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Observational Learning DR DINESH RAMOO Introduction Suppose Jimmy watches a TV program where a hero defeats a villain by putting the villain in a headlock; afterward, Jimmy puts his sister in a headlock. Or suppose Vicky notices that her friend Natalie gets many compliments when she wears her hair in a French braid; Vicky asks her mother to French braid her hair for a party. Or suppose Keith observes that a co-worker got fired after failing to meet an important deadline; Keith is careful to meet his deadline. All of these examples illustrate observational learning, also called social learning or modeling, which is learning by observing others. Let’s take a look. Imitation and Modelling Modeling and Imitation If you visit another country with customs unlike your own, you may find much that seems bewildering. Even the way to order food in a restaurant may be unfamiliar. A hand gesture such as is considered friendly in some countries but rude and vulgar in others. Many visitors to Japan find the toilets confusing. With effort you learn foreign customs either because someone explains them to you or because you watch and copy. You model your behavior after others or imitate others. You also model or imitate the customs of a religious organization, fraternity or sorority, new place of employment, or any other group you join. Why do we imitate? Sometimes, other people’s behavior provides information. For example, if you go outside and see people carrying umbrellas, you assume they know something you don’t, and you go back for your own umbrella. You also imitate because other people’s behavior establishes a norm or rule. For example, you wear casual clothing where others dress casually and formalwear where others dress formally. You also imitate automatically in some cases. When you see someone yawn, you become more likely to yawn yourself. Even seeing a photo of an animal yawning may have the same result. You are not intentionally copying the animal, and the animal is not providing you with any information. You imitate just because seeing the yawn suggested the idea of yawning. You automatically imitate many other actions that you see, often with no apparent motivation (Dijksterhuis & Bargh, 2001). If you see someone smile or frown, you briefly start to smile or frown. Your expression may be just a quick, involuntary twitch, and an observer may have to watch carefully to see it, but it often does occur. Even newborns imitate facial expressions (Meltzoff & Moore, 1977, 1983) Spectators at an athletic event sometimes move their arms or legs slightly in synchrony with what some athlete is doing. When expert pianists listen to a composition they have practiced, they start involuntarily tapping their fingers as if they were playing the music (Haueisen & Knosche, 2001). Similarly, people tend to copy the hand gestures they see (Bertenthal, Longo, & Kosobud, 2006). You can demonstrate this tendency by telling someone, “Please wave your hands” while you clap your hands. Many people copy your actions instead of following your instructions. Imitation and Mirror Neurons Imitation relates to an exciting discovery in brain functioning known as mirror neurons, which are activated while you perform a movement and also while you watch someone else perform the same movement, such as reaching to grab an object. You identify with what someone else is doing, imagine what it would be like to make the same movement, and start activating cells that would make the movement (Fogassi et al., 2005; Gallese, Fadiga, Fogassi, & Rizzolatti, 1996). Something similar happens in other brain systems. Watching someone showing an expression of disgust activates the same brain areas as if you were feeling disgusted yourself (Wicker et al., 2003). Mirror neurons are probably important for imitation and other social behaviors. However, we do not yet know how they develop. Are you born with mirror neurons, or do they develop as you learn how to identify with other people? Albert Bandura, Dorothea Ross, and Sheila Ross (1963) studied the role of imitation for learning aggressive behavior. They asked two groups of children to watch films in which an adult or a cartoon character violently attacked an inflated “Bobo” doll. Another group watched a different film. They then left the children in a room with a Bobo doll. Only the children who had watched films with attacks on the doll attacked the doll themselves, using many of the same movements they had just seen. The clear implication is that children copy the aggressive behavior they have seen in others. Observational Learning Distinguishing Observational Learning from Other Phenomena First, it’s worth noting that observational learning differs from imitation; for instance, in the above example with Keith, observational learning meant doing something different than what Keith’s co-worker had done. It’s also important to note that some behaviors might appear to be observational learning but actually aren’t. Consider three phenomena noted by Gluck and colleagues (2008) that might be mistaken for observational learning. 