Download Notes on the Sociology of Deviance

Notes on the Sociology of Deviance
Author(s): Kai T. Erikson
Source: Social Problems, Vol. 9, No. 4 (Spring, 1962), pp. 307-314
Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Society for the Study of Social Problems
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NOTES ON THE SOCIOLOGY OF DEVIANCE
KAI T. ERIKSON
of Pittsburgh
University
It is generalpracticein sociologyto rangepoliciesofthecompany
required
regarddeviantbehavioras an alienele- quite another.Any situationmarked
mentin society.
Devianceis considered by thiskindof ambiguity,
of course,
a vagrant
formofhumanactivity,
mov- can pose a seriousdilemmafortheining outsidethe moreorderlycurrents dividual: if he is carefulto observe
of social life.And since this typeof one setofdemandsimposeduponhim,
aberration could only occur (in he runsthe immediateriskof violatwerewrongwith- ing some other,and thus may find
theory)ifsomething
in the social organizationitself,de- himselfcaughtin a deviantstanceno
viantbehavioris describedalmostas matterhow earnestly
he triesto avoid
if it wereleakagefrommachinery
in it. In thislimitedsense,deviancecan
poor condition:it is an accidentalre- be regardeda "normal"human result of disorderand anomie,a symp- sponseto "abnormal"
socialconditions,
tomof internalbreakdown.
and thesociologist
is therefore
invited
The purposeof the followingre- to assumethatsomesortof pathology
markswill be to reviewthisconven- existswithinthesocialstructure
whentional outlookand to argue that it ever deviantbehaviormakes an apfor pearance.
providestoo narrowa framework
the studyof deviantbehavior.DeviaThis general approach is clearly
tion,we will suggest,recallingDurk- more concernedwiththe etiologyof
heim'sclassicstatement
on thesubject, deviantbehaviorthan with its concan oftenbe understood
as a normal tinuingsocialhistory-andas a result
a vital it oftendraws sociologicalattention
productof stableinstitutions,
resourcewhich is guardedand pre- away froman important
area of inservedby forcesfoundin all human quiry.It may be safe to assumethat
naive acts of deviance,such as first
organizations.1
criminaloffenses,are provokedby
strainsin the local situation.But this
to current
of a muchlonger
deviant is onlythebeginning
According
theory,
behavioris mostlikelyto occurwhen story,fordeviantactivitiescan generthe sanctionsgoverningconductin ate a good deal of momentum
once
any given settingseem to be contra- theyare setintomotion:theydevelop
This would be the case, for formsof organization,
dictory.2
persist over
example,if the workrulespostedby time, and sometimesremain intact
a companyrequiredone courseof ac- long afterthe strainswhichoriginally
tionfromitsemployees
andthelonger- producedthem have disappeared.In
thisrespect,
deviantactivities
areoften
absorbed
into
the
main
tissue
of
society
at
read
the
55th annual meetings
Paper
of the American Sociological Association, and derive supportfrom the same
New York, 1960.
forceswhichstabilizeotherformsof
1 Emile Durkheim, The Rules of Socio- social life. There are personsin sological Method (translatedby S. A. Solovay
for example,who make career
and J. H. Mueller), Glencoe: The Free ciety,
commitments
to deviantstylesof conPress, 1958.
2 The best known statementsof this gen- duct,impelledby someinnerneed for
ratherthanby any urgeneral position, of course, are by Robert K. continuity
Merton and Talcott Parsons. Merton,Social cies in the immediatesocial
setting.
