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Entropic Tropic. Multiplication of the inner landscape After the Revolution, in accordance with the policy of "densing up" the bourgeoisie, the enfilade was cut up into pieces, with one family per room. Walls were erected between the rooms—at first of plywood. Subsequently, over the years, boards, brick, and stucco would promote these partitions to the status of architectural norm. If there is an infinite aspect of space, it is not its expansion but its reduction. If only because the reduction of space, oddly enough, is always more coherent. It's better structured and has more names: a cell, a closet, a grave. Expanses have only a broad gesture. Joseph Brodsky, In a Room and a Half When you need to increase the size of your house, and there is no patio to build upon, no garden to take up, not even a balcony, when you need to expand and you live with your family in an apartment, the only thing left to do is to raise your eyes to the sky and discover that, amidst the height of the ceiling, one could well fit in another floor, a barbacoa1. You discover, in short, the vertical generosity of your space, which allows the building of new houses inside. Antonio José Ponte, An Art of Building Ruins Entropic tropic. Multiplication of the inner landscape, by the Mexican artist Sandra Calvo, was shown during the XII edition of the Havana Biennale, and went on to receive the award for best project. It consisted of an immersion into the different ways of inhabiting residences known locally as solares or ciudadelas2 in the historic quarter of the Cuban capital. The work shows the radical changes of spaces within buildings, undertaken by the lodgers in an attempt to expand their miniscule apartments, at the expense of suppressing 1 A kind of improvised garret or minuscule loft, used as an additional living space. The terms “solar” or “ciudadela” have no exact equivalent in English. They refer to old mansions and estates built during the colonial period. 2 common areas or partitioning them on the inside, thus allowing for a larger number of residents. It is an extraordinary case, at once precarious and vital, of the compacting of a property. The site-specific project is a collaboration between the artist, the neighbors occupying the estates, and a group of architects and historians, under the curatorship of Pedro Ortiz-Antoranz. The solar or ciudadela, characterized by huge high ceilinged spaces and large patios, which seem on the brink of collapsing, used to be mansions during the colonial period, which were destined for single affluent families and their servants. Since the mid 1800’s and during the early Twentieth Century, the owners abandoned these small palaces for the more modern areas of the city, which had landscaped gardens, leading to their occupation by new tenants which, in turn, gave rise to an initial process of fragmentation and reordering of the inner structures of the buildings with the goal of housing the rising bourgeoisie and its various commercial activities. This situation lasted throughout the Republican Era. However, it was the triumph of the Cuban Revolution that marked a turning point. In the early 1960’s the Revolutionary State nationalized the properties and instigated their occupation by families in need of housing. As a result, these buildings suffered their most profound transformation to date: an improvised, spontaneous, organic, and vernacular architecture which grew and developed inside the buildings of another age. While walking through these mansions there is the sense of a severe implosion of the inner landscape, a sort of tropical matrushka, structures multiplying inside the mansion to create new spaces. Spaces originally conceived for a single family went on to house up to eighty or ninety, which, in turn, grew underpinning an architecture in a state of ruin and continued subdiving the space to an extreme, creating a new house, a bridge, the expansion of a room or a mezzanine. The dwellers are happy to tell their stories. Let’s take for example, Juan, an exsailor and a resident in San Ignacio 202. Shortly after arriving from the Corps of Guard, he leans back on the balustrade of his house and points toward the patio of the former mansion: “All this here are annexes. All these parts which you see did not exist. There used to be a large courtyard, which no longer exists, all these additions have nothing to do with the building. The people built them using their own means to solve the housing problem. To step into the back constructions you must go in one by one... Armandito, my neighbor, has to carry his taxi-bike up the stairs and over the rooftops of various houses in order to get to the front door. Right here, there used to be a spiral staircase. It rotted and broke off. I got tired of waiting for the state to solve the problem... I brought in an iron ladder from a Romanian ship... you know those places, just next to the Danube... on the border with Russia. We Cubans are architects of space, we are builders of space... Now, if heritage gets a hold of this, let’s say, for a museum, all this goes