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xx Abbreviationsand symbols TNS TOP TR TRANS UNSPEC.OBJ LONSPEC.SUBJ voL VP V.INTR V.DTR V.TR I z J lsc 3pr 0 = l ?? tense topic transitive transitive unspecifiedobject unspecifiedsubject verb volitional verb phrase intransitiveverb ditransitiveverb transitiveverb first person secondperson third person first personsingular(etc.) third personplural (etc.) zero marking affix boundary clitic boundary infix ungrammaticalphraseor sentence high tone low tone rise - fall tone or falling tone only marginallygrammatical falling into nation contour[chapter5] rising into nation contour[chapter5] Unless otherwiseindicatedin a chapter,Roman numeralsare used for noun classes. 'Nc' with a subscriptnumber'x' means'Noun classx'. Parts-of-speech systems Paul Schachterand TimothyShopenl 0 Introduction Parts of speeclris the traditional term for the major classesof words that are grammaticallydistinguishedin a language.While all languagesmake partsol--speechdistinctions, there are rather striking differencesbetween languages with regard to both the kind and the number of such distinctionsthat they rnake.A field worker investigatingan unfamiliar languagemay thereforefind it tusefulto know what generalizations canbe madeaboutparts-of-speech systems. What, for example, can be said about the ways in which, and the limits within which, parts-of-speechinventoriesmay differ from one another?Which partsol'-speechdistinctionsare universaland which language-specific? What are lhe ways in which languagesthat lack a particular part of speechexpressthe scmanticequivalent?And what relations are there betweenthe parts-of-speech systemof a languageand the language'sothertypologicalcharacteristics? It is the aim of this chapterto provide someanswersto suchquestions. By way of orientation,thepresentsectionsetsforth somegeneralassumptions tlratunderliethe presentationin the restof the chapter.First, then,it is assumed hcrethat the primary criteria for parts-of-speechclassificationare grammatical, not semantic.As has beenamply demonstratedin the linguistic literature(see, lirr example,Fries (1952)), the familiar notional parts-of-speechdefinitions, such as 'a noun is the name of a person,place, or thing', fail to provide an rrtlcquatebasisfor parts-of-speech classification,sincethereare many casesin ivhich their applicabilityor inapplicabilityis unclear.Grammaticalcriteria,on thc other hand,are not opento this objection. 'fhe grammatical properties of a word that are here taken to be relevant to rts parts-of-speech classificationinclude the word's distribution,its range of ()ur thanks to Sharon Klein and Jean Mulder for their help in gathering the data on which this , lrrrptcris based.Our thanks also to the following for sharing their knowledge of languagescited I rrtlle uhapter:GeorgeBedell,Kent Bimson, EserErguvanli,Aryeh Faltz,BamabasForson,Talmy t irrtin. CharlesLi, PamelaMunro, J6rgenRischel,Jilali Saib, Sukari Salon6,Michiko Shintani, l, rlrrrSoper,Michika Takaichi,SandraThompson,Alan Timberlake,and David Weber. 2 syntacticfunctions,and the morphologicalor syntacticcategoriesfor which it is specifiable.Consider,in this connection,the threewords of the sentence: (l) Parts-of-speech systems PaulSchachter andTimothyShopen Boys like girls The words boys and like can be shown to differ in their distributions (xllfte boys girls is ungrammatical), in their functional range (boys can function as a subject but like cannot) and in their categorizations(boys is categorizedfor number but not for tense,while like is categorizedfor both). Thus thesetwo words are assignedto distinct parts-of-speech classes.On the other hand,the words bc,ysand girls, having highly similar distributions (cf. Girls like boys), functionalranges,and categorizations, areassignedto the sameparts-of-speech class.There are, to be sure,casesthat are less clearcutthan these- cases,for example, involrvingpartial simllarities of distribution, functional range,or categorization,which may requiredividing a parts-of-speech classinto subclasses. (For some further discussion,seesection 1.) But, by and large,the grammatical propertiesin questionconstitutea serviceablebasis for parts-of-speech classification. While it is assumedhere that the assignmentof words to parts-of-speech classesis basedon properties that are grammatical rather than semantic, and often language-particularratherthan universal,it is also assumedthat-thename that is chosenfor a particular parts-of-speechclass in a languagemay appropriately reflectuniversalsemanticconsiderations. Thus, althoughthe familiar notionaldefinitionof nounsmentionedabovedoesnot alwaysprovide an adequatebasisfor decidingwhetheror not a given word is a noun,once the words of a languagehave been assignedto parts-of-speech classeson grammatical groundsand it is found that one of theseclassesincludesthe preponderance of words that are the namesof persons,places,and things,then it is perfectlyreasonableto call this classthe classof nouns,and to comparethe classso named with the similarly namedclassesof other languages.(On this point, seeLyons (1968:317-19).)Thus the wordsboys and girls areassignedto the samepartsof-speechclass,and the word like to a different class,on language-particular grammaticalgrounds,but it is on universalsemanticgroundsthat the classto which boys and girls are assignedis called the class of nouns, while that to which like is assignedis calledthe classof verbs. An interestingrecentproposalconceminguniversalsemanticgroundsfor the identificationof parts of speechis to be found in Wierzbicka(2000): namely, the use of universalexemplars,basic words that are presumablyfound in all languages,suchas the equivalentsof person andthing for nouns,do andhappen for verbs.In any language,Wierzbickasuggests,the partsof speechthat have been establishedon grammaticalgrounds that contain translationsof these words can be said to be nounsand verbsrespectively.She goeson to develop 3 this approachfor a full rangeof parts of speech,arguing for the approach's superiorityto other'prototype approaches',which do not, she says,contain cxemplarsthat are found in all languages.Notable exemplarsare fbund in I)ixon (1995),as well asLyons(1911:vol.r), Croft (1984),Giv6n (1984a)and I lopperandThompson(1984). Another assumptionreflectedin this chapteris that all languagesmake a classes.Following Robins distinctionbetweenopen andclosedparts-of-speech t1964:230),we can describeopen classesas those'whose membershipis in principle unlimited, varying from time to time and betweenone speakerand 'contain a fixed and usually small another' and closed classesas those that numberof memberwords,which are [essentially]the samefor all the speakers of the language,or the dialect'. Thus open classesare classessuch as nouns and verbs,and closedclassesare classessuchas pronounsand conjunctions. That all languagescontainopen classesis beyonddoubt,despiteoccasional apocryphalreports to the contrary: i.e., reports of languageswhose vocabularies consistof only a few hundred words. A more seriousquestioncan be laisedaboutthe universalstatusofclosed classes.It is certainlytrue that closed classesplay a rather minor role in some languages,and it has in fact sometimes beenclaimed that thereare languagesin which they play no role at all. The languagesin questionare invariablyso-calledsyntheticlanguages:that is, languagesthat favour morphologicallycomplex words. (Syntheticlanguages rre commonly contrastedwith analytic languages,in which words consisting of a single morphemeare the norm. If a scalewere established,rangingfrom highly syntheticlanguages,such as Eskimo, to highly analytic ones,such as Vietnamese,modern English would be somewhatcloser to the analytic than to the syntheticend of this scale.)The relation betweena language'sposition on the synthetic-analyticscaleand the role of closedclassesin that language is discussedmore fully in section2.That sectionalso considers,and rejects, the claim that there are known instancesof languageswith no closedclasses at all. classesprovidesthe The distinctionbetweenopenandclosedparts-of-speech basic organizingprinciple of the remainderof this chapter,with open classes being dealt with in sectionI and closedclassesin section2. I Open classes classesthat may occur in a languageare the classes The open parts-of-speech of nouns,verbs,adjectives,andadverbs.Typically,eachof theseclassesmay on the basisof certaindistinctivegrambe divided into a numberof subclasses matical properties.For example, the classof nouns in English may be divided as common and proper(on the basisof whetheror not the into suchsubclasses 4 Parts-of'-speech systems futulSchachter andTinzothv Shopen nounsoccur with articleshke the; the girl vs *the Mory), count and mass(on the basisof whetheror not they occur in the plural: chairs vs *furnitures),etc. And the classof English verbsmay be dividedinto suchsubclasses astransitive and intransitive(on the basisof occurrencewith objects:enjoy it vs *smile it), active and stative(on the basis of occurrencein the progressive:is studying vs *is knowing), etc. Such subclassesare not ordinarily identified as distinct parts of speech,since there are in fact properties common to the membersof the different subclasses, and sincethelabel parts of speechis, as notedearlier, traditionally reservedfor 'major classes'.In any case,the discussionof open parts-of-speech classesin this chapterdoesnot include a systematicaccountof the subclassification of theseclasses,but insteadoffers only a few observations concerningsubclasses thatareparticularlywidespread,or that seemparticularly interestingfrom a typologicalviewpoint. It must be acknowledged,however,that there is not always a clear basis for deciding whethertwo distinguishableopen classesof words that occur in a languageshould be identified as different parts of speechor as subclasses of a single part of speech.The reasonfor this is that the open parts-of-speech classesmust be distinguishedfrom one anotheron the basis of a cluster of properties,noneofwhich by itselfcanbe claimedto be a necessary andsufficient condition for assignmentto a particularclass.And the fact is that languages vary considerablyin the extentto which the propertiesassociatedwith different openword classesform discreteclusters.Typically thereis someoverlap,some sharingof properties,as well as somedifferentiation.In English,for example, althoughnouns,verbs,andadjectivesareclearlydistinguishedfrom oneanother in various ways, thereare still certain propertiesthat they share.Thus nounsand adjectives,aswell asverbs,may be subclassified asactivevs stativeon thebasis of occurrencein the progressive(compareJohn is being a boor / boisterousand *John is being my brother / tall). And in cerlain other languages,as will become clearin thefollowing sections,nounsandverbs,or nounsandadjectives,or verbs and adjectives,may have very much more in common than they do in English. What this meansis that theremay in somecasesbe considerablearbitrarinessin the identification of two openword classesasdistinct parts of speechratherthan subclasses of a singlepart of speech.Thus somerathercelebratedquestionsfor example,whetheror not all languagesmake a distinction betweennouns and verbs - may ultimately turn out to be more a matter of terminology than of substance(cf. section1.2). In the following presentationof the open parts-of-speechclasses,nouns, verbs,adjectives,and adverbsare discussedin turn. In eachcase,the characteristic grammatical and notional properties of the class are enumerated,with relevantexamples.Certain subclasses are also noted,and, where appropriate, there is a discussionof the questionof the universalityof a particular partsof-speechdistinction(seesection1.2),or of the ways in which languagesthat 5 lack a particulardistinctionexpressthe semanticequivalent(seesections1.3 r r n d1 . 4 ) . l.l 'l'he Nouns (2) The principal is speakingin the next room (3) The principal'sspeechis in the next room distinctionbetweennounsandverbsis one of the few apparentlyuniversal parts-of-speech distinctions.While the universalityof eventhis distinctionhas sometimesbeen questioned,it now seemsthat the allegedcounter-examples lravebeenbasedon incompletedata,andthat thereareno languagesthatcannot be said to show a noun-verb distinctionwhen all relevantfacts are taken into ruccount. We shall look further into the matterof languageswhich allegedlyfail to distinguishnounsand verbsat the end of section 1.2, afterthe characteristic propertiesof thesetwo partsof speechhavebeendescribed. For conveniencewe can adaptthe traditionaldefinition of nouns,assigning the label noun to the classof words in which occur the namesof most persons, places,and things. As was explainedin the introductorysection,this type of rrotionalcorrelationis not the basisfor determiningmembershipin a class,but rnerelythe basisfor assigninga nameto a classestablishedon othergrounds.It is thereforenot a matterof concernif the classof nounsincludes,as it typically tloes,wordsthat arenot the namesof persons,places,or things,or if somesuch namesarefound in someotherclass. It may be useful,however,to try to go beyondsuchtraditionaldefinitionsto a cleeperunderstanding ofthe semantics.Let usbriefly considerin this connection some proposalsmade by Ronald W. Langacker(1987) and Anna Wierzbicka (1986). Langacker,working exclusivelywith English data,arguesfor certain universalsemanticpropertiesof nounsand verbs.Nouns,he proposes,do not lbregroundrelations,but insteaddesignate'a region in somedomain'. Verbs, on the otherhand,do foregroundrelations.(For more on Langacker'sviews on verbs,seesection1.2,below.)Consider,for example,the differencein meaning betweenthe following sentences: '[he first sentence,using the verb speak,evokes an image of an audienceand the principal communicatingwith them. The secondsentence,using the noun .speech,on the other hand, may simply serveto locate a physical entity; there is not necessarilyany audienceor any communication.Of coursesomeonecould lead the speech(and the principal himself or herself could in fact read or recite it aloud to an audience),in which casecommunicationwould take place,but it could also be left unreadwith no communication.Thus the communication relationis not foregrounded. 6 Moreover,the speechin the context of the secondsentenceis likely to be 'region understoodas being in writing, which makesit easierto think of it as a in somedomain'. Peoplecan,of course,also say (4) Parts-of-speech systems Paul Schut'hter antl Tintotht' Shopen The principal is giving a speechin the next room in which casethe noun necessarilyrepresentssomethingspokenand there is communicationwith an audience.In Langacker'sscheme,however,this could be said to come from the force of the verbalexpressionwith the verb glve. Langackeralso makesan interestingsuggestionabout how the semanticsof (Count nouns count and mass nouns can explain their syntacticdifTerences. are countableand which may thereforebe are nouns whose typical ret-erents pluralized;mass,or noncount,nounsare nounswhosetypical referentsare not countableand which may thereforenot normally be pluralized.)He suggests 'bounded' are that count nounscantake plural inflectionbecausetheir ret'erents 'Bounded' meansthat,whetherthe countnoun refersto a singleentity in space. (dog, tree) or to a set of entities (crowd, herfi, the referentis conceivedof as being defined in space.Mass nouns (milk, sincerlry), on the other hand, 'bounded'but insteadas having an refer to things that are conceivedof as not indeterminateextentin space. Like Langacker,Wierzbickacontraststhe semanticpropertiesof nounswith those of anotherpart of speech,but in her case this other part of speechis adjectives.Using examplesfrom a varietyof languages,sheseeksto showhow the semanticsof nounsand adjectivescan accountfor differencesin how they are used. Nouns, she proposes,tend to refer to groupingsof the permanent of entities.This is in contrastto adjectives, and/orconspicuouscharacteristics and/orlessconspicuouscharacteristic. temporary which tendto referto a single the noun cripple, categorizesthe using is a cripple, For example, to say She what kind of personsheis. To say about something permanently, saying person hand,saysnothingaboutwhat sict, on the other adjective with the Sheis sick, characteristicthat the person to a single refers is, but instead she kind ofperson the moment. hasfor Becauseof thesesemanticdifferences,Wierzbicka argues,nouns are used for referenceand categorizationmore easily than adjectives,while adjectives are usedattributivelymore easily than nouns.Thus in a phrasesuch as a sicft woman,the noun womanprovidesa broadcategorizationof the referentwhile the adjective .rlcft serves to refine the categorization. By contrast, a cripple woman,with the two nounsproviding a doublecategorization,is awkward. An interestingexampleof the awkwardnessof the attributiveuseof nounsis the following headlinefrom the CanberraTimesof 20 October1999 Diplomat murderaccusedgrantedbail, which involvesa recursiveuseof noun attributes. 