Theory and Social Structures(revised edi- There are
groups in societywhich
tion), Glencoe: The Free Press, 1957; and
encouragenew devianttrends,
Parsons, The Social System,Glencoe: The actively
Free Press, 1951.
often prolongingthem beyond the
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308
SOCIAL PROBLEMS
an adap- correct
takinggood
spoonat mealtime,
point wheretheyrepresent
orotherwise
observtion to strain.These sourcesof sup- careofhismother,
if
mores
of
his
the
difficult
are
for
deviant
behavior
society-and
ing
port
electsto bringsancto visualizewhen we use termslike the community
in tions againsthim for the occasions
"anomie,"or "breakdown"
"strain,"
it is
of theproblem.Suchterms when he does act offensively,
discussions
to
a
few
deviant
details
the
how
social
us
responding
explain
may help
createsfreshdeviantpoten- set withina vast contextof proper
structure
tial,but theydo not help us explain conduct.Thus a personmaybe jailed
fora fewscattered
mohow thatpotentialis latershapedinto or hospitalized
defined
as a fullThe mentsofmisbehavior,
socialpatterns.3
durable,
persisting
individual'sneed for self continuitytimedeviantdespitethe factthathe
and the group'sofferof supportare had supplied the communitywith
thathe was
otherindications
altogethernormalprocesses,even if countless
theyare sometimesfoundin deviant a decent,moralcitizen.The screening
situations;and thusthe studyof de- devicewhichsiftsthesetellingdetails
viantbehavioris as mucha studyof out of the individual'sover-allperthen,is a sensitiveinstruas it is a studyof formance,
social organization
of
control.It is important
ment
social
and
anomie.
disorganization
to notethatthisscreentakesa number of factorsinto accountwhichare
II
relatedto the deviantact
de- not directly
Froma sociologicalstandpoint,
as conductwhich itself:it is concernedwiththe actor's
viancecanbe defined
is generally
thoughtto requiretheat- social class,his past recordas an oftheamountofremorse
he mantentionof social controlagencies-- fender,
that is, conductabout which "some- ages to convey,and manysimilarconthingshouldbe done."Devianceis not cernswhichtakehold in the shifting
This is why
inherentin certainforms moodsof thecommunity.
a property
of behavior;it is a property
conferredthe communityoften overlooksbedeviant
upon these formsby the audiences haviorwhichseemstechnically
which directlyor indirectlywitness (like certainkinds of white collar
them.Sociologically,
then,the critical graft)or takessharpexceptionto beharmvariablein thestudyof devianceis the haviorwhichseemsessentially
social audienceratherthan the indi- less (like certainkindsof sexualimIt is an easilydemonstrated
vidualperson,sinceit is theaudience propriety).
whicheventuallydecideswhetheror fact,for example,thatworkingclass
not any given actionor actionswill boyswho stealcarsare farmorelikely
to go to prisonthanupperclassboys
becomea visiblecase of deviation.
who committhe same or even more
a
little
seem
This definition
may
but it has the advantageof seriouscrimes,suggestingthat from
indirect,
bringinga neglectedsociologicalissue the point of view of the community
intoproperfocus.When a communitylower class offendersare somehow
thecomactsto controlthebehaviorof one of moredeviant.To thisextent,
it is engagedin a very munityscreenis perhapsa morereleits members,
intricateprocessof selection.Even a vant subjectfor.sociologicalresearch
determinedmiscreantconformsin than the actual behaviorwhich is
it.
through
mostof his dailybehavior-usingthe filtered
Once theproblemis phrasedin this
8Cf. Daniel Glaser and Kent Rice, way,we can ask: howdoesa communi"Crime, Age, and Employment,"American
ofconductshould
decidewhatforms
Sociological Review, 24 (1959), pp. 679- ty
be singledout forthiskindof atten.
86.
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Notes on the Sociologyof Deviance
309
tion? And why, having made this cipleof a system,
a
then,is essentially
one: it drawsthe behavior
choice,does it createspecial institu- centripetal
tions to deal with the personswho of actorstowardthe nucleusof the
enact them?The standardanswerto system,bringingit withinrange of
this questionis that societysets up basic norms.Any conductwhich is
the machinery
of controlin orderto neitherattractedtoward this nerve
protectitself against the "harmful" centerby the rewardsof conformity
of deviance,in muchthe same norcompelledtowardit byothersocial
effects
is considered
"outofcontrol,"
way that an organismmobilizesits pressures
resourcesto combat an invasionof whichis to say,deviant.