back to the way it was, or it becomes part house, part museum. Who knows who’ll remain here. It’s up to us, not only them. There, as you climb up, there is an old frieze of the building, images from another time.” Living in the solares creates an intense practice of competition, negotiation and conflict among neighbors, precariously mediated by the dense bureaucracy of a system that —as many others do— definitely disguises the overflowing housing needs. In this case, the more disadvantaged families find ways to get hold of a space of their own by making the most of every last corner or partition, thus challenging a more static notion of house. Families that have endured prolonged economic crises and extreme material scarcity tend to take greater advantage of their patrimony. There is a growing pressure to expand — if possible— or subdivide the living quarters to accommodate more residents. The courtyard, that common use inner plaza, is occupied by gray cement block rooms or metal sheet shacks. The hallways are reduced as a result of the expansions undertaken by each resident. There are situations of extreme reduction of common spaces in which the tenants need to walk sideways in order to pass through a hallway. The micro-apartments of a new mezzanine are connected by improvised walkways. The mansion’s courtyard has high arches which the neighbors have occupied with the so-called barbacoas or lofts. This phenomenon is the largest transformation undertaken in any house in Old Havana, a platform subdividing the prop, thus creating two or three new spaces. The barbacoa is made out of wood or any kind of recycled material at hand and is not merely a spatial separation. It has completely transformed both the way of living and the cohabitation dynamics, responding to an immediate need. It derives from constructive methods which have a life of their own. It is familiar, personal, spontaneous, and makes adding a new room, a space for a water tank or for storage, possible. According to Orlando Inclán Castañeda, an architect in the Directorate General for Architectural and Urbanism Projects in the Havana Office of History: “When one sees the phenomenon from afar, one knows that the barbacoa is an assault on the building. One which places it’s structural stability in danger. But, at the same time, it is part of the vernacular heritage of the city. It does not have real recognition, nor will it have. The barbacoa’s insolence in doing without architects makes us incapable of forgiving it for existing without us. How could we possibly recognize its value. This endangers it. If the old town is restored, the barbacoa ceases to exist.” Yamila, a resident of San Ignacio 214, built her barbacoa out of doors, floor tiles and bricks from a collapsed site nearby: “When one is needy and money is tight one crawls into anything, one invents, one manages, you become a carpenter, you become just about anything. What should I bring an architect in for, so he can throw me out and send me far away? No, I’m not moving from here. The kids’ school is here, the agromarket is here. I don’t want to live far away, where I’ll have to wait two hours for the bus or I’ll have to pay for a botero3. There’s nine of us living in this hole. Not all at once, we take turns. There are no rooms to sleep in, the partitions are improvised with bedsheets, with cardboard. I made my own barbacoa. I got everything you see here, almost everything, from collapsed sites. Bricks, blocks, floors. In a collapse you might even find doors, an armchair. No one believes I made it by myself, but I did, all by myself, all through hard work. That’s how I was taught in Santiago. Havanans say 3 A collective taxi, usually an old car from the 1950’s. the barbacoa was invented by us orientals, Palestinians4, because when one comes, another follows, and then another, and soon the whole family is here... like that song by the Van Van5: “artisans of space, natural architect... I’m gonna make you a pretty house, my family’ll know, momma, tell me where you want them to build the barbacoa!”. The methods of occupation, underpinning, intervention, partition and selfconstruction in these properties have been studied and commented on in detail in the piece Entropic Tropic. Multiplication of the inner landscape, which looks into these structural practices which obey more to the organic and immediate needs of their inhabitants, than to the ideal planning of a house. It is an architecture without architects, made ad hoc, gradually and cumulatively, with the materials and solutions at hand. Here, camouflage practices, exercises of intersection, adaptation and expansion of the interior spaces abound; the boarding up of passageways and windows in order to open new ones; the readaptation of materials from other collapsed sites. In self-built or squatted houses a simultaneity in the moments of inhabitation, planning and construction is commonly found. Here, a house is a living structure, malleable and modular, but also a fragile structure in a state of near ruin, a space which could be clouted by the same economic, legal, and structural limitations it manages to