'murder of a diplomat', diplomat murder accused Diplomat murder means 7 nrclns 'personaccusedof murderof a diplomat', so the entireheadlinemeans 'lr:ril hasbeengrantedto a personaccusedof the murderof a diplornat'. 'l'he mostcommonfunctionfor nounsis asargumentsor headsof argumentslor cxample,as (headsof) subjectsor objects,as in the caseof the italicized rrolds in: ( 5) The little boy was eatingcandy ).Jouns may also function as predicates,however,either with an accompanying , rr1rula, suchas Englishbe (6) or Hausane (1), or without any copula,as in lrgalog (8) or Russian(9): ((r) They are teachers rl I Su malamai ne they teachers coP 'They are teachers' (ii) Mga guro sila PL teacher they 'They are teachers' (()) Oni uiitelia they teachers 'They are teachers' Typical categoriesfbr which nouns may be specified,either morphologi, rrllyor syntactically, arecase,number,classor gender,anddefiniteness. Case rrrlrkingindicatesgrammaticaltunctions(suchas subject,direct object,and rrrrlirectobject; cf. Andrewsin chapter3,andDryerin chapter4,of thisvolume Itrl illuminatingdiscussions of thesefunctions),as in the following examples lirrm Latin (10) (in which caseis markedmorphologically, by suffixation)and lrrpanese (l l) (in which caseis markedsyntactically, by postpositions). rl0) Femin-a m a l - u m p u e l l - a ed e d i t woman-NoMapple-ncc girl-nnr gave 'The woman gavean apple to the girl' rI I) Onna ga shojo ni ringo o ataeta woman sunr girl olr apple oBJ gave 'The woman gave apple an to the girl' Number marking distinguishessingular fiom plural, and, more rarely, dual, ;rs in English house/houses; Eskimo igla 'house'/ iglut 'houses'/ iglak 'two 'house' 'houses'. Irorrses';or Tagalogbaha1, / mga bahay Classor gendermarki rrgpartitionsthe setof nounsinto subsets,eachof which hasits own distinctive rrrarkingand/ornecessitates a distinctivemarkingon certainother wordswhich Parts-of-speechsystems Paul SchachterandTimothy Shopen show agreementwith nouns.Typically, the classificationis in part semantically basedand in part semanticallyarbitrary. Examples include the gender systems 'the of Indo-Europeanlanguages(e.g. German der Mann (the-masculineman) 'the woman', das Mtidchen (the-neuter man'. die Frau (the-feminine woman) girl) 'the girl'), the classsystemsof Bantulanguages(suchas Swahili,in which most nouns that refer to human beings are in class l, which takes the prefix m-, e.g.mtu'person', mtoto'child', mgeni'sttanger',but in which someof the otherclasseshavelittle semanticcoherence),andthe noun-classifiersystemsof suchlanguagesas Thai (cf. section2.2,below).Someexamplesof definiteness 'the distinctionsarea man vs theman, Norwegianen mann'a man' vs mannen man', and Hebrewish'aman' vs ha-ish'theman'. In most languagessome grammatical distinction is made between common nouns,which are used to refer to any memberof a classof persons,etc. (e.g. girt, city, novel), andproper nouns,which areusedto refer to specificpersons, etc. (e.g. Mary, Boston, Ivanhoe).The precisecharacterof the grammatical distinction, however,as well as its precise semanticcorrelates,may show considerable variation from language to language.For example, while common nouns in English differ from (most) proper nouns by occurring with articles,in Tagalog (which has no articles) common and proper nouns take different case markers and topic markers, as the following examplesillustrate: (12) (13) babae ang bata Malapit sa near oBLIQ woman roP child 'The child is nearthe woman' 1.2 Malapit sa Maynila ang Pasay City near osr- Manila ror Pasay CitY 'PasayCity is nearManila' Apart from making a distinction between common and proper nouns, languagesmay make various other kinds of subclassdistinctions within the set of nouns: for example, the distinction between count and mass nouns and the gender distinctions mentioned above. As was explained at the start of this Verbs \i'rb is the namegiven to the parts-of-speech classin which occur most of the rvtlrdsthat expressactions,processes,and the like. As in the caseof nouns, l.angacker(1987) has proposeda deeper,more generalaccountof the semantics,proposing,as noted above,that verbs,unlike nouns,foregroundrelations. I rr Langacker'sscheme,however,the foregrounding of relations is not a unique property of verbs, since there are certain other parts of speechthat can also lirregroundrelations.What is distinctiveaboutverbs,he suggests,is the foregrounding of temporal relations (relations that are anchored in time) or of rclationsconcernedwith process.Atemporalrelations,on the other hand, are lirregroundedby adpositions,adjectives,and adverbs(as well as by infinitives rrndparticiples,which Langackerdoesnot classifyas verbs). The characteristicfunction of verbsis as predicates,as in: ( l5) The peopledanced The studentsolvedtheproblem In some languages,however,verbs can also occur as argumentsas in the folIowing examplefrom Tagalog: ( f 6) Juan Maria sl Malapit kay OBLIQ Maria TOP Juan nea.r 'Juanis nearMaria' Moreover, the Tagalogclassesthat are distinguishedon this basisare not semantically coextensivewith the English classesof proper and common nouns.The Tagalog nouns that take the markers of (13) are restricted to those that refer to specific persons.;nouns that refer to specific places, etc., take the other set of markers, although their English equivalentsare clearly proper, rather than common,nouns: (14) :cction, however,such subclassdistinctionsgenerallygo beyondthe scopeof this chapter.(SeeCorbettin vol. rn, chapter4, on genderand noun class.) Pinanood ko ang mga sumasayaw watch I rop pr were. dancing 'I watchedthe oneswho were dancing' cf. Sumasayaw ang mga tao were.dancing roP pL person 'The people were dancing' 'fhe use of a verb as an argumentis to be distinguishedfrom the probably more common use of a verbal noun as an argument,as in Akan: (11) 'fhe Mehwee asaw no I. watched dancing the 'I watchedthe dancing' verbal noun is a noun which is morphologically relatedto a verb, but which does not itself occur as a verbal predicate.For example, the verbal notrn asaw of (17) is relatedto the verb saw 'dance' but could never itself be used as a predicate. The categoriesfor which verbsmay be specifiedinclude tense,aspect,mood, voice, and polarity. (As in the caseof nouns,the categorizationmay be maniI'estedeither morphologically or syntactically.Only morphological illustrations litttl .\t lutchter ond Timothy Shopen rr r| | lrt' r r\ r n in this section,however.For somesyntacticillustrations,seethe ol'auxiliariesin section2.3. Seealso,for furtherinformationon l)r('s('ntirti()n It'nst',rrrrrotl. and aspect,vol. IIl, chapter5, by Timberlake,and,fbr a detailed tr('irlnrent ol mood,section4 of that chapter.)Tensemarking indicatestime ri'l;rli','c to the time of the utterance: forexampleHayaakaija'he came(earlier tlurrrir lew daysago)', alaizile'he came(within the pastfew days)',yaija'he (carliertoday)',alaija 'he will come(in the nearfuture)',aliija'he wlll errrrrc cornc(in thedistantfuture)'. Aspectmarkingindicateswhetherthe actionof the vcrb is regardedascompleteor incomplete,durativeor momentaneous, etc.:for cxarrrple,ClassicalGreekbebouLefrsthai'to havealreadydecided',bouleiesthai 'to be deciding', bouleiseasthai'to decide' (unspecifiedfor completenessor durativeness). Mood marking involvesdistinctionssuch as indicative(actual) vs subjunctive(possible)or declarativevs interrogative:for example,French (qu')il viendra'(that)he will come' vs (qu')il vienne'(that)he may come'; Menominipi.w 'he is coming,he came' vs pi.?'is he coming?,did he come?'. Voice marking has to do with the role of the subject in the action expressed by the verb, the most common voice distinctionbeing activevs passive,as in Latin videt'he sees',videtur'he is seen'.And polaritymarkingdistinguishes affirmativefrom negative,as in Akan rrz'pulls', rzlt 'doesn'tpull'. (In addition to being markedfbr inherentlyverbalcategorizations, verbsin somelanguages (person,number,class)of their are markedto indicatecertaincategorizations subjectsand, less frequently,their objects:for example,Latin vicleo'I see', 'theywill videmus'wesee';Swahiliwa-to-tti-uliat(they-future-l-ask) askme', 'I (I-future-they-ask) ni-ta-wa-uliz.a will askthem'.) ln all languagesit is possibleto subclassifyverbsas transitiveor intransitive on the basisof whetheror not they occur with objects.In some languagesthe transitive-intransitive distinctionentailscertainothergrammaticaldistinctions. For example,in Bambarathe pasttenseis expressedby an auxiliary lve) with transitiveverbsbut by a suffix (-/a) with intransitiveverbs: (l8) U a san ),e they ee,sr it buy 'They bought it' (l e ) U boli-/n they walk-ersr 'They walked' Many languages alsohavea subclass of copulativeverbs,like Englishbe,that occur with predicatenominalsor adjectives.ln other languages,however,there is either no copula at all (as in Tagalog- cf. example (8)) or the copula is not a verb (as in Hausa- cf. example(7)). (For further discussionof non-verb copulas,seesection2.5.) Parts-of'-speech systems ll Anotherwidespreadsubclassification of verbsinvolvesa distinctionbetween ,rtlive verbs,which expressactionsandthelike, and stativeverbs,which express :lrrtesand the like. With regard to these subclasses,once again Langacker rl9tl7) makesan interestingsuggestionabout how the semanticpropertiesof trio subclassescan shed light on their formal properties.His accountof the sr'rnanticsof active and stativeverbs (which he calls, respectively,perfective rrrrdimperfective)is, in fact, closely relatedto his accountof the semanticsof t oufltood massnouns(seesectionl. l ). Specifically,Langackerproposesthatactiveverbs(walk,/earn)denoteevents r'()nceived of as being boundedin time, much as count nounsdenoteentities ( ()nceivedofasbounded (Love,ktutw),bycontrast,denote in space.Stativeverbs \tutesof affairsconceivedof as havingan indeterminate extentin time, much irs Inassnounsdenoteentitiesconceivedof as having an indeterminateextent rr :ipace.This leadshim to an analysisof the situationin Englishwherestative r crbsare ordinarily usedin the simple presenttensefor presenttime and active rcrbs in the presentprogressive(e.g.,John loves Mary vs John is walking to v ltool). When activeverbsareusedin the simplepresenttense,they ordinarily retluirea specialinterpretationbecausethe boundedconceptionof the event ( rrnnotmatchwith the extentof time of the speechact: habitual(Ralph drinks rro martinisfor lunch), imminent future (The expeditionLeavestomorrow at rtttott),orhistoricalpresent(Thenhe walksupto me and.sd,ys...). To turn now to the questionofthe universalityofthe noun-verb distinction, rhcreare, as previouslynoted,languageswith regardto which the legitimacy ,rl such a distinction has been denied. Probably the best-knowncase is that ,rl'Nootka, which has often been cited in the linguistic literatureas lacking a rroun-verbdistinction,on the basisof the analysisby Swadesh(1939).More rccently,however,Jacobsen(19'76)has re-examinedthe Nootka data,and has slrownthat, while the distinctionbetweennouns and verbs in Nootka is less obviousthan it is in many other languages,there is nonethelessa reasonably , lcar distinctionto be made. The following are the kind of examplesthat havebeencited in supportof the ,rllegedlack of a noun-verb distinctionin Nootka: rl 0 ) qu.?as-?i Mamu.k-ma man-DEF working-enEs(tNotc) 'The man is workine' rl | ) mamu.k-?i Qu.?as-ma man-PRES(rNDrC) working-DEF 'The working one is a man' \s theseexamplesindicate,thenotionallynoun-likeroot meaning'man' , qu.?as ,rrrtlthe notionally verb-likeroot meaning 'working', mamu.k,show,from the of function lrointof viewof a languagelikeEnglish,rathersurprisingsimilarities 12 and categorizations. Thus qu.?ascan function not only as an argument,as in (20), but also as a predicate,as in (21), without any accompanying copula. And mamu.kcan function not only as a predicatebut also as an argument(as in (20) and (21) respectively).Moreover, both the notionally nounlike and the notionally verb-like roots may be markedeither for the typically nominal 'definite' (by the suflix -7i) or the typically verbalcategory'present' category (by the suffix -za). pointsout,however,is thatthefunctionalandcategorizational What Jacobsen rangesof roots like qu.?asand roots llke mamu.k, although similar, are not identical.For example,while qu.?asand other notionally noun-likeroots may function as argumentseither with or without the suffix -?i, mamu-kand other notionally verb-likeroots function as argumentsonly when suflixed.Compare (22) and (23): (22) (23) Parts-of'-speech systems PaulSchachtet'undTimothyShopen qu.?as Mamu.k-ma working-rnEs(rNotc)man 'A man is working' *Qu.?as-ma mamu.k m a n - P R E S ( r N Dwt co)r k i n g Moreover,someof the apparentsimilaritiesbetweennounsandverbsin Nootka turn out, on carefulexamination,to be ofrather questionablesignificance.Thus thereis evidencethat Nootkatensemorphemes,suchas-ma in (20) and(2 I ), are bestanalysedasclitics that attachto the clause-initialword, whatevercategory this word belongsto. (For fuller discussion,seeAikhenvaldin vol. ttt, chapterI .) It thus seemsclearthat Nootkadoesdistinguishnounsand verbs,althoughthis distinctionis subtlerthan that found in English and many other languages. Nootka is by no meansalone, however,in making a fairly subtle distinction betweennounsand verbs.Since the characteristicfunction of nounsis as argumentsand that of verbsis as predicates,a functional distinctionbetween nouns and verbsbecomesdifficult to establishto the extentthat nounsoccur as predicatesand verbs as argumentswithout any distinctive marking (such as a copula accompanyingthe predicativenominalor somemorphemeindicating nominalizationof the verb).Considerin this connectionthefollowing examples from Tagalog: (24) Nagtatrabaho ang lalaki is. working ToP man 'The man is working' (25) Lalaki ang nagtatrabaho man rop is. working 'The one who is workine is a man' 13 \, lrrcviouslynoted,and as further illustratedby (25), predicatenominalsin l.rlrrlogarenot accompaniedby a copula,and verbsoccurfreely as arguments. llrrrs.I'roma functionalpoint of view, nounsand verbsappearto be at leastas ,rrrrilirrin Tagalogas they arein Nootka. (Tagalogdoes,however,makea more , lt rrr.cutdistinctionin categorization:only verbsare inflectablefor aspect.) Nonetheless, while languagesmay differ considerablyin the extentto which rlr('ylnakea grammaticaldistinctionbetweennounsand verbs,it seemscorrect rrr s1ly[14[ all languagesdo in fact make somedistinctionbetweenthem. One rrri{ht,however, wishto saythatin somelanguages, suchasNootkaandTagalog, n()unsand verbshave enoughin common grammaticallyfor there to be some (1r('stionabout whether to regard them as two subclassesof a single part of ,pt'cchratherthantwo distinctpartsof speech.Sincethis seemsto be essentially ,r nratterof terminology,it neednot concernus further. I .j Adjectives \\'hile all languagesappearto distinguishtwo open classes,nouns and verbs, , 'rrlycertainlanguagesmakea furtherdistinctionbetweentheseand a third open , l:rss,the classof adjectives.The major questionwith which this sectionwill l,t'concernedis how adjectivalmeaningsare expressedin languagesthat lack .ur open adjectivalclass.First, however,the propertiesof adjectivesin those lrrrrguages in which they do constitutea distinctopen parts-of-speech classwill l,t'summarized. The traditionalnotional deflnition of adjectivesidentifiesthem as the class ,,l words denotingqualitiesor attributes.This definition has somewell-known :lrrrrtcomings(see,for example,the discussionsin Jespersen (1924) and Lyons t 1971)),but no obviously better notional definition has been proposed.As a result,evenin notionallybasedgrammars,adjectiveshaveusuallybeendefined ,rl leastin part in functional terms,as words which modify nouns.Among the rvordswhich modify nouns,a distinctionis sometimesmadebetweenlimiting ,ttl.jectives anddescriptiveadjectives.However,the so-calledlimiting adjectives rwords such as some,this, other) neverconstitutean open class,and will not lrerebe treatedas adjectivesat all (see section 2.2 for a discussionof such rvords).The presentdiscussionis thus confinedto descriptiveadjectives. In additionto functioningasattributivemodifiersof nouns(e.g.tallinthe tall toman), adjectivesmay also function as predicates(as in The woman is tall). Like predicatenouns,predicateadjectivesmay or may not be accompaniedby rrcopula.Thus English usesa copula while Ilocano doesnot: tJ6) Natayag daydyay babae tall Top woman 'The woman is tall' 14 Parts-of-speech systems Shopen andTimothy PauISchachter A category for which adjectives are often specified is degree, which includesthe traditionaldistinctionspositive,comparative,and superlative- for exampleEnglishtall/taller/tallest;IlocanonatayaS'tall' I nataytctyag'taller'/ katatayagan'tallest'- as well asvariousothers:for examplevery/too/so/rather tall.In somelanguages,adjectivesare also markedto indicatethe categorizations of the nounsthey modify or - when the adjectivesare predicates- of the nounsthat are their subjects.In Latin, for example,adjectivesare markedfor the case,gender,and numberof nounsthey modify (or arepredicatedofl. Thus in (21) Feminae procerae homines proceros amant like tall men women tall 'Tall women like tall men' procerae is a nominative feminine plural form agreeing with feminae while procerosis an accusativemasculineplural tbrm agreeingwith homines. To turn now to the questionof how the notional equivalentof adjectivesis expressedin languageswhich lack an open adjectiveclass,a distinction can be made betweentwo groupsof such languages.First, thereare languagesin which there is a class that can be called adjectives,but in which this class is closedratherthan open,with anywherefrom lessthan ten members(e.g.Igbo' which has eight) to fifty-odd (e.g. Swahili). And second,there are languages which lack a distinct adjectiveclass altogether.Let us considereach of these groupsin tum. With regardto the first group,Dixon ( 1977b)hasnoteda ratherstrikingcrosslinguistic consistencyin the rangeof meaningsthat the closedadjectiveclass is usedto express.Specifically,he finds that this classis likely to includewords 'large' or 'small'), colour, age,and denotingdimensions(e.g.words meaning 'bad'). 'good' or On the other hand,it is lesslikely value (e.g.words meaning 'low'), physicalproperty ('hard', ('high', to include words denotingposition 'cruel'), 'soft'), humanpropensity('kind', or speed.A paradigmcasein support (see Welmersand Welmers( 1969))'whose of Dixon's claim is offeredby Igbo eight adjectivesare neatly distributed among the four favoured semanticareas ( s e e T a b l el . l ) . l)ixon also suggeststhat there are somecross-linguistictendencies,in lanr'uirseswith closed adjectiveclasses,for certain specifictypes of'adjectival' rrrt'rrrrings to be expressedby verbsand other specifictypesby nouns.He sugr't'sts,lbr example,that physicalpropertiesare more often expressedby verbs tlrrrrrby nouns,while humanpropensitiesaremoreoftenexpressedbynounsthan l,r verbs.This seems,however,to be only a statisticaltendency,and counter( \lnlples are not hard to find. Thus Hausaseemsto prefer nounsto verbsfor ( \ l)rcssingadjectivalmeaningsin general,while Bembaseemsto preferverbs r() nouns(seeexamples(28-33) below),althougheachof theselanguagessometrncs usesthe lessfavouredpart of speech.In any event,it is clear that nouns ,rrrtlverbsbetweenthem must in generaltake up the slack left by a paucity of ,rtljectives, and it is thereforeofinterest to seehow eachofthese open classes rs rrsedto expressadjectivalmeanings. Iir begin with nouns, languageswith closed adjectiveclassesoften use .rbs11i1s1 nouns(equivalentin many casesto English nounsformed with -ness: Airttlness, hardness,etc.)in possessive constructionsto expressadjectivalmeanrrrr:s. The following aresomeexamplesfrom Hausa,showingthesyntacticparalIr'lisrnbetweenconstructionswith adjectivalmeaningsand other constructions rrrvolvingpossessivemodifiers(28), and possessive predicates(29): t.llJ) mutum mai alheri larziki /hankali person having kindness /prosperity /intelligence 'a ki nd/prosperous/intelligent person' cf. mutum mai doki person having horse 'a person having a horse' t.l9) Yana da alheri larziki /hankali he. is with kindness /prosperity /intelligence 'He is kind/prosperous/intelligent' cf. Yana da doki he. is with horse 'He hasa horse' Sonreexamplesinvolvingphysicalpropertiesare: r t0) itace mai tauri /laushi /nauyi wood having hardness/softness /heaviness 'hard/soft/heavy wood' rll) Yana da tauri /laushi /nauyi it. is with hardness/softness /heaviness 'lt is hard/soft/heavy' Table 1.1 lgbo adjectives Age Dimension 'large' akna 'small' rrla olii'black, dark' 'white, light oca ohuru'new' 'old' ocre gma'good' ojoo'bad' 15 16 The expressionof adjectivalmeaningsthroughverbs inlanguageswith closed adjective classestypically involves relativization to expressthe equivalentof a modifying adjective.The following examplesfrom Bemba are representative: (7)\ umuuntu iashipa /iakosa /iaceenjela person who. is. brave /who. is. strong /who. is. wise 'a person' brave/strong/wise cf. umuuntu ialemba person who. is. writing 'a personwho is writing' The equivalent of a predicate adjective, on the other hand, is expressedby a non-relativized verb: (33) Umuuntu 6ashipa /6akosa lilaceenjela person is. brave /is. strong /is. wise 'The person is brave/strong/wise' cf. Umuuntu dalemba person is. writing 'The personis writing' (As these examplesindicate, relativized verbs in Bemba have low tone on the subject-concordprefix while non-relativizedverbs havehigh tone on this prefix. In addition, with nouns in the human singular class - but not those in other classes- there is a segmentaldifference between the relative and non-relative subjectprefixes.) A further point to be noted about languageswith closedadjectiveclassesis that, in some of these languages,adjectives occur only as attributive modifiers, and do not occur as predicatesat all. One suchlanguageis Hua, as is shown by the following examples(from Haiman 1978): (34) Parts-of-speech systems PaulSchachter andTimothyShopen lrr adjectival-nounlanguages,adjectival meanings seem in general to lrr' expressedby nouns that designatean object (or objects) embodying a ,pt'r'iliedquality. The English equivalentof such nouns often takes the form ,rrllcctive-plus-one(s), as the following examplefrom the adjectival-nounlanr'urrtc Quechuaillustrates: r 15) Rika5ka: hatun-(kuna)-ta I saw big-(rr-)-ecc 'I saw the big one(s)' '\ cornparison of (35) with (36)illustratesthegrammaticalsimilarity in Quechua lrt'tweennounswith adjectivalmeanings(suchas hatun'big (one)') and other (suchas alkalde'mayor'). rrrrrrns r l6) Rika5ka: alkalde-(kuna)-ta I saw rnayor-(rr)-.tcc 'I saw the mayor(s)' .\s these examples show, nouns that express adjectival meanings can, like rrlhernouns,be used as verbal objects,in which casethey take the accusative rrrf'fix-/a, and can be pluralizedby meansof the suffix -kuna. The following Quechua examples further illustrate the grammatical par,rllelism between nouns with adjectival meanings and other nouns in this ,rtl.jectival-nounlanguage: r 17) Chay runa hatun (kaykan) (is) that man big 'That man is big' a. Bura fu nupa fu baie that pig black pig is 'That pig is a black pig' t ll3) Chay runa alkalde (kaykan) that man mayor (is) 'That man is mayor' b. xBura fu nupa baie that pig black is (19) chay hatun runa that big man 'that big man' (40) chay alkalde runa that mayor man 'that man who is mayor' To return to the question of how adjectival meanings are expressedin languagesthat lack an open classof adjectives,let us now considerthis question in relation to the secondgroup of such languages:i.e., languagesthat have no distinct adjectiveclass at all, either open or closed. Such languagescan themselvesbe divided into two groups: languagesin which adjectival meanings are expressedprimarily by nouns (hereafter,adjectival-noun languages) and languagesin which adjectival meaningsare expressedprimarily by verbs (hereafter,adjectiv al -verb languages). 17 'l'hese examples show that nouns with adjectival meanings are not grammatically distinguishedfrom other nouns either in their use as predicatesor in their rrseas attributive modifiers. Thus, in (37) and (38), the predicateshatun and 2iltr6 V[,J 18 PaulSchachter andTimothy Shopen alkalde both follow the subjectand both optionally co-occurwith the copulative verb kaykan, while in (39) and (40) the modifiers hatun and alkalde both immediately precedethe noun they modify. Adjectival-verblanguagesseemto be like languageswith closed adjective classesin the way they useverbsto expressadjectivalmeanings.As was noted above,in languageslike Bemba,which haveclosed adjectiveclassesbut also useverbsextensivelyto expressadjectivalmeanings,theusualverbalequivalent of a predicateadjectiveis a predicateverb in a non-relativeconstruction(cf. example(33)), while the usualverbal equivalentof a modifying adjectiveis a verb in a relativeconstruction(cf. example(32)). Thesesameequivalentsare found in adjectival-verblanguages,as the following examplesfrom one such language,MandarinChinese,illustrate: (41) Neige niiaizi piaoliang that girl beautiful 'That girl is beautiful' (42) Neige niiaizi liaojie that girl understand 'That girl understands' (43) piaoliang de ni.iaizi beautiful nel girl 'a girl who is beautiful,a beautifulgirl' (44) liaojie de ni..iaizi understand nel girl 'a girl who girl' understands, an understanding Examples(41) and(42) arepredications,while examples(43) and(44) aremodificationconstructions.As theseexamplesshow,verbswith adjectivalmeanings. suchaspiaoliang'(be)beautiful',andotherverbs,suchaslittojie'understand', function in the sameway in eachof theseconstructiontypes. While there are some languages,such as Mandarin, which are clearly adjectival-verblanguages,in thatthey appearto offer no consistentbasisfor distinguishingverbswith adjectivalmeaningsfrom other verbs(or, at least,from otherstativeverbssuchas'understand'or'know'),thereare other languages whose classificationas adjectival-verblanguagesis more problematic.These are languagesin which the words that expressadjectivalmeaningshave most of the grammaticalpropertiesof (other) verbs- especiallyof stativeverbsbut in which theseadjectivalwords also haveat least one distinctiveproperty not sharedby (other)verbs.One exampleof sucha languageis Mojave. In this language,adjectivalsand stativeverbsareindistinguishablewhen they areused Parts-of-speech systems lo :rspredicates.Considerthe following examples: t-15) ?i:pa-d homi:-k (idu:m) man-suBJ tall-pnss (rux) 'The man is tall' rl 6 ) ?i:pa-d su:paw-k (idu:m) man-suBJ know-enes (nux) 'The man knows' As theseexamplesillustrate,when usedas predicatesthe adjectivalstemhomi: 'tall' and the stativeverb stemsu:paw'know' take the sametense-aspectsuflixes and optionally co-occurwith the sameauxiliary. (Non-stativeverbs also tlke identical tense-aspectsuffixes,but optionally co-occur with a different rruxiliary.)Adjectivalsaredistinguishablefiom statives(andother verbs),howcver,when they are usedas modifiers.When verbsare usedas modifiers,they nrustappearin a relativizedform, which in therelevantcasesinvolvesa prefixed /i"-. as in: 111) ?i:pa k*-su:paw-nY-d iva:k man nel-know-olM-suBJ is. here 'The man who knows is here' tAs the gloss indicates,the verb stem in this constructionis followed by a tlcmonstrativesuffix and a case-markingsuffix.) When adjectivalsare used rrsattributivemodifiers,on the other hand, the occurrenceof the relativizing prefix is optional.Thus the following exampleis grammaticalwith or without theprefixedk"'-: (-18) ?i:pa (k*-) homi:-nY-d iva:k man (REL-)tall-DEM-suBJ is. here 'The tall man is here' ('omparethe ungrammatical: (.+9) *?i:pa su:paw-ny-d iva:k man know-nEM-suBJis. here lrr the case of such a language,one would probably wish to analysewords rvith adjectivalmeaningsas a distinguishablesubclassof verbsratherthan as a tlistinctpart of speech,but this is perhapsan arbitrarychoice. 1.1 Adverbs ,\part from nouns,verbs,and adjectives,thereis one otheropenpart-of-speech elassthat is attestedin certainlanguages:the classof adverbs.The labeladverb 20 Paul Schachter und Timothv-Shopen is often applied to severaldifferent setsof words in a language,setsthat do not necessarilyhave as much in common with one another,either notionally or grammatically,as, say,the subclassesof nouns or verbsthat may occur in the language.For example,all of the italicized words of (50), which cover a considerablesemanticand grammaticalrange,would ordinarily be identified as adverbsin a grammarof English: (50) Unfttrtunately, John walked home extremelyslowly yesterday A questionmay thusbe raisedas to whetherthereis sufficientsimilarity among 'adverbs' that may be recognizedin a languageto justhe various types of tify their being assignedto a single parts-of-speechclass.We shall assume here that this questioncan, in general,be answeredaffirmatively,and that, for example,the italicizedwordsof (50) canjustifiably be assignedto a singlepartsof-speechclass,althoughthey must obviouslyalsobe assignedto separatesub'sentenceadverb' classes.(The subclassdesignationsfor thesewords would be (unfortunately),'directionaladverb' (home),'degree adverb' (extremeh), 'manner adverb' (stowly), and 'time adverb' (yesterday).Some subclasses of adverbsmay be closed rather than open, but since the class as a whole is open,it seemsconvenientto deal with the entireclassin the presentsection.) The usual functional definition of adverbsidentifies them as modifiers of verbs,adjectives,or other adverbs(see,for example,Curme (1935)). In order to extend this definition so as to include sentenceadverbsllke unfortunately (which are in fact modifiers of entire sentences),and to allow for certain other possibilities(suchas adverbsthat modify entire verb phrases),we can say that adverbsfunction as modifiers of constituentsother than nouns.The notional rangeof adverbsvarieswith the type of constituentmodified.Sentencemodifiers, for example,commonly expressthe speaker'sattitudetoward the event being spokenof; modifiers of verbs or verb phrasescommonly expresstime, place, direction, manner,etc.; and modifiers of adjectivesand adverbscommonly expressdegree. Giventhe wide functionalandnotionalrangeof adverbs,it is not surprisingto find that there areno categorizationsthat arecommon to the entire class.In most cases,in fact, adverbsare not specifiedfor any categoriesat all, although there are someexceptions.(Manneradverbs,for example,are sometimesspecifiable for degree,as in John worked hard/harder/hardest-) Some cross-linguisticobservationsmay be made about the morphologyof certain classesof adverbs. In many languages,manner adverbs are derivable from adjectivesby means of fairly productive processesof derivational morphology. Thus in French many manneradverbs- as well as sentenceand degree adverbs- are formed by adding the suffix -ment to the feminine singular form 'slowly' (cf. lente 'slow (feminine of an adjective:for example lentement 'unfortunately' (cf. malheureu.se'unfortunate singular)'), malheureusemer?/ 'actively' (cf. active 'active (feminine (feminine singular)'), activement systems Parts-of'-speech 2l rrrlrrlirr')').And in Turkish many manner adverbsare formed by reduplica' 'slowly' (cf. yavas 'slow'), derin ,,'rr ,rl adjectives:for exampleyavas yava; 'bitter'). 