1. Contagion contagion, a phenomenon in which a response by one individual tends to elicit the same response in others, might be mistaken for observational learning. For example, perhaps you’ve noticed that when one person yawns, others tend to yawn also. Have they learned to yawn by observing others? Obviously not. 2. Classical Conditioning one might mistake classical conditioning for observational learning. Suppose Michelle is in the garage with her mother when a mouse scurries by. Her mother screams and jumps away. This might cause Michelle to be afraid of mice, but not necessarily because she learned her mother’s fear. It could be that her mother’s scream scared Michelle (just like the loud noise scared little Albert), and because the mouse was also present (just like the rat for little Albert) Michelle might learn to fear mice. 3. Stimulus enhancement behaviors that are due to stimulus enhancement might be mistaken for observational learning. Stimulus enhancement, as the name implies, occurs when attention is directed to a stimulus, such as when an illusionist says, “Keep your eyes on the red ball.” How could this be mistaken for observational learning? Well, suppose one night we discover that a raccoon has learned how to open a garbage can, and, much to our dismay, the following night many raccoons have opened many garbage cans. We might assume that they learned how to do this by watching the first raccoon, but that might not be what happened. It could be that the behavior of the first raccoon caused the other raccoons to realize that garbage cans might hold some tasty treasures—pizza crusts, fried chicken skins, and half-eaten jellyrolls. This might have emboldened the other raccoons to try to open garbage cans, and after a bit of effort they might have figured out how to do it. Thus, the first raccoon might not have taught them how to open garbage cans but might simply have directed their attention to the garbage cans. Real Observational Learning Although not everything that looks like observational learning really is, observational learning is a real phenomenon and probably a quite common one. For example, Herbert and Harsh (1944) arranged for cats to observe another cat (called a model) that was learning to solve a problem to obtain food. Cats that observed the learning process solved the problem faster. Remarkably, even fish can learn from observation. Johnsson and Åkerman (1998) allowed rainbow trout to observe contests between fish competitors. The observer fish were then confronted with dominant fish that they had or had not observed. Observer fish that lost to previewed opponents reduced their aggression more quickly; perhaps they thought, “I’ve seen this fish before and I’d better not tangle with it.” Observer fish that won against previewed opponents increased their aggression more quickly; perhaps they thought, “I’ve seen this fish before and I can beat it.” Apparently, observing a dominant opponent in advance provided information that they used when deciding whether or not to challenge the dominant fish. In another study (Meunier & colleagues, 2007) rhesus monkeys had the opportunity to find hidden food rewards. On each trial, two objects were presented, one covering a treat, and a monkey could choose to move one object. If the monkey chose correctly the researcher moved to the next pair; if the monkey chose incorrectly it had the opportunity to try again. In each testing session, up to 10 pairs of objects were used. Another monkey observed this testing before being tested. These observers benefited from the opportunity to watch the prior testing; errors were reduced by 39%. In a similar study (Subiaul & colleagues, 2000) some rhesus monkeys learned to respond to photographs on a touch-sensitive monitor while other monkeys observed. Monkeys learned the photograph sequences faster if they had first observed another monkey perform them. Bandura’s Social Learning Theory Bandura’s Social Learning Theory Now let’s consider an influential theory of observational learning. According to Bandura’s social learning theory (e.g., Bandura, 1977), observational learning involves four processes. To learn from observing someone, one must pay attention to the model. Consistent with this, research indicates that learning is enhanced when the model is especially likely to draw attention, such as when the model is attractive, competent, or high in social power (e.g., Brewer & Wann, 1998). However, an interesting exception to this rule should be noted. If the model attracts attention away from the task, perhaps by being sexually desirable, learning might be impaired (the Venus Effect; Warden & Jackson, 1935; cited in Chance, 1999). A similar finding occurs with sexy ads; a sexy model often draws attention away and so reduces memory for the product (e.g., Jones & colleagues, 1998). Presumably this is not what advertisers want. 1. Retention In addition to paying attention to the model, observers must remember the model’s actions to learn from them; this is referred