avoid, the building stands in an uneasy balance, while the neighbors live in fear of a collapse and the question of relocation. The solares harbor a life of maximum cooperation, brought about by the unspoken agreement of helping others who, in turn, will help oneself, be it dealing with water shortages, fixing a recent collapse, painting the house or taking care of the children. Collective action becomes essential, although, as in almost all groups, the degree of commitment and participation is not equal for all, nor does it emerge harmoniously. There is a culture of the rumba de cajón, of the toques de santo6. The care of the plants that protect the home, and a care for the others is evident. But the overcrowding in close 4 A term used by Havanians to designate people from the western part of Cuba. A very well known salsa group, whose lyrics often deal with the toil of life in Cuba. 6 Local celebrations related to orisha practices. 5 quarters, the lack of privacy and forced intimacy, are also the cause of endless problems and conflicts. Amidst this agglomeration and densification we may find houses of 2.5 x 4 meters where four, five, and up to nine people live. Noises compete with each other, the constraint of both the physical and sound environment create a life which is always collective, in which the personal is always public. There is a de facto impossibility of finding an individual space. Araselio, a resident of Aguiar 408, was having problems with his mother in law and found an empty area in the back of the building. He consequently requested permission from the government to build his room-house there: “I wanted my independence, away from my wife’s family. I looked for an empty area in the building and found it: the hole for a spiral staircase which was no longer in use since the upper part had fallen down. I asked the state for it, they gave me permission, and I put together my little house. It was narrow, but I couldn’t remove the stairs. If I had knocked them down the whole structure of the building would have gone down, so I used the area underneath to assemble a little living room and a landing with the barbacoa on top. I made a 3 x 4 room for my wife, my son, and me. The stairs wrap around the house, they even reinforce it. Here, you become an architect.” Entropic Tropic is based on field research, a dialogue with the neighbors and an immersion in the life of the solares. Seven mansions in old Havana were chosen and the plans for each of their floors obtained, thus identifying their original-initial design in order to compare it to the present one, underlying the transformations with the testimony of their dwellers. Each resident drew, in his or her own way, a diagram of their house. Then the plans for each floor of the mansion were drafted with help from a group of architects and historians. The residents have taken over the architectural elements, modifying them to a degree in which it is no longer possible to distinguish if certain columns, staircases, walls, existed previously, or if they were appended at a later stage. It is also possible to recognize a variety of materials proceeding from origins other than domestic architecture: a mast from a ship has been used to connect the different stories of a house; old stones from the wall of a breakwater destroyed by a hurricane have been reclaimed and used to reinforce the walls of a house; rusted and abandoned doors belonging to a bank elevator have been employed to finish a new footbridge, among many other examples. Ana María and Pedro from Aguiar 268, told me: “We needed to melt a small plaque and the slabs were nowhere to be found. They were tearing up the pavement in all the streets and we found two of those large wooden cable reels, for telephone cables. We didn’t want to lose any more time, so we got a hold of one the reels and we took it apart. We got our money and that was that. Now we’re going back for more reels. We scavenge anything we can, ‘cause there’s nothing here. It’s the only way to deal... There’s people who live in residential areas and they’re unhappy, ‘cause that sadness, that darkness, that loneliness... there’s not even a bus to go to the bakery. Here, everything’s near, you can even get a planchado7 nearby. It’s not like one of those buildings where people live behind closed doors. Here in the solares all neighbors live with their doors open, they join together, whenever there’s any health issue everyone pulls together. The downside is everyone’s cramped. We’re happy here. Some aren’t. They’d leave if someone offered them something different. The solar is everything to me, the rumba, the guagancó, the timbalero. Every single thing comes from here. For the neighbors it’s a means of having fun. There’s everything here, engineers, doctors, everything. If the state gave us the resources I’d scramble the whole building and it’d get it repaired and the whole thing gets dolled up. A doll with an old woman’s face, but a doll nonetheless. I could dismantle the whole building and put it back together just the way it was. I don’t need anyone to teach me. My father and life itself taught me all I