World War I. – even Germany had many banks that provided little if any investment banking services. January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 30 Banking institution scope Specialized Universal Mixed Australia before 1890s Australia 1895-1950s Argentina esp. after 1890 Austria-Hungary since 19th c. Canada esp. after WWI Belgium 1830s-1934 Brazil post-1900 England esp. after 1850s Brazil 1850-1900 Finland 1920s-1980s Finland pre-WWI Canada 1900-13 France 1800-1880 France 1941-1984 Denmark 1870-1913 Germany since 19th c. Greece 1928-1962 France 1880-1913 Italy 1890's-1920's India esp. after 1850s Greece pre-WWI Japan pre-WWII Ireland esp. after 1850s Netherlands 1860-1920s g Mexico 1897-1913 Italy 1930's-1980's New Zealand 1870-1895 Portugal since 19th c. Japan post-WWII Spain esp. after 1890s Russia 1890s-WWII New Zealand 1895- Sweden esp. after 1850s United States before 1933 Norway pre-WWII Switzerland esp. post-1890s United States 1933-1990s January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 31 Legal Tradition, Political Centralization, and Banking Structure Cross Tabulations of Universality circa 1990 Common law Civil law Total Specialized banking 4 7c 8 Universal banking (no restriction) 3a 11 17 Specialized banking 7 16c 23 Universal banking (no restriction) 8a 13 21 Original sample (pre-1913 industrializers): Expanded sample: January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 36 Legal Tradition, Political Centralization, and Banking Structure Cross Tabulations of Universality circa 1990 Common law Civil law Total Specialized banking 1 3 4 Partial universal banking 9 13 22 Universal banking 5b 13 18 Total 15 29 44 T-tests: Common law Civil law P(t-test) State centralization, 1880 0.58 (6) 0.69 (12) 0.15 Equity-deposit ratio, 1913 0.22 (4) 1.17 (11) 0.10 Market orientation, 1990's (original sample) 0.11 (7) -0.09 (18) 0.00 Market orientation, 1990's (expanded sample) 0.06 (28) -0.04 (40) 0.14 January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 37 Conclusions – Few countries fit stereotypes: stop thinking in terms of dichotomies – Loose relationship among scope of services, extent of relationships, prevalence of stock markets – Short-run upheaval but long-term stability January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 38 Topic 2 The roots of financial system design Economic, Political, and Legal Factors • Economic factors – ‘economic backwardness’ and the ‘Gerschenkron hypothesis’ • Political factors – state centralization, market orientation, and universality • Legal factors – common law traditions, property rights, and financial development January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 40 Findings • Importance of ‘backwardness’ in late nineteenth century • Relationship between legal system and both banking scope and market orientation • The English connection (simultaneity or causality?) • Link between state centralization and market orientation • Insignificant relationship between state centralization and both banking design and legal tradition January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 41 Models and Testable Implications 1. Economic Factors: Gerschenkron (augmented) • need for financial institutions is greatest for ‘moderately backward’ economies most- and least-developed economies have lowest rates of financial growth • » inverted U-shaped relationship between level of economic development and growth rates of financial system assets » positive, linear relationship between financial and economic growth (slow growers are most and least economically advanced) January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 42 Models and Testable Implications (continued) 2. Political Factors: Verdier • universality more likely with credible lender of last resort • universality more likely with segmented deposit market (equity to fund universal banks) • LOLR positively related to state centralization • deposit market segmentation negatively related to state centralization » inverted U-shaped relationship between state centralization and universality » path dependence: no permanent relationship between state centralization and universality of banking system January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 43 Models and Testable Implications (continued) 3. Legal Factors: LaPorta, et al and Dietl • common law aids devolution of power to the periphery • common law countries protect property rights, investors • common law aids transparency » common law tradition supports faster growth of financial systems » common law tradition supports greater market orientation (NB: Rajan & Zingales – state centralization is proximal cause, not legal system) » markets supercede banks in common law countries January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 44 Economic, Political, and Legal Factors: Hypothetical Relationships La Porta et al/Dietl Common law tradition Banking specialization Market orientation Rajan and Zingales January 2014 La Porta et al/Dietl State decentralization Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins Verdier 45 Historical factors in modern financial system structure Main findings: • main predictor of modern banking structure is structure at start of century • • • – (for countries with a long-established banking system) U-shaped relationship between modern financial institution structure and economic development at the start of the twentieth century – moderately wealthy countries of 1900 tend to have universal banks and tend to be less market oriented countries with historically centralized governments more likely to have universal banking and less likely to be market oriented. legal traditions correlate with both market orientation and banking type – strongest connection among pre-1913 industrializers (common law countries imported range of institutions/norms from England) – legal system variable may proxy for true source of influence on the financial system: e.g., adoption from colonizing powers, adaptation from neighbors or trading partners, innate cultural and social beliefs. January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 50 Legal Tradition, Banking Structure, Financial Development, and GDP Growth Common law Civil law Total/P(t-test) Specialized banking 7 3 10 Universal banking 0 16 16 Specialized banking 4 0 4 Partial universal banking 3 12 15 Universal banking 0 7 7 Total 7 19 26 State centralization, 1880 0.58 (6) 0.69 (12) 0.15 Equity-deposit ratio, 1913 0.22 (4) 1.17 (11) 0.10 Market orientation, 1990's 0.74 (7) 0.01 (18) 