'aci 'deeply' (cf. derin'deep'), aci bitterly' (cf. aci i, r rrr l lrcre is also a cross-linguistictendencyfor manner adverbs- or a subset ,,t nriulneradverbs- to have certain phonologicalpropertiesthat distinguish rlr{'nrl'rom other words. For example,in Hausa many adverbsare high-tone kaf 'comrrr.11t15yffnflgsof theformobstruent-vowel-obstruent-forexample, 'specklessly',knt'with a snappingsound' - an otherwiserare l,l, tr'ly', /ca^s t,.rnelnin this language.This phenomenonhas receivedspecial attentionin \ | r rcanlinguistics,wherethe term ideophonehas gainedculrency as the label t,rr '11v7o.6,often onomatopoeic,which describesa predicate,qualificatlveor r,lrcrb in respect[o manner,colour, sound,smell, action, state or intensity' ,lrtrke (1935:ll9)). But the phenomenonis, as noted by Courtenay(1916), I'r rro meansconfined to African languages,and is attested,for example,in \rrstralianlanguagesas well. (Courtenayalsonotesthat in somelanguagesthe t,,'.rrliarphonologicalpropertiesthat distinguishideophonesfrom other words ,r (' not confinedto adverbs.According to her analysisof Yoruba,for example, rlrrslanguagehasideophonicnouns,verbs,and adjectives,aswell asadverbs-It ,{'('nrs, however,that while a// adverbsin Yorubaareideophonic,only relatively l{ \\' nouns,verbs,and adjectivesare.) llclbre turning to considerhow adverbialmeaningsare expressedin lan,,uirgesthat lack a distinct open parts-of-speechclass of adverbs,we should rntg 1[21,even in languageswith such a class,adverbialmeaningsare often , rplcssiblein other ways as well. In English,for example,phrasesconsisting ,,1:r prepositionplus a noun or noun phrasecan be usedto expressa wide range ,,1rrdverbialmeanings:time (at dawn), place(in school),direction(to church), rlrurner(with ease),etc. And there are also expressionsinvolving adjectives rllirtparaphrase certainadverbs:for exampleit is unfortunatethat (cf. unforturt,ttcly),in a carelessmanner (cf. carelessly).Not surprisingly,similar use is rrrrdeof nounsand adjectivesto expressadverbialmeaningsin many languages rrrwhich thereis no open adverbialclass.(Some of the languagesin question Ir,rr.'e a small,closedclassof adverbs:othersdo not.) In Arabic, for example,accordingto Bateson(1967),many adverbialmeanrnss are expressedby nouns or adjectives(which Batesonconsidersa sub, lrrssof nouns) in the accusativecase. Relevantexamples ate yadan (next 'next day'); yoman (day: accusative) ,l;ry: accusative)'tomolrow' (cf. yadu 'swiftly' (cf. sarie'swift'). ,lrrily'(cf. yom'day'); sarixan('swift' accusative) lrr Tagalog,which lacks distinctive manneradverbs,the meaning equivalent ,,1 such adverbsis regularly expressedby adjectives precededby the marker 'loud') rtruretflaflg mabilis (marker 'quick') 'quickly'; nang malakas(marker 'suddenly';etc.Therearealsolanguages Itl;,dly';nangbigla(marker'sudden') rrrwhich themeaningequivalentof a manneradverbis regularlyexpressedby an ,rrliectivewithout any specialmarking. One suchlanguageis Trique, in which, 22 and TimothyShopen PttulSchachter accordingto RobertLongacre(personalcommunication),theclassof adjectives simply doesdouble duty, modifying verbsas well as nouns. by In somelanguages,the meaningequivalentofcertain adverbsis expressed and superlative verbs. This is particularly common in the caseof comparative degreeadverbs(e.g.Englishmore and//,o.t/),whoseequivalentin a good many 'surpass',as in the following Hausa languagesis expressedby a verb meaning examples: (51) ni hankali fi a. Ya he.penr surpass me intelligence 'He is more intelligentthan I am' duka hankali fi su b. Ya intelligence he.pEnp surpassthem all 'He is the most intelligentof them all' (Thereare also,of course,languagesin which the comparativeand superlative are expressedby affixeson adjectives,as in English smarter,smartest.)Some other examplesof verbsexpressingadverbialmeaningsare to be found in the following sentencesfrom Akan: (52\ ha ba a. )taa he.pursue come here 'He often comeshere' b. Ohintaw kc hc he.hide go there 'He goestheresecretly' The constructionsin (52) areso-calledserial verb constructions(seeSchachter (1974) for somediscussion). Finally, it may be noted that in heavily synthetic languages,it is common for a wide range of adverbial meanings to be expressible by verbal affixes. Eskimo, for example, has a large set of suffixes with adverbial meanings that can occur betweena verb root and an inflectional suffix. A few examplesof such 'badly', -vluaq'properly' -luinnaq'thoroughly', -Wmaaq suffixesare -nirluk , 'unfortunately',-qquuq'probably'. Andasimilarsituation 'inthefuture' ,-kasik 'in the fire' -xui , obtains in Yana, where there are verbal suffixes such as -?ai 'in(to)thewater',-sgin'earlyinthemorning',-ca(a),'atnight', -x&id'slowly', 'quickly' (from Sapir and Swadesh(1960)). and -ya(a)gal 2 Closed classes Languagesdiffer more from one anotherin the closed-classdistinctionsthey recognizethan in the open-classdistinctions.This is true both of the number Parts-of-speech systems 23 ,rntl of the type of classesrecognized.Thus there are languageswhich have l','errclaimed (not quite correctly,as we shall see) to have no closedclasses .rt rrll. while there are othersthat distinguisha dozen or more closedclasses. \ntl theremay be no universallyattestedclosedclassescomparablewith the rrniversally attestedopenclassesofnouns and verbs.(Oneclosedclassthat is universalis the classof interjections- seesection2.5.) Nonetheless,it t,,'r'haps rr rrpparently thecasethat,howeverdiversetheclosed-class systemsof different l,rrrguages may be, all languagesdo in fact haveclosed,as well as open,parts,'l speechclasses. llcfore we take a closer look at the kinds of closed parts-of-speech classes rlnl occur, let us first consider the questionof the correlationbetweenthe I'rorninenceof closed classesin a languageand anothertypological feature: tlrt'position of the languageon the analytic-syntheticscale.As was noted in tlrt'introductionto this chapter,languagesmay differ very greatly in the degree ,'l rnorphologicalcomplexity they toleratein words. Thus there are heavily .rrrrrlyticlanguages,in which there are few or no words that containmore than .r single morpheme.And there are also heavily syntheticlanguages,in which g,,rlymorphemic words are the norm. Not surprisingly,closedword classestend to play a more prominentrole in .rnrrlyticlanguagesthanthey do in syntheticlanguages.This is becausemuch of rlrc semanticand syntacticwork done by the membersof closed word classes rrr rrnalyticlanguagesis done insteadby affixes in syntheticlanguages.We lrrrvcalreadyseenthat, in someheavily syntheticlanguages,affixesmay even ,ltr servicefor certain open word classes(cf. the Eskimo and Yana examples ,'l affixal equivalentsof adverbscited at the end of the precedingsection). I lrc use of affixes in place of closed word classesis, however,a good deal nr()recommon - a claim that is substantiatedin detail in the sectionsthat l,rllow. Therefore,by and large, the more use a languagetends to make of rnorphologicallycomplex words, the less use it will tend to make of closed rvord classes,and the fewer distinct types of closed classesit will tend to r('cognize. It might thereforebe expectedthat there would be some heavily synthetic lrurguages that would makeno useof closedclassesat all. And in fact therehave l,t'en claimsto this effectwith regardto at leastone suchlanguage- witnessthe lrrllowingquotationfrom Sapir(1921:l l9): 'In Yanathe nounand verbarewell ,listinct.But there are, strictly speaking,no other parts of speech.'However, .rrbsequent investigationseemsto have persuadedSapir that, in addition to rr,rrrnsand verbs,Yanadoeshavea 'relationalproclitic' (which is a kind of case rrurrker,marking non-subjects)and a small set of articles(Sapir and Swadesh r l()60))- words which, in the terminologyof this chapter,would be assigned ttr the closedclassof noun adjuncts(seesection2.2below). And it also seems lrkcly that Yana has (or, rather,had, sincethe languageis now extinct) some 24 interjections.Still, this is certainlya very meagreinventoryof wordsbelonging to closedclasses,and it is safeto say that no analytic languagecould possibly managewith suchan inventory. In the discussionof closedword classesthat follows, theseclassesare dealt with underthe following headings:pronounsand otherpro-forms(section2.l), noun adjuncts(2.2), verb adjuncts(2.3), conjunctions(2.4), and other closed classes(2.5). These headingsmerely constitutea convenientframework for discussion,and are not claimed to have any theoreticalstatus.In each case, the discussionof the closedclassesin questionwill be accompaniedby some discussionof the counterpartsof theseclasses(if any) in languagesin which the classesare not attested. 2.1 Pronounsand otherpro-forms This section surveysthe various types of pro-forms that occur in languages and someof the ways in which languagesthat lack a particularpro-form type may expressthe semanticequivalent.The term pro-form is a cover term for severalclosedclassesof wordswhich, undercertaincircumstances, areusedas substitutesfor words belongingto open classes,or for larger constituents.By far the commonesttype of pro-form is thepronoun, a word usedas a substitute for a noun or noun phrase.Varioussubtypesof pronounsmay be distinguished, among them personal, reflexive,reciprocal, demonstrative,indefinite, and relative. Thesesubtypesarediscussedin turn below.(Therearealso interrogative pronouns,but theseare bestconsideredtogetherwith other interrogativeproforms - pro-adverbs,pro-verbs,etc.- andthediscussionofthem is thusdeferred until later in the section.) Personal pronouns are words used to refer to the speaker(e.g. I, me), the person spokento (tou), and other personsand things whose referentsare presumedto be clear from the context(he, him, she,her, it, etc.).While personal pronounsin somelanguagesoccur in essentiallythe samesentencepositionsas other nominal expressions, it is rathercommonfor them to show distributional peculiarities.This is true, for example,of direct-objectpersonalpronounsin English, which must immediatelyfollow the verb in some caseswhere other typesofdirect objectsneednot, as illustratedin (53). (s3) I)lrts-of-speech systems PaulSchachter andTimothyShopen Turn it on *Turn on it ^ [ Turn the radio on tt'l Turn on the radio And it is more strikingly trueof other languagesin which personalpronounsare c/itic.swhose distributionmay be consistentlvdistinct from that of non-clitic 25 ,,,r unirls.(For furtherdiscussionof clitics,seesection2.5.)For example,object i,, r\( )nirlpronounsin French,bothdirectandindirect,normallyprecedethe verb , lIl(' r)oll-pronominalobjectsnormally follow it, as in (54). ,I) a. Jean le leur donnera Jean it to. them will. give 'Jean will give it to them' b. Jean donnera le pain aux enfants Jean will give the bread to the children 'Jeanwill give the breadto the children' in Tagalog,personal-pronoun agentsand topics normally follow the "rrrrilirrly tu.,1e()nstituentof the sentence,while other agentsand topicsnormally follow rlrr'r crb.For example: , \\ ) Hindi ko siya nakita not l(lc) him(ror) saw 'I didn't seehim' cf. Hindi nakita ni Pedro si Juan not saw ac Pedro ToP Juan 'Pedro didn't seeJuan' It is quite common for the equivalentof personalpronouns,particularlyof rrlrjcctandobjectpronouns,to be expressedby affixeson the verb.The followrrrr'cxamplesof pronominalaffixesarefrom Swahili andQuechuarespectively: ir(r) Ni-li-wa-ona I-ensr-you-see 'I saw you' ,r /) Maqa-ma-nki hit-me-you 'You hit me' ( ()r)rronly such pronominal affixes may co-occur with non-affixalpronouns * lrcn a pronominalsubjector object is being emphasized;compare(58) with rr7): rrl"i) Qam noqata maqamanki you me hit. me. you 'Youhit me' 'I'here are languagesin which, while personalpronounsdo occur, they are ,,ltcn avoidedin favourof certainnounswhich are consideredto be morepolite. 26 Parts-of-speech systems PauLSchachterand Timothy Shopen 2'7 'he In Malay, for example(seeWinstedt(1914)),a speakerundercertaincircumstanceswill use some self-deprecating noun (e.g.hamba'slave') to refer to himself and somehonorific noun (e.g.tuan'master', dato 'grandfather, , nenek 'grandmother') to refer to his addressee.(This situationled Robins (1964) to suggestthatin Malay 'the nearestequivalentsof the Englishpronounsaremembers of an open class' (p. 230).k seems,however,that while self-deprecating and honorific nounsare often usedin place of pronouns,thereare also unspecializedpersonalpronounsin Malay * aku'l', kamu'you', etc.- which may be usedunderappropriatecircumstances.) Finally it should be mentionedthat in some languagesthe equivalentof a particularEnglish personalpronounmay be expressedby the absenceof any overt form in a particularcontext.In the Japanesesentencesin (59) and (60), for example,thereare no overtequivalents of'he', 'her', and 'I'. tf emphatic -selJ/-selves forms and their non-pronominalcounterpartsin rrllrerlanguagesshouldperhapsbe considereda type of z/lscourse marker- see 'r:ction2.2.) Somelanguageswhich havedistinctreflexiveand non-reflexivethird person l)fonounsdo not make sucha distinctionfor the other persons,but insteaduse tlresamefirst and secondpersonpronounsboth reflexivelyand non-reflexively. Note the following examplesfrom French: (59) r66) (60) John wa Mary o sitte-imasu ga, amari yoku wa sirima-sen John rop Mary onr knows but really well rop knows-not 'John knows Mary, but he doesn'tknow her very well' Gohan o riCE 'I tab-tai (62) t6l) In many languages,however,the reflexiveandemphaticstructuresareformally unrelated,and the latter do not involve pronouns.Note, for example,the following Tagalogsentences: (63) Inahit ni John ang sarili niya shaved ac John rop self his 'John shavedhimself' (64) Inahit ni John mismo si Bill shaved AG John EMpH rop Bill 'John himself shavedBill' a. Ils les voient they them see 'They seethem' b. Ils s(, voient they nnnl see 'They seethemselves' John shavedhimself John and Bill shavedthemselves Iohn himselfshavedBill Ils te voient they you see 'They seeyou' Tu te vois you you see 'You seeyourself' want to eat rice' It happensthat in English -self/-selve.r pronounsare also used to indicate emphasis,as in: Ils me voient they me see 'They seeme' Je me vois I me see 'I seemyself' OBJ EAt-DESIDERATIVE Reflexivepronouns arepronouns which are interpretedas coreferential with anothernominal, usually the subject,of the sentenceor clausein which they occur.In Englishthe reflexivepronounsare formed with -self or -selves.. (61) rrr5) 'I'here are also languagesin which an invariableform is usedfor the reflexive, regardless of the personor numberof the nominalwith which it is coreferential. 'l'his is true, for instance,of Japanese, as the following examplesillustrate: (68) Taroo wa zibun o mamotta Taroo rop REFL oBJ defended 'Taroo defendedhimself' (69) Boku wa zibun o mamotta I rop REFL oBJ def'ended 'I defendedmyself' ('Iheseexamples,as well as someof thosecited below,are from Faltz (1977).) In a good many languages,reflexiveforms are analysableas a headnominal rnodifiedby a pronominalpossessive agreeingwith the subject.Often the head nominalalsooccursasa commonnoun meaning'head' or 'body'. For example, 28 PuulSchachter and TintothvSlutpen Fula reflexives,as in (70), areformed with hoore'head', while Akan reflexives, asin (7 I ), arefbrmed with ho'body' . TherearealsolanguagessuchasMalagasy (72), that usea common noun without a modifying posscssive: (70) (71) (12) Mi gaafli hooreqam I wounded my head 'I wounded myself' Mihuu me ho I saw my body 'I saw myself' Namono /erea Rabe killed body Rabe 'Rabe killed himself' ln languagesthat do not have reflexivepronounsor reflexively interpreted nounsor noun phrases,reflexivemeaningsmay be expressedby verbalaffixes, as in the following examplesfrom Tswana(wherethe reflexiveaffix is -i-) and Lakhota(whereit is -lc'i-): (73) Ke-tla-i-rhCk-Cla sel6p€ I-pur-nppl-buy-BENaxe 'I shall buy an axe for myself' (74) Ophelc'ithon 'He bought it for himself' cf. Ophethon 'He bought it' Reciprocalpronouns, like reflexive pronouns,are interpretedascoreferential with a co-occurringnominal,but areusedto expressmutual actions,conditions, etc. The English reciprocalpronounsareeachother and one another,as inl. (75) They helpedeach other They helpedone another Reciprocal and reflexive formations are often closely related.In Akan, for example,the reciprocalis formed by a kind of doubling of the reflexives: (76\ Wohuu won ho wcn ho they.saw their body their body 'They saw eachother' cf. Wohuu wcn ho [hey. saw their body 'They saw themselves' Ihrts-ol'-speech systems 29 I lr,rr'rrrc,in fact,somelanguages in which thereis regularlythe possibilityof ,,,r1'rr:rrity betweenreciprocaland reflexivemeaningsbecausethe sameforms rrr Irt' usedto expressboth.A casein point is French,asthe fbllowing example l|l\ltittCS: ,'r lls se flattent they nerl/nlcrp flatter [ themselves' ' I 'Thev flatter{ t ' I eachother I .