This basic model has providedthe
germs.At times,however,this classtheme
roomconvention
for most contemporary
to
make
thinkseems
only
In the ing about deviance,and as a result
theproblemmorecomplicated.
firstplace, as Durkheimpointedout littleattention
has been given to the
someyearsago,it is byno meansclear notionthatsystemsoperateto mainthat all acts considereddeviantin a tain boundaries.Generallyspeaking,
cultureare in fact(or even in princi- boundaries
arecontrols
whichlimitthe
of a system'scomponent
ple) harmfulto grouplife.4And in fluctuation
the secondplace, specialistsin crime partsso thatthe whole retainsa deand mentalhealthhavelongsuggested finedrangeof activity-a uniquepatthat deviancecan play an important ternof constancy
and stability-within
role in keepingthesocialorderintact thelargerenvironment.6
The rangeof
to humanbehavioris potentially
so great
-again a pointwe owe originally
This has seriousimplica- thatanysocialsystem
mustmakeclear
Durkheim.5
in general. statements
tionsforsociological
about the natureand locatheory
tion of its boundaries,
placinglimits
III
on theflowof behaviorso thatit cirIn recentyears,sociologicaltheory culateswithina given culturalarea.
are a crucialpointof
has becomemoreand moreconcerned Thus boundaries
forpersonslivingwithinany
with the concept"social system"-an reference
organizationof society'scomponent system,a prominentconceptin the
partsinto a formwhichsustainsin- group'sspeciallanguageand tradition.
ternalequilibrium,
resistschange,and A juvenilegangmaydefineitsboundais boundarymaintaining.Now this ries by the amountof territory
it deconcepthas manyabstract
dimensions,fends,a professionalsocietyby the
a fraterbut it is generallyused to describe rangeof subjectsit discusses,
of members
it
thoseforcesin the socialorderwhich nal orderby thevariety
promotea high level of uniformityaccepts.But in each case, members
amonghumanactorsand a high de- sharethe same idea as to wherethe
withinhumanin- groupbeginsand ends in socialspace
gree of symmetry
In thissense,theconceptis and know what kinds of experience
stitutions.
orientedsince it directs "belong"withinthisdomain.
normatively
For all its apparentabstractness,
a
the observer'sattentiontowardthose
centersin social space wherethe core social systemis organizedaroundthe
of personsjoinedtogether
lo- movements
values of societyare figuratively
cated.The main organizational
prin- in regularsocial relations.The only
materialfoundin a systemformark4 Emile Durkheim, The Division of
then,is the behavior
Labor in Society (translated by George ing boundaries,
of itsparticipants;
and theformof beSimpson), Glencoe: The Free Press, 1952.
See particularlyChapter 2, Book 1.
5 Emile Durkheim, The Rules of Sociological Method, op. cit.
6 Cf. Talcott
Parsons,The Social System,
op. cit.
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310
SOCIAL PROBLEMS
havior which best performsthis func- ceive? Perhaps they satisfya number
tion would seem to be deviant almost of psychologicalperversitiesamong the
by definition,since it is the most ex- mass audience, as many commentators
treme varietyof conduct to be found have suggested,but at the same time
within the experience of the group. theyconstituteour main source of inIn this respect, transactions taking formationabout the normativeoutlines
place between deviant persons on the of society. They are lessons through
one side and agencies of control on which we teach one anotherwhat the
the other are boundary maintaining normsmean and how far theyextend.
mechanisms. They mark the outside In a figurativesense, at least, morality
limits of the area in which the norm and immoralitymeet at the public
has jurisdiction,and in this way assert scaffold,and it is during this meeting
how much diversityand variabilitycan thatthe communitydeclareswhere the
be containedwithin the systembefore line between them should be drawn.