0.02 FI/GNP growth (1880-1900) 0.57 (5) 0.96 (10) 0.30 FI/GNP growth (1900-1913) 0.17 (6) 0.37 (14) 0.12 GDP per capita growth, 1820-1850 0.011 (5) 0.005 (12) 0.03 GDP per capita growth, 1890-1900 0.008 (8) 0.016 (19) 0.03 GDP per capita growth, 1900-1913 0.014 (9) 0.016 (27) 0.26 GDP per capita growth, 1950-1980 0.024 (12) 0.035 (29) 0.01 GDP per capita growth, 1980-1992 0.019 (12) 0.017 (29) 0.42 Cross tabulations: T-tests: 56 Conclusions Factors in financial system development • importance of ‘backwardness’ in late nineteenth century • relationship between legal system and both banking scope and market orientation • the English connection (simultaneity or causality?) • link between state centralization and market orientation • insignificant relationship between state centralization and both banking design and legal tradition January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 57 Topic 3 Financial structure and growth January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 58 Patterns of economic growth • Inequality between countries rose from 1820 to 1950 and also during the 1960s – Cf Pritchett (1997) and O’Rourke (2001) • Still, some catching up over long-term for limited sample (data as of 1870 or 1900) – High levels of GDP/capita in 1870 or 1900 relate negatively to growth rates up to 1994 • Lindert and Williamson (2001) find some convergence in growth rates in late 20th c. January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 59 Figure 8.3: GDP per Capita, 1870 vs. GDP per Capita Growth, 1870-1994 0.03 Growth of real GDP per capita 1870-1994 0.025 0.02 0.015 0.01 0.005 0 6.8 7 7.2 7.4 7.6 7.8 8 8.2 8.4 Log of Real GDP per capita 1870 January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 60 Figure 8.4: GDP per Capita, 1900 vs. GDP per Capita Growth, 1900-1994 Growth of real GDP per capita 1900-1994 0.035 0.03 0.025 0.02 0.015 0.01 0.005 0 6 6.5 7 7.5 8 8.5 9 Log of Real GDP per capita 1900 January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 61 Patterns of economic growth • Sample composition matters a lot to results • Growth rates vary considerably from year to year – Can have large disparities among countries at shorter intervals January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 62 Patterns of economic growth • Long-run growth appears similar among countries with very different institutions – E.g., Germany versus U.S. January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 63 January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 64 Source: R.J.Gordon (2004) January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 65 Financial systems and growth • The chicken and egg problem – Finance leads growth? – Industrial development leads financial development? • Feedback makes sense – Increasing industrial activity increases demand for finance January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 66 Financial development • Hard to quantify financial development – Variation in institutional design – Differences in accounting and reporting • Use financial institution assets as proxy – Excludes securities markets • Average of financial assets/GNP ratio nearly tripled (40 to 109) between 1860 and 1913 January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 68 Financial development • Big ups and downs in financial development over 20th century – Financial assets/GNP declined during depression – Took many decades to fully rebound (1990s) January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 70 Financial system type and growth? • Hypothetically, “bank-based” or “universal” systems may offer a number of advantages in promoting economic growth: – – – – superior access to private information managing and diversifying risk monitoring firms and reducing post-lending moral hazard exerting control over bank managers (in the case of long-term equity stakes) – substitutes for weak contract enforcement for independent investors January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 71 Financial system type and growth? • Also advantages of “market-based” systems: – aggregating information signals – transmitting info efficiently to investors • Rajan and Zingales (1998) – “bank-based” systems better at promoting growth in countries with poor legal systems – market based systems become better growth promoter as legal systems develop January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 72 Financial system type and growth? • “financial services view” emphasizes – financial arrangements (contracts, markets, intermediaries) all reduce market imperfections in the provision of financial services – financial arrangements develop to provide essentially the same ‘goods’ • assessment of potential investment opportunities, exertion of corporate control, facilitation of risk management, liquidity enhancement and allocation of savings/investment funds. – role of all financial systems, whether market or bank based, is to provide such services effectively. • focus on good environment, not on whether the system is bank or market based. January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 73 Financial system type and growth? • Empirical support for financial services perspective in recent decades: distinction between bank based or market based systems is immaterial for long run growth outcomes – Germany and Japan had largely the same long run growth experience as U.S. and U.K. – no cross-country empirical support for either the bank or the market based view January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 74 Economic factors in financial development • Industrial development may also spur financial development – New/expanding businesses create demand for finance January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 77 Conclusions about finance and growth • Financial system design and legal traditions cannot explain cross-country growth differences over the last 100 years or more • Differences among financial system types, rates of financial development, and legal orientation, but long run growth rates are remarkably similar for most of the 20th century. • Development of an effective and efficient financial system must be important for sustained modern economic growth, but the type of financial system that develops is not crucial. January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 83 Three key conclusions of the book • Distant roots & idiosyncracies of financial structure • Feedback between finance and growth • ‘Many ways to skin a cat’ January 2014 Caroline Fohlin, Johns Hopkins 84