\ n unambiguouslyreciprocalmeaningmay,however,be conveyedby adding ( r,, 77) the phrasel'un I'autre 'one another',as in: , 'S) Ils se flattent I'un I'autre they nnnl/nEctp flatter the.one the.other 'They flatter one another' l.anguagesthat lack reciprocalpronouns,like thosethat lack reflexivepronr)ur)s,typically expressequivalentmeaningsthroughthe useof specialaffixes ,,n the verb.In Ilocano,for example,reciprocalverbscontainthe prefix ag- and rlrr'irrfix -inn- (which is insertedafter the first consonantof the verb stem):for , vrrrrpleagsinnakit'hurtone another'(cf. sakit'hurt'),agtinnulong'helpone , r r r t r t h e(rc' f. t u l o n g ' h e l p ' ) . pronounsarepronounslike Englishthis,that,these,andthose ,,,.,r"^,rrtrrotive r /9) This resemblesthat Do you prefer theseot those? Srrchpronounsaretreatedin depthby Comrieand Thompsonin vol. llt, chapter tr.and will only receivebrief mentionhere.Demonstrativepronounsarewidely ,rltested.There are, howeveqlanguagesin which demonstrativeand third per'on personalpronounsare not distinguished.This is the case,for example,in SouthernPaiute(seeSapir ( 1930)),wherewords consistingof a demonstrative rrrorphemefollowed by a third personmorphemedo double duty as demon\rrativeand personalpronoutus: for exampleaga (tt- (that) + -Oa (third person 'that singularanimate)) one,he'; irya(,- (this) -t -na) 'this one, he'', ar|(a- * /'i'(third personsingularinanimate)),'that one,it', etc. (In addition to demon\trativepronouns,many languageshavemorphologicallyrelateddemonstrative ttrticles.For somediscussionof these,seesection2.2.) IndeJinitepronouns arepronounslike Englishsotneone,.something, anyone, ttrtything.Inmanylanguages(includingEnglish)theseformsarerathertransparently analysableas consistingof two morphemes,one expressingthe meaning rrl'indefiniteness, the other the meaning 'person' or 'thing': for exampleAkan andTimothy PaulSchachter Shopen 30 'someone',ebi (e- (nonhuman obi (o- (humanprefix) * bi (indefinite stem)) 'something'; prefix) * bl,) or Frenchquelqun (quelqu'(some)* un (one)) 'someone',quelquecfutse(quelque(some) chose(thing)) 'something'. * Somelanguageshavedistinct indefinite-subjectpronounswhich are usedto indicatean unspecifiedhuman subject.The English equivalentmay havethey, you, one, people,etc., accordingto the context.Some examples,from French (80), and Hausa(81), respectively,are: (80) a. On dit qu'il pleut r N D E Fs a y s t h a t - i t r a i n s 'They say that it's raining' jamais b. On ne sait NEG knows never INDEF 'You/Onenevercan tell' (81) yi haka a. Kada a shouldn't TNDEFdo thus 'You/One shouldn'tdo that' zo b. Yana so a he. is wanting rNDEFcome 'He wants peopleto come' Parts-of-speech systems turn now from pronounsto pro-formsof othertypes,thefollowing typesof pro-clau.ses, pro-verbs, I,r,r-lbrmsare discussedin turn below: pro-sentences, prc-adverbs, and interrogativepro-forz,s. This listing is not t,rtt-udjectives, Intcndedto be exhaustive.For example,it is arguedin Schachter(1978)that the rtrrlicizedwords of sentences like (85) shouldbe identifiedaspro-predicates: rS5) The man who wrote that was a genius The book whichhe wrote was brilliant Many languagesdo not haverelativepronouns,but insteadmakeuseof personal pronounsin forming relativeclauses,as in the following examplefrom Akan: (83) no Mihuu obi a cwJ aka I. saw someone npr- snake has.bitten him 'I saw someonewhom a snakehad bitten' no cf. cwc aka snake has. bitten him 'A snakehas bitten him' Another common way of forming relativeclausesinvolvesdeletionof the relativized nominal from the relative clause,as in the following example from Tagalog: (84) pumunta sa tindahan? Sino ang bata-ng oBL store who top child-t-tNx went 'Who is the child who went to the store?' For still other relativizationstrategies,seeAndrewsin vol. tl, chapter4. Jackfell down. but Jtll didn't Jill isn't crying,but Jackjs lJrrtthis parts-of-speech type doesnot seemto be common enoughto warrant , l i s c u s s i ohne r e . Pro-sentences arewordslike Englishyesandno, which areusedin answering tlrrestions, and which are understoodas equivalentto affirmativeand negative \entencesrespectively.(For example,in answerto Is it raining?, Yesis equivalent to 1r'sraining and No to It isn't raining.) While most languageshavesuch they are not universal.In Mandarin Chinese,for example,the l)ro-sentences, ,rllirmativeanswerto a polar questionis whateververb occurredin the question, while the negativeansweris bu 'not' optionally followed by this verb, as rllustrated in (86). rlt6) Relativepronounsare pronounslike English who and which in; (82) 3| 'lir Ni qu ma? you go e 'Are you going?' Qu / Bu (qu) go / not (go) 'Yes'/ 'No' There arealso languages,however,which havea larger setof pro-sentences than English does. One rather common phenomenonis for yes to have two tlilTerentequivalents,accordingto whetherthe questionbeing answeredis in the affirmativeor in the negative.The following examplesare from French: tliT) Il vient? he comes 'Is he coming?' tll8) Il ne vient pas? he Nec comes not 'Isn't he coming?' Oui yes 'Yes' Si (il vient) yes (he comes) 'Yes(he'scoming)' Another common phenomenonis the occurrenceof a set of distinctivepro\cntencesthat are used in answerto existentialquestions(onesequivalentto linglish questionswith Is(n't) there?,etc.).For example,in Tagalogthe usual ecluivalents of yes and no areoo andhindi respectively: (u9) Umuulan ba? is. raining e 'Is it raining?' Oo 'Yes' /Hindi /'No' 32 PaulSchachter andTimothy Shopen Parts-of-speech systems 33 In answerto existentialquestions,however,the existentialpro-sentences mayroon andw(ila areusedinstead: 'yes' rr't'tl as pro-sentences meaning or'no' can be usedas pro-clauses.Thus 'ves' 'no' rn Iirench.oui andnon occur in constructionslike: (90) r( ) .)1 Mayroon ba-ng EXIST 'Is pagkain? Q_LINK lood thereany food?' Mayroon 'Yes' /Wala /'No' (As the questionin (90) shows,mayroonis also used as an existentialmarker (cf. section2.5) in non-pro-form sentences.The same is true of wala, which occurs as a negativeexistential marker.) One common type of pro-clauseis the questiontag: a word with the force of a questionwhich is appendedto anotherclause.Somequestiontagsareusedto form alternative questions,others to form confirmation questions.Alternative questionsare equivalentto certainEnglish questionswith or (e.g.1s it raining or not?), and quite commonly it is a word meaning 'or' that is used as an alternative-questiontag, as in the following example from Hausa: (91) (92) Pro-verbs,pro-adjectives, and pro-adverbs are words which substitute for r t'rbs(or verbphrases),adjectives(or adjectivephrases),andadverbs(or adverb respectively.In Mandarin Chinese(seeChao (1968)),there are pro;rlrrases) r crbs suchas lai'do it' , tzemme'do this', nemme'do that'. An example,using tlrcmostcommonof these./al. is: r()-5) Umuulan, ano? is. raining coNFrRMArroN TAc 'It's raining,isn't it?' In a good many languages,the equivalentof a questiontag is expressedby a fixed idiomaticformula: for exampleFrenchn'est-cepas (literally 'is that not') or Germannicht wahr (literally 'not true'). (In English the formula equivalent to a questiontag is not fixed, but varieswith the precedingstatement:cf . You haven't eaten,haveyou?; John left, didn't he?; etc.) Another type of pro-clauseis the so or nol of English sentences like (93) qtre non b. Il dit he says that no 'He saysnot' Ana ntwa, ko? one.is rain or 'Is it raining or not?' Confirmation questionsare questionsin which the speakeris asking for confirmation of a statementto which the questiontag is appended.An example,from Tagalog,is: John saysthat it will rain, but I don't think so John saysthat it will rain, but I think not (So and nol in suchcasesare substitutesfor that clauses'.cf. I don't think that it will rain, I think that it won't rain.')In somelanguages.the samewords that are que oui a. Je crois I believe that yes 'I believeso' Ni buhui xiu zhe jigu, rang wo lai you know.how.Nec repair this machine let I do. it 'You don't know how to repair this machine;let me do it' \n exampleof a pro-adjectiveis the /e of a Frenchsentencesuch as (93). t()6) Jean est grand, mais je ne le suis pas Jean is tall but I Nec PRo.ADJam not 'Jean is tall, but I'm not' ,\nd an exampleof a pro-adverbis English thus or its (more commonly used) \kan equivalents.ree'this way' and sao'that way, the sameway': (97) Menoa no ,rec, na cno nso noa no .rcc I. cook it this. way, and he too cooks it that. way 'I cook it this way, and he cooksit the sameway' I nter rogative p ro -forms are words like English who, what, where, when, etc., ;rstheseare used at the beginning of questions.The set of interrogativeprolirrms often cuts acrossother parts-of-speechclasses.Thus in English there rrreinterrogativepronouns(e.g.who, what), intenogativeadverbs(e.g.where, rhen),and interrogative articles(e.g.whichinwhichbook- seesection2.2for rrgeneraldiscussionof articles).And someother languageshaveinterrogative pro-forms with no English counterparts.In Tagalog,for example,the interrogrrtiveroot ano'what' (which is alsousedas a confirmation-question tag) occurs 34 PaulSchachter andTimothy Shopen in variousformationswith adjective-formingand verb-formingaffixes.Some examplesof the resultantinterrogativeadjectivesand verbsare: (98) a. Napakaano nila? very. what they 'What are they very much like?' cf. Napakataasnila very. tall they 'They are very tall' b. Nagano ka? (enRr.lcrrvr)what you 'What did you do?' cf. Nagsalita ka (erRr. ncrrvn)speak you 'You spoke' c. Naano ka? (rnnn.rNvol)what you 'What happenedto you?' cf. Natalisod ka (ennr. lNvor-)trip you 'You tripped' Parts-of-speech systems 35 rlrt'r'cl'erentis singular or plural. In some cases,however,the noun adjuncts ,rppcarto be semanticallyempty and merely to be requiredunder certaincir, unrstances by the syntaxof the language.(This seemsto be true, in particular, ,'l r'crtainclassifiers- seebelow.) Four generalclassesof noun adjunctswill l', tlistinguishedhere:role markers,quantifers,classifiers,andarticles.These , lrrssesarediscussedin turn below. llrtle markers include case markers, discourse markers, and (other) adpo'rtion,r(i.e.,prepositionsor postpositions).Case markersare words that indi( irlc the syntacticand/or semanticrole (e.g. subjectand/oragent)of the noun l,lrlaseto which they belong. Discoursemarkers are words that indicatethe ,liscourserole (e.g. topic) of the associatednoun phrase.If the role marker I'rccedesthe noun, as in the following examplefrom Tagalog,it may be called ,r preposition: r l00) Ipinansulat nl John ng liham kay Mary ang makinilya wrote. with AG John oBJ letter ro Mary roe typewriter 'John wrote Mary letter a on the typewriter' \nd if the role marker follows the noun, as in the following example from lrrpanese, it may be calleda postposition: rl0I) Type de wa John ga Mary ni tegami o kaita typewriter INSTRTop John susr Mary to letter oBJ wrote 'John wrote Mary a letter on the typewriter' It appearsthat all languageshaveinterrogativepro-forms,but that the types of interrogativepro-forms that occur vary considerablyfrom languageto language,partly in conformity with the language'soverallparts-of-speech system. Thus a languagethat lacks adverbsin generalwill naturally enoughnot have interrogativeadverbs.For example,in Yana,which evidentlyhas no adverbs, the equivalentsof English when,where,etc.,are all expressedby verb stems: Therearecertainadpositionsthat areclearly not discoursemarkers,but that iu'enot ordinarily identifiedas casemarkers:for examplethe postpositionde rrr(l0l), and the words indicatingvariouslocativerelationsin the following cxamplesfrom English and Akan respectively: (99) ( 102) It's on/under/besidethe table ( 103) ewc pon no so/ase/nlqen it. is table the on/under/beside 'It's on/under/besidethe table' a. Beema'a-wara-n3a-n? where-pnnp-I-e 'Where am I?' b. Beeyauma-s aik nisaayau? when-p'ur his going. away 'When will he go away?' 2.2 Noun adjuncts This sectiondiscussesseveralclassesof wordsthat typically form phrasalconstituentswith nouns.In most cases,thesewords, here labelednoun adjuncts, have clear semanticimport, conveying some information about the referent of the phrasalconstituent that is not expressedby the noun itselt for example the role of the referent in the action expressedby a co-occurring verb, or whether I'he distinction between case-markingand other adpositionsseemsto be a srlmewhatarbitraryone,however,basedin part on the traditionalidentification o| only certaintypesof grammaticalor semanticroleswith the label 'case'. (It is rrlsotrue, however,that in somelanguageslocativeand other adpositionsmust be distinguished from case-marking ffixes which occur in the same phrase. lror example,in Latin 'on the table' is super mensam,which consistsof the 'on' and a case-markedform, the accusative,of the noun lrreposition super ttrensa'table'.In suchcasesthe adpositionshowsthe relationofa noun (phrase) lo somelargersyntacticunit while the affix showsits relationto the adposition.) 36 PaulSclutchter and Timoth,Shopen A certaincorrelationis known to exist betweenthe generalword order type of a languageand the occuffencein the languageof prepositionsas opposedto postpositions.In particular,Greenberg(\963:62) has claimed that verb-initial languagesarealwaysprepositionalwhile verb-finallanguagesarealmostalways postpositional(cf. (100) and (l0l) above).In verb-mediallanguagesthe situation is less clearcut.While the majority of such languagesare prepositional (cf. (102)),therearealsoa goodmanythat arepostpositionalinstead(cf. (103)). In languagesthatdo not userole markersto indicatethe grammatical,semantic, or discourserolesofnouns, or that usemarkersfor somesuchroles but not others,the roles in questionmay be indicatedby word order or by affixation. English, for example, uses word order to distinguish subjectsfrom objects (compare The boy loves the girl and The girl loves the boy) while languages like Latin andWarlpiri usecase-marking. Compare( 104)and ( 105)for Warlpiri with free word order and a case-markingclitic for Ergative(-ngku),transitive subject.The case-markingclitic canattachitselfto every word in a noun phrase orjust the last word of the noun phrase: ( 104) a. Ngarrka-ngku karnta nyangu man-ERG woman saw 'The man saw the woman' b. Nyangu ngarrka-ngku karnta saw man-ERG woman 'The man saw the woman' ( r 0 s ) a. Nganka nyangu karnta-ngku man saw woman-ERc 'The woman saw the man' b. Nganka karnta-ngku nyangu man woman-ERc saw 'The woman saw the man' There are also languagesin which the affixesthat indicatethe role of a noun or noun phrase may appear on a verb rather than on the noun or noun phrase itself. In Swahili, for example,the affix -i- on a verb expressesthe equivalent of the benefactiveprepositionfor, as in ( I 06). (106) Ni-li-m-p-l-a chakula mwanamke I-rlsr-her-give-for-g food woman 'I gavefood for the woman' cf. Ni-li-m-p-a chakula mwanamke I-r.r.sr-her-give-O food woman 'I savethe woman food' Parts-of-speech systems 37 , \r't' irlso the Tagalogexample( 100),above,in which the affix ipinan- on the , rb i1tilsn5ylrulindicatesthat the topic noun phraseang makinilya is to be rnt('r'l)r'eted as playing the role of an instrument.) lrinally,it may be notedthat certaindiscourseroles are sometimesindicated I' r l hc useof specialsyntacticconstructionsor by intonation.Thus the English , (lrlivirlentof the Akan focus markerna of (107) is the so-calledcleft-sentence \ on\truction,while the English equivalentof the Akan contrastmarker de of r l { ) S )i s i n t o n a t i o n a l : rl{)7) Kwame na cbeye adwumano the Kwame Focus he. will. do work 'It's Kwame who will do the work' rlt)|3) Kwamede, na Kofi de. cbctena ha cbckc Kwame coNTRAST he. will. go and Kofi coNrnl,sr he. will. stay here 'Kwamewill go but Krtfi will stayhere' 'I'he next groupof noun adjunctsto be considered,the quantffiers,consistsof rnoilifiersof nounsthat indicatequantity or scope:for examplenumerals,and * o r d s m e a n i n g ' m a n y ' , ' m u c h ' , ' f e w ' , ' a l l ' , ' s o m e ' , ' e a ec thc' .,I n s o m el a n I'urrgesa quantifieris requiredif plurality is to be explicitly indicated.Tagalog, Irrr examtla, usesthe quantifiermga in this way: rl09) Nasaan ang mga pinggan? where roP PL dish 'Where are the dishes?' \nrl Vietnameseappearsto have somefifty diff-erentpluralizers(which, howr'\er, also carry some more explicit quantifier meaning: 'all', 'all (vague)', 'r)rlny', 'a few', etc.