it begins to lose its distinctstructure, Human
groups need to regulatethe
its unique shape.
routine affairsof everydaylife, and to
A social norm is rarelyexpressedas this end the normsprovide an impora firmrule or officialcode. It is an tant focus for behavior. But human
abstractsynthesisof the many separate groups also need to describe and antimes a communityhas statedits senti- ticipate those areas of being which lie
mentson a given issue. Thus the norm beyond the immediateborders of the
has a historymuch like that of an group-the unseen dangers which in
articleof commonlaw: it is an accum- any culture and in any age seem to
ulation of decisions made by the com- threatenthe securityof group life.The
munity over a long period of time universal folklore depicting demons,
which graduallygathersenough moral devils, witchesand evil spiritsmay be
influenceto serve as a precedent for one way to give formto these otherfuture decisions. Like an article of wise formlessdangers,but the visible
common law, the norm retains its deviant is another kind of reminder.
validityonly if it is regularlyused as As a trespasseragainst the norm, he
a basis for judgment. Each time the representsthose forcesexcludedby the
communitycensures some act of de- group's boundaries: he informsus, as
viance, then,it sharpensthe authority it were, what evil looks like, what
of the violated norm and re-establishes shapes the devil can assume. In doing
the boundariesof the group.
between
so, he shows us the difference
of
kinds
which
experience
belong
One of the most interestingfeatures
of control institutions,in this regard, within the group and kinds of experiis the amount of publicity they have ence which belong outside it.
Thus deviance cannot be dismissed
always attracted.In an earlierday,correctionof deviantoffenderstook place as behavior which disruptsstabilityin
in the public market and gave the society,but is itself,in controlledquancrowd a chance to display its interest tities,an importantcondition for prein a direct, active way. In our own servingstability.
day, the guiltyare no longer paraded
IV
in public places, but instead we are
confrontedby a heavy flow of newsThis raises a serious theoretical
paper and radio reports which offer question. If we grant that deviant bemuch the same kind of entertainment. havior oftenperformsa valuable servWhy are these reports considered ice in society,can we then assume that
"newsworthy"and why do they rate societyas a whole activelytriesto prothe extraordinaryattention they re- mote this resource? Can we assume,
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Notes on the Sociologyof Deviance
in otherwords,thatsome kind of active
recruitmentprocess is going on to assure societyof a steadyvolume of deviance? Sociology has not yet developed
a conceptual language in which this
sortof question can be discussedwithout a great deal of circularity,
but one
observationcan be made which gives
the question an interestingperspective
-namely, that deviant activitiesoften
seem to derive support from the very
agencies designed to suppress them.
Indeed, the institutions devised by
human society for guarding against
deviance sometimes seem so poorly
equipped for this task that we might
well ask why this is considered their
"real" functionat all.
It is by now a thoroughlyfamiliar
argumentthatmany of the institutions
built to inhibitdeviance actuallyoperate in such a way as to perpetuateit.
For one thing,prisons,hospitals,and
other agencies of control provide aid
and protection for large numbers of
deviant persons.But beyond this,such
institutionsgathermarginalpeople into tightlysegregatedgroups,give them
an opportunityto teach one another
the skills and attitudes of a deviant
career,and even drive them into using
these skills by reinforcingtheir sense
of alienation fromthe rest of society.7
This process is found not only in the
institutionswhich actuallyconfinethe
deviant,but in the general community
as well.
The community'sdecision to bring
deviant sanctionsagainst an individual
is not a simple act of censure. It is a
7 For a good descriptionof this process
in the modern prison, see Gresham Sykes,
The Societyof Captives,Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress, 1958. For views of
two differenttypes of mental hospital
settings,see Erving Goffman,"The Characteristicsof Total Institutions,"
Symposium
on Preventiveand Social Psychiatry,
Washington,D. C.: Walter Reed ArmyInstitute
of Research, 1957; and Kai T. Erikson,
"Patient Role and Social Uncertainty:A
Dilemma of the Mentally Ill," Psychiatry,
20 (1957), pp. 263-74.