to as retention. Consistent with this, research indicates that strategies that enhance retention also enhance learning. For example, in a study of Microsoft Excel training, Yi and Davis (2003) found that strategies designed to increase retention also increased observational learning. Similarly, in a study of supervisor training, Decker (1982) found that formalized retention strategies improved observational learning. The observer must be able to perform the model’s actions; this is referred to as reproduction. From the standpoint of someone trying to learn, this might be the most difficult part of social learning. If I observe LeBron James dunking a basketball, or Rafael Nadal hitting a tennis serve, or Michael Phelps swimming the butterfly, I might attend to these behaviors and I might even be able to remember them, but that doesn’t mean I can actually do them. If I could, my teen years would have been much different! Even if observers attend to a model, remember what the model did, and can reproduce the model’s actions, they might not perform the behavior unless they are motivated to do so. For example, suppose Timmy observes the following scene. Linna and Porschae are talking and eating cookies. Suddenly Bruno runs up, pushes them down, and takes their cookies. Fortunately, Bruno’s mother witnesses this behavior; she grabs Bruno firmly, walks him over to Linna and Porschae, makes him apologize and return the cookies, and sits him in time-out for 15 minutes. Timmy might well have attended to Bruno’s behavior, and Timmy might also be able to remember what Bruno did and be able to reproduce Bruno’s behavior, but Timmy is not likely to imitate Bruno because he saw what happened to Bruno. Indeed, research indicates that observers do not tend to imitate aggressive behavior if the model is punished for being aggressive (e.g., Bandura & colleagues, 1963). Our ability to learn from the reinforcements of others is called vicarious reinforcement. Applications No doubt you can already see how observational learning is relevant to everyday life, but let me note a few applications briefly. First, observational learning can be used to treat some types of disorders. For example, Paterson and Arco (2007) used modeling to help boys with autism to play more appropriately. Moreover, the modeling intervention was delivered by videotape, which would be convenient for many parents. Similarly, Pepperberg and Sherman (2000) used modeling to help children with autism; children with developmental delays, physical disabilities, and poor language skills; and children with hyperactivity and poor cognitive and social abilities. All these groups of children showed improvements. Götestam and Berntzen (1997) found that modeling could be used to treat phobia. People with animal fears observed others being treated by exposure to the animal. The observers showed reduced anxiety and were then treated with direct exposure; the treatment goal was reached much more quickly. Götestam (2002) found similar results in the treatment of spider phobia. Second, observational learning can be used to teach motor skills. For example, observational learning has been used to teach squat lifting and balancing form (Ram & colleagues, 2007), swimming (Weiss & colleagues, 1998), ball throwing (Horn & colleagues, 2007), cascade juggling (Hayes & colleagues, 2008), and finger abduction force (i.e., trying to separate one’s fingers against an elastic band; Porro & colleagues, 2007). Interestingly, research suggests that observing an action activates some of the same neurons that performing an action does (mirror neurons; Bates & colleagues, 2005; Stefan & colleagues, 2005), and this might be true of the motor system in general (Tkach & colleagues, 2007). observational learning can explain why viewers of violence might be more violent themselves. In some of the most well-known observational learning research, Bandura and colleagues (e.g., Bandura & colleagues, 1961) arranged for children to view a model beating up a Bobo doll (an inflatable clown doll that is designed to be hit). When the children were upset they tended to mimic the aggressive Bobo doll bashers. The cycle of family violence, the tendency for people who experience abuse to be more likely to become abusive themselves (e.g., Downs & colleagues, 1996; Malinosky-Rummel & Hansen, 1993), might also be partially due to observational learning. As you might guess, observational learning pertains to the important question of whether TV violence increases aggression in viewers (it does; e.g., Anderson & colleagues, 2003). However, it should be noted that positive behaviors (e.g., helping) can also be taught by observational learning (Mares & Woodard, 2005). Self-Efficacy in Social Learning We primarily imitate people we regard as successful. So, when we watch an Olympic diver win a gold medal for a superb display of physical control, why do most of us not try to imitate those dives? We imitate someone else’s behavior only if we have a sense of self-efficacy—the perception of being able to perform the task successfully. You