- seeBinh (1971:l l3-14)). In suchlanguages the explicit rrrtlicationof plurality is generallyoptional.Thus if mga is deletedfrom ( l 09), llrcresultantsentencecanstill be interpretedasmeaning'Wherearethedishes?', :rlthoughit couldalso mean'Whereis the dish?' There are a number of languagesin which quantifiers,or at least certain (luantifiers,vary in form accordingto the semanticpropertiesof the nounsthey rrrodify.Thus the Akuapem dialect of Akan has two distinct forms for certain rrtrnrerals, according to whether the noun modified is human or nonhuman: lrrr example nnipa baanu (people two) 'two people' vs mmoa abien (anirrralstwo) 'two animals'. And in Japanesethere are semanticallyconditioned rrrriantssuchas sannin'three(of humans)',sanba'three(of birds)', sanbon 'tlrree(of cylindrical objects)',sanmai'three (of thin flat objects)', etc. (The lrr;ranese examplesare bimorphemic,each consistingof the quantifier morplremesan- 'three' plus a classifiermorpheme:seethe discussionof classifiers lrclow.) 38 PaulSchachter and TimothySltopen The rangeof meaningsexpressed by a distinctparts-of-speech classof quantifiers variesconsiderablyfrom languageto language,and languagesthat have sucha classmay nonetheless haveother meansfor expressingparticularquantity or scopemeanings.One such meansinvolvesnouns of quantity or scope in attributivephrases,as in Hausamutane da vuwo (peoplewith abundance) 'many people', or in possessive-like constructions,as in Akan nnipa no nvinaa (peopfethe wholeness)'all the people' (cf. nnipa no ntode (peoplethe clothes) 'the people's clothes').Another involvesverbsof quantity,suchas Akan dcc.ro 'be enough/much'. as in: ( I l0) Wcnoaa aduan a xdocso they.cooked food REL it. is. enough 'They cookedenough/ a lot of fbod' It is, of course,very common fbr plurality to be expressedby affixes on nouns,whetherby suffixation,as in Englishhouses,.fingers, or by prefixation, as in Ilocanobalbalay'houses',ramrdmdy'fingers'(wherethe pluralprefixis a reduplicationof the first threesegmentsof the noun stem- cf. balalt 'house', ramay 'ftnger'). Less common, but attestedin certain syntheticlanguages,is the useof noun affixesto expressother quantifiermeanings:for exampleYana 'many people'. hanmau-'many', as in hanmau.]'r,c The next group of noun adjunctsto be consideredis the cla.ssrfers.These are words which are requiredby the syntaxof certainlanguageswhen a noun is alsomodifiedby a numeral.(In somelanguages, suchasMandarinChinese, classifiersare alsorequiredwhen nounsare modifiedby demonstratives, or by one ofcertain non-numericalquantifiers.In Thai, on the otherhand,classifiers are obligatoryonly with a subsetof numerals,thoseexpressing'small definite numbers'- see Adams and Conklin (1974).)The closestEnglish analogue to classifiersare the words that follow the numeralsin expressionslike rwo headsof lettuceor three ears oJ'corn. But while in English only a relatively small group of nounsare not directly modified by numerals,in languageswith classifiersthis is true of all nouns.Thus in English one saystwo boys, three dogs,.four houses,etc. But in Thai the equivalentexpressionsmust all have classifiers:deg scc4 khon (boy two classifier)'two boys', ntaa saam tuo (dog threeclassifier)'three dogs',baan.rii /ag (housefour classifier)'four houses', etc. The number of classifiersfound in a languagemay be quite large. Thus Warotamasikkhadit(1972) lists over sixty classifiersthat occur in Thai, and acknowledges that the listing is incomplete.In somecasesa givennoun may co-occur with one of two or more different classifiers,in which case each classifierusually has a distinct meaning.Thus in the Thai exampleskluay sii ftco (bananafour classifier) 'four bananatrees (in a cluster)', kluay sii wii Parts-of-speech systems 39 , lr,rrrurafour classifier)'four bunchesof bananas',kluay sii bai (bananafour Lrssi lier) 'four bananas', the meaningdifferenceis obviouslyconveyedby the , Ir,,li rrctclassifiers. .\s the examplesfrom Thai have suggested,the classifieror classifiersthat ir,r\ occurwith a givennounareselected by thatnoun.Thustheclassifierk/ron r. :t'lcctedby deg'boy' while the classifier/ua is selectedbymaa 'dog,'.But .rltlrtrugh the selectionof classifiersis in part semantically based(thuskhon is 'r',,t1only for humans),thereis not alwaysany obvious semanticbasisfor the , lL'e ticlnof a particularclassifierby a particularnoun,and 'sometimesnative .1,,'rrkers themselvesare not surewhich classifieris to be usedin agreement (1972:23)).Evidently the situationis rrrllr a certainnoun' (Warotamasikkhadit r,rtlrcrsimilarto that found in the inflectionalgrammatical-gender systemsof lrrtlo-European or Bantulanguages, wherethereare somegeneralizations that ,.rrrbe madeabout the semanticcorrelatesof the genders,but where thereare ,rl:o rnanycasesin which the genderclassification appearsto be semantically . r rb i t r a r y( s e es e c t i o nl . l , a b o v e ) . l'lre last group of noun adjunctsto be consideredis the group of article.s. I rrtlerthis headingwe wish to include,in additionto the wordsusuallyidenrllic(l as definiteand indefinitearticles(e.g. English the, a), words that are ,{)nletimesidentifiedas demonstrativeadjectivesor modifiers(e.g. t/ii.sin t/rl.r ttrrtrr, thatir thatwomun).The reasons for groupingthedemonstrative modifiers r,)!ctherwith the (other)articlesarebothsyntacticandsemantic.Syntactically, ,l( nlonstrative andotherarticlesusuallyconstitutea singledistributional class, ,'(( urringin the samepositionin relationto the nounandotherelementsof the rrrr1r1l pfilnsg,and not co-occurringin a singlenoun phrase:compareusntall \\t)ntunjthis small w*omon;Akan obeuketewabl (woman small a) 'a small \\()lnan',cbeaketewu-yl (wornansrlall this) 'this small woman'. (Thereare , ,,ecptions,however.For example,in Hebrewthe equivalentof the definitearti, le is a prefix,and this prefix can co-occurwith a demonstrative: e.g. hu-i,sh /i,r-:e(the-manthe-this)'thisman'.)And semantically, demonstrative modifiers ,rrclike definitearticlesin beingreference indicators.(Thust/ri.roftenindicates tlrrrtthe referentof the following noun is closeat hand,just as rlzeoften indi, rrtcsthat the referentof the following noun is assumedto have alreadybeen , .tlblished.)In a good many languages, in fact,thereare singlewordswhich rrurybe translated'the' or 'that' accordingto the context:for exampleGerman ,lit F-rau(the/thatwoman)'the/that woman'; Akan cbeanrl (woman the/that) tlre/thatwoman'. (While the dernonstrativemodifiers are here groupedwith rlrcarticles,for the reasonsjustindicated,it is also true thatthey usuallyhave ,r ekrserelation,both semanticallyand morphologically,to the demonstrative discussed in section2.1.) Ittl)noltns Articles may or may not show agreementwith the nouns they modify. lrr Akan, for example,although nouns and (certain) adjectivesare inflected 40 for number. the definite article and demonstrativeno is invariable:cf . cbea ketewa nrr (woman small the/that) 'the/that small woman', mmea nketewa no (women plural-small the/that) 'the/thosesmall women'. ln German, on the other hand, the definite article and demonstrativeder/die. etc.. varies in form with the number, gender, and case of the noun it modifies: der Mann (the/that-nominative-singular-masculine man) 'the/that man', die Frau (the/that-nominative-singular-feminine woman)'the/thatwoman', das Buch (the/that-nominative-singular-neuter book)'the/that book', etc. Languagesthat do not havearticles may expressequivalentmeaningmorphologically.For example,in Yuma,the demonstrativesuffixes-va, -n)',and -sa are placedbetweenthe noun stemand the casemarker:e.g. ?a.ve-va-c(snakethis-nominative)'this snake',?a.ve-n)'-c (snake-that-nominative)'that snake', 'that(distant)snake'. (snake-that(distant)-nominative) ?a.ve-sa-c Similarly,in Tonkawa,a meaningof definiteness is expressedby a suffix -?a.beforethe case suffix on a noun, while a meaningof indefinitenessis expressedby the lack 'the of this -7a.: for examplek" a'n-?a'-la(woman-the-nominative) woman', k''a.n-la (woman-nominative)'a woman'. The morphologicalindicationof definitenessmay be tonalratherthanaffixal. Thus in Bambaradefinitenessis expressedby a low final tone on the noun: for example kdfA 'the coffee' (cf . kdJV'coft-ee'- the falling tone at the end of fuifA results from the addition of a low final tone to an inherently high tone).There are also languagesin which the definite-indefinitedistinction is, in some instancesat least, expressedby the case system.Thus in Southern Lappish(seeWickman ( 1955))a definitedirect object is in the accusativecase while an indefinitedirect obiectis in the nominativecase,as in the following example: (l ll) Verbadjuncts This section is concernedwith two classesof words that form phrasalconstituentswith verbs: auxiliaries and verbal particles. (The label auxiliuries seemspreferableto the perhapsmore common auxiliary verbs from a crosslinguistic point of view, since it allows for the inclusion of non-verbsin the class.While most auxiliariesare probablyderivedfrom verbshistorically,and many can reasonablybe identifiedas a subclassof verbs synchronically,there 4l rr(.irlsocases- suchas the Hausaexamplescitedbelow- wherea synchronic ,rrrrrlysis of auxiliariesas verbsseemsquestionable.) ,\uxiliaries are words that expressthe tense,aspect,mood,voice,or polarity of the i.e.,the samecategorizations ,,t llte verbwith which theyareassociated: by meansof affixes(cf. section1.2).Englishexamples r r.r.birsmay be expressed ,,1rruxiliariesexpressingtense,aspect,and mood (respectively,future,perfect, .'rrtl conditional)are: , I I l) John wil/ understand John /ra.sunderstood Johnwould understand voice I rrglishalsooffersexampleslike the followingof auxiliariesexpressing in combinationwith tense: ,t,:rssive) andpolarity(negative), ' I ll) Johnwa.runderstood John w'ort'lunderstand \or11slgplsssntativeexamplesfrom other languagesare: li,rrnbartt rll'1) a san ye a. U they PASr.AFntnuit buY 'They boughtit' asan ma b.U they ea,sr.Nnc it buy 'They didn't buy it' asan bx c.U they eRoc.,trnlnn it buY 'They are buying it' a. jtktie treawgejd'a dojteme when skis(ecc) one.has.made 'when one has madethe skis' b. juktie treawgah dajt0jh when skis(nou) they.make 'when they make skis' 2.3 systems Parts-of'-speech Paul Schachter and Timothv Shooen a san lt d.U they rnoc.NEc it buY 'They aren't buYingit' lltut.\Q(in this languagea subject-pronounmorphemeand an auxiliary mort,lrcrtreregularlycombine to form a single word, the orderingof the two morvaryingwith the auxiliaryused): l,lrcnres ll5) a. Za-ta tafi Fur-she go 'Shewill go' b. Ta-kan tafi She.HABIT SO 'Shegoes' I 42 PaulSchachter andTimothy Shopen c. Ta-na tafiya she-enoc going 'She going' is systems Parts-of-speech 43 And Kannada (examplesfrom Upadhyayaand Krishnamurthy(1972)): \( eptionto it. (That is, while Bambarais an SOV languagein which the auxil,,rrr precedes the main verb,Greenberg'sgeneralizationis irrelevantto Bambara rnee the auxiliary is uninflectedin this language.)Thereis, however,one wellLrrorylsy5,[gpaticexceptionto Greenberg'sword order generalization,having such as German.Theseare lanrrrrllvq,i11't languages, so-calledverb-second ,rrrrges clauses, but in mainclausesplace order in subordinate whichshowSOV .r r('nse-bearing verb immediatelyafter the initial constituent:cf. the position ,'l tlrenon-auxiliaryverbhat 'has' in the following Germanexamples: (il6) rll()) d. Ba-ta tafiya pnoc.Npc-shegoing 'Sheisn't going' a. Barirta iddiini writing l.pnoc 'l am writing' b. Baritta irtiini writing I.pnoc.Hlstr 'I am writing' b. Er hut zu viel Arbeit he has too much work 'He has too much work' c. Heute hat er zu viel Arbeit today has he too much work 'Today he has too much work' sequences In somelanguages of two or moreauxiliariesareallowed,in which casetheir order in relationto one anotheris generallyfixed, as in the following examplesfrom English and Tera(the latter from Newman ( 1970)): (l l7) J o h n m u sht a v eb e e ns l e e p i n g (ll8) Ali ka ka do nji /.u Ali slr.rc"r'HABrr DrsrANTeat meat 'Ali shouldregularlyeatmeat(there)' In otherlanguages, suchas Bambara(cf. (l l4)), only one auxiliarymay occur in eachclause. Greenberg( | 963) hasnoteda correlationbetweenthe positionof an inflected auxiliary in relationto the verbandother word orderpropertiesof the language. Statedin generalterms,this correlationis to the effect that the position of an inflected auxiliary in relation to the verb will generally be the same as the position of the verb in relationto an object.Thus in languageswhere the verb precedes the the object(e.g.English),an inflectedauxiliarygenerallyprecedes verb, while in languageswherethe verb follows the object (e.g. Kannada),an inflectedauxiliary generallylbllows the verb.