311
at once moving
sharpriteof transition,
him out of his normal position in sohim into a disciety and transferring
tinct deviant role.8 The ceremonies
which accomplishthischange of status,
usually,have threerelatedphases. They
arrange a formal confrontationbetween the deviant suspect and representativesof his community(as in the
criminal trial or psychiatriccase conference); they announce some judgment about the natureof his deviancy
(a "verdict"or "diagnosis,"for example); and theyperforman act of social
placement,assigning him to a special
deviant role (like that of "prisoner"
or "patient") for some period of time.
Such ceremoniestend to be events of
wide public interest and ordinarily
take place in a dramatic, ritualized
setting.9Perhaps the most obvious example of a commitmentceremonyis
the criminal trial, with its elaborate
ritual and formality,
but more modest
equivalents can be found almost anywhere that proceduresare set up for
judging whether or not someone is
officiallydeviant.
An importantfeatureof these ceremonies in our cultureis that they are
almost irreversible.Most provisional
roles conferredby society-like those
of the student or citizen soldier, for
instance-include some kind of terminal ceremonyto mark the individual's movement back out of the role
once its temporaryadvantages have
been exhausted.But the roles allotted
to the deviant seldom make allowance
for this type of passage. He is ushered
into the special position by a decisive
and dramaticceremony,yet is retired
fromit with hardlya word of public
notice. As a result,the deviant often
returnshome with no proper license
to resume a normal life in the com8 Talcott Parsons, op cit., has given the
classical descriptionof how this role transfer works in the case of medical patients.
9 Cf. Harold Garfinkel,"SuccessfulDegradationCeremonies,"AmericanJournalof
Sociology,61 (1956), pp. 420-24.
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312
SOCIAL PROBLEMS
munity.From a ritual point of view,
nothing has happened to cancel out
the stigmas imposed upon him by
earlier commitmentceremonies: the
original verdict or diagnosis is still
formallyin effect.Partly for this reason, the communityis apt to place the
returningdeviant on some form of
probationwithinthe group,suspicious
that he will returnto deviant activity
upon a moment'sprovocation.
A circularityis thus set into motion
which has all the earmarksof a "selffulfillingprophecy,"to use Merton's
finephrase.On the one hand, it seems
obvious that the apprehensionsof the
community help destroy whatever
chances the deviant might otherwise
have for a successfulreturnto society.
Yet, on the other hand, everydayexperience seems to show that these apprehensionsare altogetherreasonable,
for it is a well-knownand highlypublicized fact that most ex-convictsreturnto prison and thata large proportion of mental patients require additional treatment after once having
been discharged.The community'sfeeling thatdeviantpersonscannotchange,
then,maybe based on a faultypremise,
but it is repeated so frequentlyand
with such convictionthat it eventually
creates the factswhich "prove" it correct.If the returneddeviantencounters
this feelingof distrustoftenenough,it
is understandablethat he too may begin to wonderif the originalverdictor
diagnosisis stillin effect-and respond
to thisuncertainty
by resumingdeviant
activity.In some respects,this solution
may be the onlyway forthe individual
and his community to agree what
formsof behavior are appropriatefor
him.
Moreover,this prophecyis found in
the officialpolicies of even the most
advanced agencies of control. Police
departmentscould not operate with
any real effectivenessif they did not
regard ex-convictsas an almost permanentpopulation of offenders,
a con-
stantpool of suspects.Nor could psychiatricclinics do a responsiblejob if
they did not view formerpatients as
a groupunusuallysusceptibleto mental
illness. Thus the prophecygains currencyat many levels within the social
order,not only in the poorlyinformed
attitudes of the communityat large,
but in the best informedtheories of
most controlagencies as well.