need to know.” But there are differing views, such as Ricardo’s and Yayma’s, residents of San Ignacio 214: 7 A cheap rum favored by working-class Cubans. “We put in for this house as an expansion. We were packed into the living room where we slept, it was very hard. They gave us this space and we had to do it all. Everything’s made of wood, an invention just to stretch out. We got a good amount of planks and then it was a question of working on mounting the beams and setting up the suspended ceiling. Do you know where I got the wooden planks? At the place where they make coffins. I’d gotten no answer... they came out pretty good! We partitioned the spaces with cardboard shelves, and the other room with pladur, a gypsum-like material, and we can’t place anything heavy, the building would collapse. We need to use lightweight materials, polyfoam, steel mesh, lightweight materials that will hold up and support. Nowadays the solar has been declared uninhabitable, that is, ground zero. You can’t swap, you can’t do anything, we need to wait for them to get us into a shelter. We are not actually homeowners, it’s a contract that we have with the state. It’s a free usufruct, and the Office of the City Historian probably plans to relocate us, but they’ll send us to Alamar or Cap de Vila8 or god knows where, and you have to agree to it, because this isn’t yours. We like living in Old Havana with all its crevices, but if they tell you that they’ll give you two apartments and that all will be new and you’ll have more privacy, we’d leave at once. My kitchen and bathroom are part of the common area, the hallway, but what can you do. This building could be well repaired, but there’s no money. It’s not easy. Here, everyone holds onto a little patch and fixes up his own comforts. Osmani built his house in one night, out of cardboard and sheet metal... he got 84 blocks as a gift from someone and we built it on the inside in a single night, so that the authorities wouldn’t notice. He got the permits after the fact, but down there it floods and there’s other kinds of water issues.” In Aguiar 408, written down in pencil on one of the columns of the mansion, there are several histories of the building through time, recording a series of events. The time when a hurricane knocked down the third floor hallway, the time when Mrs. Gladys’s flowerpot fell down, the time when the residents got together to fix the hallway, etc. It is a 8 Distant neighborhoods in the outskirts of Havana. kind of archeology of time, written in pencil on the walls, almost imperceptible to the eye of a stranger. In Cuba 246 an arch that used to be an old garage has been partitioned into three micro-homes, put in place and demarcated by a high stanchion, creating three houses which would seem impossible. Lala lives on top, in a small room with a bathroom, kitchen, bed and water tank. The space is barely 2 x 2.5 meters. Underneath, on the left, lives Matilde with her husband, and on the right lives Virginia with her family. The project, exhibited at the Havana Biennale, reconstructs the story of these mansions and, at the same time, acknowledges the work of the self-builders who inhabit them. The survey, original and current architectural plans, are accompanied by the oral history, the recorded discussions, the arguments amongst residents, architects and historians. The audio testimonials, the architectural plans and the videos present the visitor with a possible reconstruction of the history of these survival architectures. Several video installations, which act as an expanded documentary, are also included in the Entropic Tropic exhibit. The videos document the architecture of the various estates and are projected over materials proceeding from the mansions, which have been loaned by the residents (tanks used to store water and lime to deal with the saltpeter that covers the walls, wooden reels for telephone cable recovered from the street, that will later be used to build the floor of a future room, wooden sticks used to underpin collapsed areas, salvaged doors and fences, etc.) Likewise, a life-size model in corrugated cardboard of the houses and structures from these seven Havanan solares is housed in Casa de la Obra Pía, a former solar that, prior to being restored and reinstated as a museum and cultural center, was on of the largest ciudadelas in old Havana. The cardboard replicas took over this space to reveal the process of architectural erasure entailed by the renovation of the Obra Pía house at the time: new overhanging rooms, staircases and walkways were inserted in its arches. Houses, bathrooms, and kitchens were built in the courtyard. The common hallways were occupied and the passageway narrowed, half of the entrance gate was closed off, leaving only a small and uncomfortable space for the visitor to enter. The corrugated cardboard installations have taken over the building in the intrusive spirit of informal architecture, experimenting with duplicate architecture, an architecture within another, thus accentuating the ambiguous and problematic relationship between the life, framework and content of the artwork.