(Greenberg'sown generalization 'In is somewhatnarrowerthanthis:namely, languages with dominantordervso, an inflectedauxiliary always precedesthe main verb. In languageswith dominant order SOV an inflectedauxiliary alwaysfollows the main verb' (p. 67). Greenbergthus does not proposea generalizationabout svo languages.The datathat he cites,however,show that, in almostall cases,inflectedauxiliaries precedethe verb in svo, as in vso, languages.) It should be noted that Greenberg'sword order generalizationappliesonly to inflectedauxiliaries,so exampleslike thosein (ll4) do not constitutean Arbeit hat a. Ich weiss, dass er zu viel I know that he too much work has 'I know that he hastoo much work' lrr such languages,auxiliariesfollow the verb in subordinateclauses,thus ,,'rrlormingto Greenberg's generalization. In main clauses,however,a tenseand thusprecedes l)('rringauxiliaryimmediatelyfollowsthe initial constituent 'will' in the rllenon-tense-bearing verb.Notethe positionof the auxiliarywird Ir , l l y y y i negx a m p l e s : i I l0) a. Ich weiss, dass er zu viel Arbeit haben wird I know that he too much work have will 'I know that he will havetoo much work' b. Er wird zu viel Arbeit haben he will too much work have 'He will havetoo much work' c. Heute wird er zu viel Arbeit haben today will he too much work have 'Today he will havetoo much work' In languages thatlack auxiliaries,theequivalentmeaningsareoftenexpressed l,r verbalaffixes.Someexamplesfrom Tagalog,all involvingthe verb baseluto ' ()()k'.are:magluluto'wil l cook',nag,luluto'is cooking',rlaglato'hascooked', 'cancook',niluto'wascooked'.It is alsopossible, ,t,rl;ttkupagluto of course,for r lrrnguagethat doeshaveauxiliariesto havesuch verbalaffixesas well. Thus I rrslishusesan auxiliary to expressthe future tense(wil/ cook) and an affix that l, I cxprecethe past tense(cooked).Negation,like the othercategorizations affixally(as in Akan n-ftc rr;rvbe expressed by auxiliaries,may be expressed I lr i ll 44 PaulSchu<'hter andTimothy Shopen (negative-go)'doesn'tgo' - cf. ftc 'goes'),but is alsovery commonly expressed by a distinct parts-of-speech classof negators(c[. section2.5, below). The secondclassof verb adjunctsto be discussed,the verbal particles,is a closedclass of uninflectedwords that co-occur with certain verbs.Examples from English are the italicized words in: (l2l) John woke up, turned offthe alarm,and switched theltght on In somecasesthe verbalparticlesmay haveclearly distinguishablelocative or directionalmeanings,for example: (122) John kept his headup/down John carried the packagein/out In other cases,however,the particle forms an idiomatic lexical unit with the verb and does not carry any separablemeaning:for example up in wake up, give up, hurry up; down in breakdown, calm down, write down. Someexamplesof particlesfrom languagesotherthanEnglish(respectivery, German,Akan, and Ga'anda- the last from paul Newman ftslt)) ui", (123) a. Er stand sehr friih auf he stood very early on 'He got up very early' b. Er sah den Wagen an he saw the car at 'He looked at the car' (124) (125) a. Kofi gyee Kwame .ro Kofi received Kwame on 'Kofi answeredKwame' b. Kofl daa Kwame ase Kofi lay Kwame under 'Kofi thankedKwame' a. e wan6a6a jn /annda PERFthey.send medicine along 'They sentmedicinealong' b. Ni xiy pirsh kada I.rur buy horse away 'I will sell a horse' In some languages,some or all of the verbal particlesalso occur as (and are historically derivedfrom) adpositions(see section2.2). Thus English up and down andGerman auf andan alsooccur as prepositions,while Akan so andase systems Parts-of-speech 45 .rlsooccur aspostpositions.In other languages,however,for exampleGa'anda, rlrcverbalparticlesare entirelydistinct from adpositions. While the particles are, in general, selectedby the particular verbs with s hich they occur,and while they oftenjoin with the verbsin forming idiomatic rrnits,the verbs and particlesare, as the examplescited above have shown, rrotnecessarilyadjacentto one another.The syntacticrulesof a languagemay 'pccify that a verb and an associatedparticle may or must be separatedfrom ,,rrcanotherunder certain circumstances.In English, for example,the object ,rl a transitiveverb may in most casescome betweenthe verb and the particle, .rswell as after the particle (but cf. (53) whereonly one order is allowed with tlirect-objectpersonalpronouns): r I 26) John looked two words ap Johnlooked up two words ln German,if the verb is in clause-finalposition,the particle is prefixedto it, : r si n : tlLl\ Ich weiss, dass er sehr frtih auf-stand know that he very early uP-stood I 'I know that he got up very earlY' llLrtif the verb follows the initial constituentof the clause(as it regularlydoes rl the clauseis a main clauseand the verb is tense-marked- see above),the particlefollows the verb, and is separatedfrom it by other constituentsof the vcrb phrase,as in (123). Similarly in Akan and Ga'andaa transitiveverb and a lxrrticleare separatedby the object ofthe verb (see(124) and (125)). :.1 Conjunctions ('rnjunctions are words that are used to connect words, phrases,or clauses. 'l'wo generalclassesof conjunctions,coordinating and subordinating,are tratlitionally distinguished.The coordinatingconjunctionsare those that assign cquafrank to the conjoinedelements.(Englishexamplesareand, or, andbut.) I'he subordinatingconjunctionsare thosethat assignunequalrank to the conloined elements,marking one of them as subordinateto the other. (English t'xamplesarewhether,that, although,etc.) Thesetwo classesof conjunctions rrlediscussedin tum below. Coordinating conjunctions generally occtr betweer the elements that they . onjoin.Thereis oftenevidence,however,thattheconjunctionsaremoreclosely rrssociated structurallywith one of the conjunctsthan with the other.One type ol evidenceto this effect is phonological,having to do with the points within :rconjoinedstructureat which a pause(oftenreflectedin writing by a comma) i' il I 46 is possible.In somelanguages,such as English, thereis a potentialfor pause immediately before a coordinating conjunction but not immediately after one, just the oppositeis true - compare( I 28) from while in others,suchasJapanese, English and (129) from Japanese: (128) (rze) Parts-of-speech systems PaulSchachter andTimothyShopen John, (and) Bill, and Tom came *John and,Bill and,Tom came John to, Bill to, Tom ga kita John and Bill and Tom susr came 'John,Bill. and Tom came' (cf. *John,to Bill, to Tom ga kita) Thus in languageslike English, coordinatingconjunctionscan be characterized as prepositional,since they form structuralunits with the conjunctsthey precede,while in languageslike Japanesethey can be characterizedaspostpositional, sincethey form structuralunits with the conjunctsthey follow. It appearsthat the prepositionalor postpositionalcharacterof the coordinating conjunctionsthat occur in a languageare quite systematicallyassociated with the language'sgeneralword order characteristics. Specifically,non-verbfinal languagesgenerallyhavethe prepositionaltype ofconjunction, verb-final languagesthe postpositionaltype.Furtherevidenceto this effect is to be found in the positionsof correlative- or paired- coordinatingconjunctions,such as English both-and andeither-or. In non-verb-finallanguages,suchas English (see(130)) and Hausa(see(131)),correlativeconjuncrionstypicallyprecede each of the conjuncts,while in verb-final languages,such as Japanese(see ( I 32)) and Turkish (see( I 33)), they typicallyfollow eachof the conjuncrs: (130) Both JohnandBlll like Mary (131) Da Audu da Bello sun ci abinci and Audu and Bello they.mnr eat food 'Both Audu and Bello haveeaten' (132) Michiko to Michika ro ga gakusei desu Michiko and Michika and susr student are 'Both Michiko and Michika are students' (133) Sapkani da paltonu da giy your. hat and your. coat and wear 'Wear both your hat and your coat' rs in Hausa,or after each,as in Japaneseand Turkish. Correlativeconjunction in English is thus somewhatatypical.) Languagesmay vary quite markedly in the types of constituentsthat they rrllow to be connectedby meansof coordinatingconjunctions.In English, a vcry wide rangeof constituentsmay be connectedin this way: nounsand noun phrases,verbsand verb phrases,adjectives,adverbs,prepositions,clauses,etc. In a good many other languages,on the other hand, coordinatingconjunctions (or at least those that are the translationequivalentsof and\ are used primarily, or exclusively,to connectnouns and noun phrases.This is true of I lausa and Japanese,for example (although these languagesdo have ways trf expressingthe semanticequivalentof verb phraseconjunction,etc. - see lrclow). 'and' and In this connection,it is interestingto note that in many languages 'with' by the sameword, as in the following Hausaand Japanese are expressed cxamples: ( 134) zo a. John da Bill sun John and Bill they.rnnF come 'Johnand Bill came' zo b. John ya da Bill John he.psnFcome with Bill 'Johncamewith Bill' ( 135) a. John to Bill ga kita John and Bill susr came 'John and Bill came' Bill ro kita b. John ga John suer Bill with came 'Johncamewith Bill' ll', as such examplessuggest,the'and'conjunction in theselanguageshas tlcvelopedhistoricallyfrom a prepositionalor postpositionalnoun adjunct(cf. scction2.2), it is not surprisingto find that it is used primarily for conjoining rrominals. Let us now considersome of the alternativesto coordinatingconjunctions thatlanguagesmay useto expressthe semanticequivalent.One suchalternative is simple concatenationof the conjuncts,as in the following examplesof verbpl'rrase coordinationfrom Akan and Hausarespectively: { 136) (As examples(131-3) suggest,correlativecoordinateconjunctionin most languagesinvolvesrepeatingthesameconjunction,whetherbeforeeachconjunct, 47 Nnipa no dii nam nomm bia people the ate meat drank beer 'The peopleate meatand drank beer' l I l i i 48 PaulSchachter andTimothyShopen (137) Audu ya tafi ofishinsa ya yi aiki Audu he.lrnn go office his he.prnr do work 'Audu went to his office and worked' while suchconcatenative constructionsare especiallycommon for conjoining verbs and verb phrases,they are by no meansrestricted to this function. There are,for example,a goodmany languagesthatuseconcatenation for noun-phrase coordinationas well, either as an alternativeto coordinatingconjunctions(as in Japaneseand rurkish) or as the sole coordination strategy (as in Lahu - cf. Matisoff(1973)). some other coordinationstrategiesthat do not involveconjunctionsareillustrated by the following examples,from Akan and Japaneserespectively: (138) Ye-ne wrn abom bio we-be.with them have.united again 'We and they have unitedagain' (139) John wa asa okite, kao o aratta John rop morning getting.up face onr washed 'John got up in the morning and washedhis face' Example (138) (taken from christaller (1875)) involves the coordinationof nominals.In this examplethe equivalentof and is expressedby the verb ne. The fact that ne is properly analysedas a verb is clear from the forms of the pronounsthat precedeand follow it: ye- is a form which occurs elsewhere strictly as a subject pronoun prefixed to a verb, while wcn is a form which occurselsewherestrictly as an objectpronoun following a verb.The sentence structurein (138) involves serial verbs - cf. Schachter(1974) - and may be comparedwith that of a sentencelike: (140) Ye-de wcn aba we-take them have.come 'We have brought them' Example(139) (from Kuno (1973)) involves verb-phrasecoordination,and is similar to the concatenativeconstructionscited above (e.g. (136-7)), except that the first verb in (139) is a dependentform, the gerundiveokite'gettingup' (cf. okita'got up'). Let us turn now to the subordinatingconjunctions.These are words that serveto integratea subordinateclauseinto some larger construction.Like their coordinatingcounterparts,subordinatingconjunctionsmay be prepositional or postpositional,with the prepositionaltype common in non-verb-finallanguages,the postpositionaltype commonin verb-finallanguages.The following systems Parts-of-speech 49 r'rurnples,from non-verb-final Tagalog and verb-final Uzbek respectively,are tlrrrsquite typical. (The subordinatingconjunctionsin theseexamplesatecom- seebelow.) ltlrmstTliTers r l:1l) Itinanong ko kung nasaan sila I colrp where they asked 'I askedwhere they were' rl12) Ula Hasan gayerga ketknn dep suradi coMP asked they Hasan where went 'They askedwhereHasanhad gone' Threeclassesof subordinatingconjunctionscanbe distinguishedon thebasis rrl'their functions:complementizers, relativizers,and adverbializers.Theseare rliscussed belowin turn. Complementizersmark a clauseas the complementof a verb (see(l4l-2)), rroun(143),or adjective(144): ( 143) I questionthe claim that the earthis flat ll44) I am afraid r/zafI must leave A good many languageshave a complementizer that is rather transparently 'say'. This is true,for example,of dep in (142), rlerived fiom the verb meaning lnd it is also true of se in the following examplefrom Akan: (145) mihuu no eye nokware se conp I. saw him is truth it. 'It's true that I saw him' 'say' (As (145) shows,complementizersthat are derivedfrom verbsmeaning areby no meansrestrictedto indirect quotation.) One common alternativeto the use of a complementizeris simply not to rnark the subordinatestatusof a complementclause,as in (146) or its Hausa cquivalent,(147): tl46) H e s a i di t w a s r a i n i n g (141) ruwa ce ana Ya he.pBnr say there.is rain 'He said it was raining' Another alternativeis to mark the subordinatestatusof the complement clause by nominalizing it: for example,by using a nominalized verb form and marking 50 PaulSchachter and TimothyShopen the complementsubjectas a possessive, as in the folrowing Englishand Uzbek examples: (148) (149) t)ostpositionalnoun adjuncts (cf. section 2.2), as the following English, lrrpanese, and Hausaexamplesillustrate: John anticipatedMary's winning the prize Ula Hasanni gayergo. ketkrenini suradi they Hasan's where his. going asked 'They askedwhere Hasanhad gone' Sattyarrived r | 5zl) Johnleft after I I thegame tuku r 1 . 5 5 ) R e s s y ag a ( 1 5I ) Na ga mutumin da ya yi aikin I.psnF, see the. man nEL he.penRdo the. work 'I saw the man who did the work' (153) Maqa-ma-q runa Iiyu hit-me-npl man bad 'The man who hits me is bad' Kore wa watakusi ga kaita hon desu this rop I suBJ wrote book is 'This is a book I have written' Adverbializersmark crausesas having some adverbiar function, such as the expressionof time, purpose,resurt,etc. (SeeThompson and Longacrein vol. t, chapter5, for a detailedtypology of adverbialclauses.) In so-! languages, many of the words that serve as adverbializersalso serve as prepositi"onalor SUBJ ATTIVC 'Pleasedo this until rl.s6) ^ lsun Dol J barimaa minim no re hc man nsr_ I.know him lives there 'A man whom I know lives there' Note that relativizersarenot the sameasrelativepronouns(which arediscussed in section 2. I ). Relativizersmerery mark the crause in which they occur as relative,while relativepronounsin additionhavesome nominal function within the clause.If we comparethe relativizersof (150)and (l5r) with the relarive pronounsin their English translations,we can see that Hausada and Akan a haveno nominal function, whlrewho andwhomfunction as subjectand object respectivelyof the relativeclausesin which thev occur. Languagesthat do not use rerativizers,o ruit rerative clausesmay use relative pronounsor speciarrelative verb forms, as in the euechua example in ( 152)(from weber (1916)),or may simpry leave the relativeclauseunmarked, as in the Japanese examplein (153)or its Englishtranslation: (152) train noon I dare rol l I site-kudasai until this on: do-please the train arrives' noon' zamu yl rawa I --"'- I I thev.PERFcome atl _;:i--'""' I we.FUr do dancing n r g n t I I 'As soonas theycorne| *..r, dance. 'At night l In somelanguages, an adverbializerin a subordinateclausemay be optionally paired with anotherconjunction occuning in the main clause.English, for cxample, can pair if and then as in: ( 157) I I made kore o Ohiru (The nominalizationconstructionof (149) alternates with the comprementizer_ markedclauseof (142).) Relativizersare markersof relativeclauses.Two examples, from Hausaand Akan respectively. are: ( 150) 51 Parts-of-speech systems If Johngoes,(then)Bill will too In Vietnamese,therearemany suchoptionalpairings,as in the following examples(from Binh (1971)): ( r 5 8 ) Vi Ba phai phat anh mach thay giao, (ma) because older brother report teacher (therefore) Ba pnss punish 'Becauseyou reportedhim to the teacher,Ba was punished' ( 159) Khi toi den, (thi) Ba di roi arrive (then) Ba go already when I 'When I arrived,Ba had alreadygone' (160) duoc Tuy Ba noi nhanh(nhung) toi cung-vanheiu understandpossible I still althoughBa speakfast (but) 'Although Ba talkedfast I could still understandhim' Thereare alsocaseswherean adverbializerin a subordinateclauseis obligatorll.ypairedwith a conjunctionin the main clause.In counterfactualconditional sentences in Hausa,for example,the counterfactualconjunctionda mustappear 52 PaulSchachter andTimothy Shopen in both the antecedentclauseand the consequentclause(at leastif the latter has a perfect-aspectpredicate): (161) Da an tambaye su. da sun yarda them cr they. ennr agree 'Ifthey had beenasked,they would haveagreed' cF one. plnr ask various altemativesto the useof adverbializersare discussedin Thompson and Longacre,vol. rr, chapter5. Theseinclude simplejuxtapositionof clauses and the use of specialsubordinateverb forms. Additional examplesof the latter areprovided by the following Eskimo sentences(from Harper (1974)): (162) isiqpunga Qiu-ga-ma cold-because-II. am. coming. in 'Because I'm cold, I am coming in' ( 163) Audla-ru-vit quviasutjanngittunga go away-if/when-you I. will. be. unhappy 'IfAVhen you go away,I will be unhappy' 2.5 Other closedclasses This section surveys some of the more widespread closed parts-of-speech classesnot discussedin previous sections.The classesto be surveyedare: clitics, copulas andpredicators, emphasismarkers, existential markers, interjections, mood markers, negators, andpoliteness markers. They are discussed below in the listed order. Clitics are words that occur in a fixed position in relation to some other sentenceelement. (If the fixed position is before the other element, the clitics are sometimes called proclitics; if after, they are sometimes called enclitics.) In somelanguages,clitics