In one form or another,this problem has been known to Western culture for many hundredsof years,and
this simple fact is a very important
one for sociology. For if the culture
has supporteda steadyflowof deviant
behavior throughoutlong periods of
historical evolution, then the rules
which apply to any formof functionalist thinkingwould suggestthat strong
forces must be at work to keep this
flow intact. This may not be reason
enough to assertthat deviantbehavior
is altogether"functional"-in any of
the many senses of that term-but it
should make us reluctant to assume
that the agencies of controlare somehow organized to preventdeviant acts
from occurring or to "cure" deviant
offendersof theirmisbehavior.'0
This in turnmight suggestthat our
present models of the social system,
with theirclear emphasis on harmony
and symmetry
in social relations,only
do a partialjob of representingreality.
Perhaps two different(and oftenconflicting)currentsare foundwithinany
well-functioningsystem: those forces
which promote a high over-all degree
of conformityamong human actors,
and those forceswhichencouragesome
degreeof diversityso thatactorscan be
deployed throughoutsocial space to
10 Albert K. Cohen, for example, speaking for most sociologists, seems to take
the question for granted: "It would seem
that the controlof deviant behavior is, by
definition,a culture goal." In "The Study
of Social Disorganizationand Deviant Behavior," Merton, et al., editors, Sociology
Today. New York: Basic Books, 1959, p.
465.
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Notes on the Sociologyof Deviance
313
mark the system'sboundaries. In such quiry altogether.Perhaps the stability
a scheme,deviant behavior would ap- of some social units is maintainedonly
pear as a variation on normative if juvenile offendersare recruitedto
themes,a vital formof activitywhich balance an adult majority; perhaps
outlines the area within which social some families can remain intact only
if one of their members becomes a
life as such takes place.
As Georg Simmel wrote some years visible deviant or is committedto a
ago:
hospital or prison. If this supposition
to be a useful one, sociologists
proves
An absolutely
andharmonious
centripetal
not onlyis should be interested in discovering
group,a pure "unification,"
unreal,it couldshowno real how a social unit manages to differenempirically
life process.. . Justas the universe tiate the roles of its membersand how
needs"love and hate,"thatis, attractive
to play
and repulsiveforces,in orderto have certain persons are "chosen"
any format all, so society,
too,in order the more deviant parts.
to attaina determinate
shape,needssome
Second, it is evident that cultures
ratioof harmonyand disquantitative
of association
and competition,vary in the way they regulate traffic
harmony,
of favorable
and unfavorable
tendencies.
moving back and forthfromtheirde. . . Society,as we knowit, is the re- viant boundaries.
Perhaps we could
sult of both categoriesof interaction,
whichthusbothmanifest
as begin with the hypothesis that the
themselves
trafficpatternknown in our own culwhollypositive.11
ture has a marked Puritan cast: a deV
finedportion of the population,largeIn summary,two new lines of in- ly drawn fromyoung adult groups and
quiry seem to be indicated by the from the lower economic classes, is
stabilizedin deviant roles and generalargumentpresentedabove.
First, this paper attemptsto focus ly expected to remain therefor indefiour attentionon an old but still vital nite periods of time. To this extent,
sociological question: how does a so- Puritan attitudesabout predestination
cial structurecommunicateits "needs" and reprobationwould seem to have
or impose its "patterns" on human retained a significantplace in modern
actors? In the presentcase, how does criminal law and public opinion. In
a social structureenlist actors to en- otherareas of the world,however,difgage in deviant activity? Ordinarily, ferenttraffic
patternsare known.There
the fact that deviant behavior is more are societiesin which deviance is concommon in some sectors of society sidereda naturalpursuitforthe young,
than in others is explained by declar- an activitywhich theycan easily abaning that somethingcalled "anomie" or don when they move throughdefined
"disorganization" prevails at these ceremonies into adulthood. There are
sensitive spots. Deviance leaks out societies which give license to large
where the social machineryis defec- groups of personsto engage in deviant
tive; it occurs where the social struc- behavior for certain seasons or on
ture fails to communicateits needs to certaindays of the year.And thereare
human actors. But if we consider the societies in which special groups are
possibilitythat deviant persons are re- formed to act in ways "contrary"to
sponding to the same social forcesthat the normalexpectationsof the culture.