consider your past successes and failures, compare yourself to the successful person, and estimate your chance of success. We see this effect in children’s life aspirations. Nearly anyone would like a high-paying, high prestige profession, but many think they could never rise to that level, so they don’t try (Bandura, Barbaranelli, Caprara, & Pastorelli, 2001). One value of getting more women and minorities into high-visibility leadership jobs is that they provide role models, showing others that the opportunity is available. Sometimes, people know that they cannot do much by themselves but gain confidence in what they can do with a group effort (Bandura, 2000). Even groups differ in their feeling of efficacy or non-efficacy. A group with confidence in its abilities accomplishes much more than a group with doubts. Self-Reinforcement and Self-Punishment We learn by observing others who are doing what we would like to do. If our sense of self-efficacy is strong enough, we try to imitate their behavior. But actually succeeding often requires prolonged efforts. People typically set a goal for themselves and monitor their progress toward that goal. They provide reinforcement or punishment for themselves, just as if they were training someone else. They say to themselves, “If I finish this math assignment on time, I’ll treat myself to a movie and a new magazine. If I don’t finish on time, I’ll make myself clean the stove and the sink.” (Nice threat, but people usually forgive themselves without imposing the punishment.) Some therapists teach clients to use self-reinforcement. One 10-year-old boy had a habit of biting his fingernails, sometimes down to the skin and even drawing blood. He learned to keep records of how much nail-biting he did in the morning, afternoon, and evening, and then he set goals for himself. If he met the goals by reducing his nail-biting, he wrote compliments such as “I’m great! I did wonderful!” The penalty for doing worse was that he would return his weekly allowance to his parents. An additional reinforcement was that his father promised that if the son made enough progress, he would let the son be the “therapist” to help the father quit smoking. Over several weeks the boy quit nail biting altogether (Ronen & Rosenbaum, 2001). One amusing anecdote shows how self-reinforcement and self-punishment can fail: Psychologist Ron Ash (1986) tried to teach himself to quit cigarettes by smoking only while he was reading Psychological Bulletin and other highly respected but tedious publications. He hoped to associate smoking with boredom. Two months later, he was smoking as much as ever, but he was starting to enjoy reading Psychological Bulletin! Television and Observational Learning Does television promote observational learning? The impact of TV can be found in these figures: By the time the average person has graduated from high school, she or he will have viewed some 15,000 hours of TV, compared with only 11,000 hours spent in the classroom. In that time, viewers will have seen some 18,000 murders and countless acts of robbery, arson, bombing, torture, and beatings. Children watching Saturday morning cartoons see a chilling 26 or more violent acts each hour (Pogatchnik, 1990). Even G-rated cartoons average 10 minutes of violence per hour (Yokota & Thompson, 2000). In short, typical TV viewers are exposed to a massive dose of media violence, which tends to promote observational learning of aggression (Bushman & Anderson, 2001). What effect does the North American penchant for TV watching have on behavior? To answer this question, a team of researchers found a town in northwestern Canada that did not receive TV broadcasts. Discovering that the town was about to get TV, the team seized a rare opportunity. Tannis Williams and her colleagues carefully tested residents of the town just before TV arrived and again 2 years later. This natural experiment revealed that after the tube came to town: Reading development among children declined (Corteen & Williams, 1986). Children’s scores on tests of creativity dropped (Harrison & Williams, 1986). Children’s perceptions of sex roles became more stereotyped (Kimball, 1986). There was a significant increase in both verbal and physical aggression. This occurred for both boys and girls, and it applied equally to children who were high or low in aggression before they began watching TV (Joy et al., 1986). The last finding comes as no surprise. Studies show conclusively that if large groups of children watch a great deal of televised violence, they will be more prone to behave aggressively (Bushman & Anderson, 2001; Hughes & Hasbrouck, 1996). In other words, not all children will become more aggressive, but many will. Especially during adolescence, viewing lots of violence on television is associated with actual increases in aggression against others (Johnson et al., 2002). It’s little wonder that a large panel of medical and psychological experts recently concluded that media violence is a serious threat to public health (Bushman & Anderson, 2001). Questions?