regularlyfollow the first word of the clausein which they occur. This is true, for example,of ragalog, as is illustrated by the position of the clitic daw 'they say' in the following sentences: (164) a. Darating daw si Pedro bukas will. arrive they. say rop Pedro tomorrow 'They say Pedro will arrive tomorrow' pedro bukas b. Hindi daw darating si NEG they. say will. arrive rop Pedro tomorrow 'They say Pedro won't arrive tomorrow' pedro bukas? c. Bakit daw hindi darating si pedro why they. say Nnc will. arrive rop tomorrow 'Why do they say Pedro won't arrive tomorrow?' Parts-of-speech systems 53 {'l'heplacementof clitics in Tagalogis actuallysomewhatmore complex than llreseexamplessuggest:see Schachterand Otanes(1972:429-35).)In other languages,clitics occupy a fixed position in relation to a verb. In French,for cxample, clitics immediately precede the verb that governs them, except that they follow an affirmative imperative. Note the position of the clitic y 'there' in the following French sentences: (165) a. Elle y reste aujourd'hui she there stays today 'She is stayingtheretoday' rester aujourd'hur b. Il faut ) it is.necessarythere to.stay today 'It's necessaryto stay theretoday' c. Restez-y aujourd'hui stay-there today 'Stay theretoday' In addition to having a fixed position in relation to other sentenceelements, clitics also generally have a fixed, or partly fixed, position in relation to one another.Thus the three clitics in the French example in (166) must occur in the order shown, while the four in the Tagalog example in (167) allow the order variation shown, but no other: (166) Personne ne nous en donne no. one NEG us some gives 'No one gives us any' (t61) Nagtatrabahoka na lu," ldaw roon? | I thev'saY are.working ',ou no* { 3^. ^^ }tnere t t n e y . s a ya I 'Do they say you are working there now?' !t* ba Since the class of clitics is positionally defined, it may cut acrossparts-ofspeechclassesthat are defined on a functional basis. For example, the class of clitics in Frenchincludesthe negatorne,the object and reflexivepronouns,y 'there', and en'from there,some, etc.', and the class of clitics in Tagalogis evenmore heterogeneous, as is clear from examplessuchas (167) and (168): ( 1 6 8 ) Hindi pa man lamang tuloy srya nakakapagalmusal NEG yet even just as.a.resulthe can.have.breakfast 'As a result, he hasn't even been able to have breakfastyet' 54 PaulSchachter andTimothyShopen Given this kind of heterogeneity,there is little of a systematiccharacterthat can be said about the types of elementsthat are likely to show clitic behaviour,and thusabout the probablecounterpartsof theseelementsin other languages.It may be noted, however,that clitics are likely to be phonologically light words, relapersonalpronouns tively short and/orunstressed, and that, cross-linguistically, (which are usually phonologicallylight) seemto show more of a tendencyto cliticize than any othersingletype of element.(For further discussionof clitics, with emphasisupon their differentiation from affixes, see Bickel and Nichols, in vol. ttt, chapter3, section2.2.) Copulas are words used to indicate the relation between a subject and a predicatenominal or adjective.Many languagesuse a subsetof verbs, the copulativeverbs (see section 1.2), to indicate this relationship.This is true, for example,of English, which has copulativeverbs like be, become,etc. In other languages,however, the copulas are clearly not verbs, and have quite distinct grammaticalproperties.In Hausa, for example, verbs precedetheir objectsand are inflectedfor tense-aspect.Copulas,on the other hand, follow the predicatenominal and are uninflected exceptfor gender,as in the following examples: (169) a. Ita yarinya ce she girl coP 'She is a girl' Parts-of-speech systems (112) 55 Audu ne Audu cop 'It's Audu' As was noted in section1.2,there are languagesthat do not use copulas(or copulativeverbs)to indicatethe relation betweena subjectand a predicatenominal or adjective.In such languagesthe relation is indicatedby juxtaposition, as in the following Ilocano examples: (113) a. Ina daydyay babae mother that woman 'That woman is a mother' b. Napintas daydyay babae beautiful that woman 'That woman is beautiful' There are also languagesthat use juxtaposition to expressthe relation in the present,but for non-presenttimes usea tense-marked copulativeverb, as in the following Swahili examples: (114) b. Shi yato ne he boy coP 'He is a boy' a. Hamisi mpishi Hamisi cook 'Hamisi is a cook' ( ^r'' a r r K u w aI b . H a m i s iI l m p' i s h i I ataKuwa| (Ce is the copula used with feminine singulars,ne the one used in all other cases.) In some languagesa distinction is made between copulas and what may be calledpredicators.The latter are usedto mark predicatenominals when thereis no overt subject. In Bambara, for example, the predicator don is distinguished from the copulative verb ye'. , ' H a m i s li w a s l {'.,,, lacooK D e j Iwilt Emphasismarkers are words that emphasizea predicate.(Words that emphasizeanominal areherecalledcontrast markers,and are included in the category of discoursemarkers treatedin section2.2 - cf. example ( 108).)Examplesfrom Vietnameseand Thai respectively,are: (170) Alamisadon don PREDIcAToR Thursday 'It's Thursday' (175) Ong Ba co xem quyen truyen ay Mr Ba sN{pH read book story that 'Mr Ba did read that novel' (171) ye Bi Alamisadonye today nnns Thursday be 'Today is Thursday' (176) Naarii, kin Kaaw sia Nari rice eat EMPH 'Nari, do eat your rice' In other languages,however,the samewords predicatenominals with and without subjects.Comparethe following Hausaexamplewith (169): The usualEnglish equivalentof an emphasismarker is a stressedauxiliary verb, as in the translationsof (175) and (176), but in colloquial English so and too 56 PaulSchachter andTimothyShopen are sometimesusedas emphasismarkerscontradicting something that has been saidor implied: (177) rlltll Languagesthat do not haveemphasismarkersmay be able to expressthe semantic equivalentby meansof stress,and evenin languageswith emphasismarkers this meansmay be available.Thus in Thai, accordingto warotamasikkhadit (1972)' the use of the emphasismarkersra, as in (176), is equivalentto pracing emphatic stresson the verb. Existential markers are words which are equivarentto English there is/are, etc. Examples, from Hausaand Spanishrespeitively, are: Ahuai litafi a kan tebur Exrsr book at top. of table 'There is a book on the table' (179) Hay muchos libros en la biblioreca Exrsr many books in the library 'There are many books in the library' Some languagesalso have distinct negativeexistentialmarkers, as in the tbl_ lowing Hausaexample: (180) Babu littafi a kan tebur Exrsr.NEGbook at top. of table 'There isn't a book on the table' Languagesthat do not haveexistentialmarkersoften use verbs meaning.be (located)'to expressequivarentmeanings,as in the following examplesfrom Akan and Japanese: (l8l) Sika bi wr me foto mu money some is.located my bag in 'There is somemoney in my bag' (182) Yama ni ki Ea aru mountain on tree sunr is 'There are treeson the mountain' It is also quite common for there to be a close relation betweenexistential andpossessiveconstructions.For example, a word-by-word translation of the Frenchexistentialidiom i/ y a is'it therehas', and inTagalog the samewords are usedas existential and possessivemarkers: a . M a y r o o n - |g wala-ng I , , . _ ^ sa mesa "bro EXrsr/poss-LrNK L on table Exrsr/eosslNno,-.,"*ibook | am so/too telling rhe trurh (178) 57 Parts-of'-speech systems b. Mayroon-gI Wala-ng I EXlsr/POss-LINK libro ang bata l. book roe child nxrsr/eosslNnol-r,** f I ' T h e c h i l dllt las la book' I Ooesnt naveJ Interjectionsare words that can constituteutterancesin themselves,and that usually have no syntacticconnectionto any other words that may occur with them. English examples are hello, ah, aha, bah, oh, wow, etc. The class of interjections of a languageoftenincludeswordswhich arephonologicallydistinctive.For example,Englishwordsmustin generalcontainat leastonevowel sound,but interjectionslike hmm, pst, and shh are vowelless.And in many languagesclicks (soundsproducedwith a velaricair stream)can occur in interjections (as in English tsk-t.rft),but not elsewhere.All interjectionsare deictic (seeComrieandThompson,vol. Itt, chapter6, on deixis). that fail to mention Althoughthereare a good many linguisticdescriptions do in fact havesucha classof interjections, it seemslikely that all languages words. In the caseof extinct languagesinterjectionsmay not be attestedin the written recordsbecauseof the generallyinformal, colloquial characterof this word class.In the caseof modernlanguages,the ornissionof interjectionsfrom probablyjust signifiesthatthedescriptionis incomplete. a linguisticdescription Mood markersare words that indicatethe speaker'sattitude,or that solicit the hearer'sattitude,toward the event or condition expressedby a sentence. One common type of mood marker is the requestmarker, as exemplifiedby examplesof ( 184) Englishplease.Some othersare illustratedby the Japanese (fiom Kuno ( 1973)),andthe Tagalogexamplesof ( 185): ( 184) a. Kore wa hon desu yo STATEMENT this rop book is '(I am tellingyou that)this is a book' b. Kore wa hon desu /<a? this rop book is a 'Is this a book'?' lr 58 PaulSchachter and TimothyShopen c. John wa baka sa John rop foolish srArEMENr '(It goes without sayingthat) John is a fool' (185) a. Mabuti a ang an1? good e Top harvest 'Is the harvestsood?' b. Mabuti kaya ang ani? good e.spEcuLATrvETop harvest 'Do you supposethe harvestwill be eood?' c. Mabuti .sana ang ani good wrsH Top harvest 'I hope the harvestis good' (The Tagalogmood markersof (185) all also belongto rhe classof c/iricssee above.)In languagesthatdo not usemood markers,thesemanticequivalentmay beexpressed in a wide varietyof ways:for exampleby word orderandintonation (as in English statementsand questions),by verb inflections(cf. section 1.2) or auxiliary verbs(cf. section2.3), or by explicit attirudinalexpressions(e.g.1 hope, do you suppose),etc. Negators arewords like En glishnot,which negatea sentence,clause,or other constituent. As was noted above, some languageshave distinctive existential negators.In Tagalog,for example,the existentialnegatoris wala (cf. (ls3)), while the generalnegatoris hindi (cf. (l6g)). It is also quite common for languagesto have distinctive imperative/optative negators:for example Tagalog huwag,as in (186). (186) a. Huwag kayo-ng umalis NEG you-LrNx leave 'Don't leave' b. Huwag siya-ng pumarito NEG he-r_rNxcome.here 'He shouldn'tcome here' In some languagesnegation is regularly expressedby a pair of negative words. This is true, for example, of standardFrench, where negation requires the negative clitic ne plus some other negative word, as in (lg7). (187) a. Jean ne veut pas manger Jean Nrc wants not to. eat 'Jean doesn'twant to eat' b. Jean ne veut rien manger Jean Nsc wants nothing to. eat 'Jean doesn'twant to eat anything' 59 systems Parts-of-speech It is also true of generalnegationin Hausa,in which low-tonebd precedesand high-tonebzifollows the constituentbeing negated,thus very neatly indicating lhe scopeof the negation.For example: ( 188) a. Bd Halima ta Yi bd Nec Halima she.PEnFdo Nec 'It's not the casethat Halima did it' yi bd b. Halima bd-ta Halima Nr,c-she.pEnndo N E G 'Halima didn't do it' c. Bd Halima bd ta yi Npc Halima NEc she.PsRRdo 'It's not Halima who did it' Languagesthat do not use negatorsmay expressnegationby meansof a 'he verbal affix, as in Akan c-n-kc (he-negative-go) doesn't go' or Tonkawa 'he person-present-declarative) y,akp-ape-n-o(strike-negative-progressive-3rd is not striking him'. There are also languagesin which negationis expressed by an auxiliary verb - cf. section2.3 for examples. classto be discussedis the classof politeThe last closed parts-of-speech which are added to sentencesto expressa words are nessmarkers. These In Tagalog, for example, person addressed. the toward deferential attitude po of which may be added ho, either and politeness markers, there are two (Po is more polite than polite. render wishes to speaker the to any sentence 'superpo(1973), po may be called Kuno of terminology the /zo; to borrow lite'.) In some other languages,such as Japanese,the expressionof politeness involves, instead of markers, a special polite vocabulary: for exam'yes (superpolite)'vs zn 'yes (informal)'; boku 'l ple ee 'yes (polite)', hai 'I (polite or informal)', watakusi'I (polite or superpolite)'vs ore (informal)'. (Japanesealso has a special polite affix, -mas-, which is added to a verb in 'open (polite)' vs ake-ru polite speech:e.g. ake-ma,s-u(open-polite-present) 'you' 'open (informal)'.) The use of specialpolite forms for (open-present) 'you (polite-singular)', is particularly common: for example Spanish usted 'you (informal-singular)', vosotros 'you ustedes'you (polite-plural)' vs /ri (informal-plural)'. This concludesour survey of closed parts-of-speechclasses,as well as of parts-of-speechclassesin general.While certain minor classeshave been ignored, the great majority of the parts of speech encountered in the languages of the world have been covered, and on the basis of the material presentedhere, the field worker investigating an unfamiliar language should be reasonably well prepared for whatever parts-of-speechsystem he or she meets. l I l 60 Paul Schachterand Timothy Shonen 3 Suggestionsfor further reading I inguisticstextbooksgenerallymake usefulcomments parts on of speechbut do not presentchapterson the subject.An excellentunified discussion can be found in Sapir (1921:l16-19). Jespersen(1924) has rhree early chapterson parts ofspeech - 4,5 and 6 - and he includes the distinction, t" uuito, up in those chaptersin subsequentchaptersas he presentshis point of view on language.we make this recommendationas we have found t-hispoint of view useful. Some of the best treatments of the topic can be found in writines which are defendinga point of view. Below are some works which will be-accessi_ ble to those starting out on the topic. In addition to the specific writings we recommend,we include the vorumeedited by vogel and comrie, entireryon parts of speech.Someof that volume presentstheoreticalperspectives intended for people advancedin the field, but newly initiated readerscan benefit from some of the chapters-when the writings concem just English, a more general cross-linguisticapproachcan be inferred:Bhat (2000);Bolinger (1962)Joixon - start with pages6-9; Langacker(r9g7); vogel and Comrie (2000); !1991) Wierzbicka( 1986,2000). 2 Word order MatthewS. Dryer 0 Introduction One of the primary ways in which languagesdiffer from one another is in the order of constituents,or, as it is most commonly termed, their word order. When people refer to the word order of a language, they often are referring specifically to the order of subject,object, and verb with respectto each other, but word order refers more generally to the order of any set of elements,either at the clauselevel or within phrases,such as the order of elementswithin a noun phrase. When examining the word order of a language, there are two kinds of questionsone can ask. The first questionis simply that of what the order of elements is in the language.The second question is that of how the word order in the language conforms to crossJinguistic universals and tendencies.Our discussionin this chapter will interweavethese two kinds of questions. Some basic word order correlations I.l Verb-finallanguages We will begin by examining a few of the word order characteristicsof three verb-final languages,languagesin which the verb normally follows the subject and object. Consider first Lezgian, a Nakh-Daghestanianlanguage spoken in the Caucasusmountains, in an area straddling the border between Azerbaijan and Russia(Haspelmath(1993)).The examplein (l) illustratesthe verb-final order in Lezgian. (l) I l maQala kie-na Alfija-di Alfija-nnc article write-,qorusr SOV 'Alfija wrote an article' thus illusThe order in (l) is more specifically Sov (subject-object-verb), trating that not only do the subject and object both precedethe verb, but the 6l