elicit conformityfromothers,then we Each of these patterns regulates deare engaged in another order of in- viant traffic
yet all of them
differently,
provide some institutionalizedmeans
11 Georg Simmel,Conflict (translatedby for an actor to give up a deviant
Kurt H. Wolff), Glencoe: The Free Press, "career" without permanent stigma.
The problem forsociological theoryin
1955, pp. 15-16.
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314
SOCIAL PROBLEMS
to learnfromthosecultures
generalmightbe to learnwhetheror anything
intonormalsonot thesevaryingpatternsare func- whichpermitre-entry
tionallyequivalentin some meaning- cial life to personswho have spenta
ful sense; the problemfor applied periodof"service"
on society's
boundasociologymightbe to see if we have ries.
COMPONENTS OF VARIATION IN CITY CRIME RATES
KARL SCHUESSLER
Indiana University
Introduction.A persistentissue in peripheral
to thatproblemby a correwhether
is
the
is
crime
lational
criminology
analysisof selectedcrimerates
of all Ameriwhich and socialcharacteristics
productof generalsocialfactors
can
of
its
determine
the
rate
100,000
cities,
populationor more,
universally
or theconsequenceof cir- 1950. The immediateobjectivewas
occurrence;
whether
thevariationin
cumstances
specificto a given social to determine
and wantingin generality.
This thecrimerateof these105 largecities
setting
explainedby a
problemfindsinformalexpressionin could be statistically
suchquestionsas "Does crimevaryas small numberof generalfactors,or
would
of factors
a multiplicity
"as whether
conflict?"
thedegreeof normative
the degreeof social deprivation?"
"as be required.A secondtask of equal
was
but greaterdifficulty
the degreeof economicneed?"-as if importance
ifpossible,thesociological
crimewerea simple,mechanicalfunc- to establish,
factorsthat
tion of normativedisorder,thwarted meaningof any statistical
social ambition,or economicinsuffi-mightemergein theanalysis.
ciency. Such broad questions have Data. The crimerateswerebased on
servednotonlyas a pointof departure
knownto thepofor numerousempiricalstudies,but recordsof "offenses
in UniformCrimeReas
given
lice,"
well
occasion
for
have been as
the
in the grandmanner ports; and the social and economic
muchtheorizing
from
of Ferri,Garofalo,and Bonger.Al- data were obtainedprincipally
AdCensus
United
States
publications.
are currently
though criminologists
data
are
fallible-in
these
mittedly,
moreabsorbedby theoriesapplicable
thepolicerecords-butstill
to a limitedrange of facts,such as particular,
as to be unworthy
of
unreliable
not
so
and lower
theoriesof embezzlement
class delinquency,they have always analysis.
For each city,averageannualrates
been intriguedby the possibilityof
100,000population,15+, forthe
per
common
social
elements
to
discovering
1949-51,were computedfor
period
all crime.
seven major offenses,listed below
Purpose.This studyprovidesevidence (Table 1) along with corresponding
mediansand extremevalues.'
Next listed (Table 2) are the 20
Read before Criminology Section of
variables,which, aside
independent
Annual
Ohio Valley Sociological Society,
weresefrom
their
readyavailability,
Meeting, April 21-22, 1961, Cleveland,
Ohio. The author is indebted to Lelah
Padilla, Gerald Slatin, Roland Chilton,and
Cherry Carter who assisted in various
phases of the statisticalwork; also to the
Graduate School of Indiana Universityfor
financialassistance.
1 The decision to analyze offense-specific
rates ratherthan a general crime rate reflectsthe assumptionthat crime is not a
unitary phenomenon, and that different
causes.
kinds of crime have different
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