Survey
* Your assessment is very important for improving the workof artificial intelligence, which forms the content of this project
Download THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA The Use of Military
Document related concepts
Transcript
THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA The Use of Military Astrology in Late Medieval Italy: The Textual Evidence A DISSERTATION Submitted to the Faculty of the Department of History School of Arts & Sciences Of The Catholic University of America In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree Doctor of Philosophy © Copyright All Rights Reserved By Robert S. Hand Washington, D.C. 2014 The Use of Military Astrology in Late Medieval Italy: The Textual Evidence. Robert S. Hand Director: Katherine L. Jansen, Ph. D. This study examines the thirteenth-century astrologer Guido Bonatti’s Liber Astronomicus as a case study to investigate one aspect of the many practical applications of astrology in the later Middle Ages. Specifically, it looks at the application of military astrology to analyze Bonatti’s use of his source material in relation to his own practice. The dissertation develops a methodology to discern the astrologer’s practice from his textual inheritance. Bonatti was possibly the most important astrologer of the high middle ages. His work was an encyclopedic, yet detailed survey of the entire field of astrological study in the Europe of his day. He acknowledged his Arab sources but was not merely a compiler of their material. Like many of his European contemporaries in other fields such as Thomas Aquinas, Albertus Magnus and Roger Bacon, Bonatti put his own stamp on the field of astrology. Staying within the basic traditions as he inherited them, he systematized and expanded often terse material, and frequently innovated in certain applications of astrology. By close and detailed examinations of Bonatti’s text and comparison with his sources, we can see the changes that reflect his personal experience which in turn caused him to alter and emend the tradition. From this we can distinguish the practitioner from the compiler of astrological materials. This study argues that such close internal textual analysis of the astrological treatises themselves reveals the medieval uses of astrology far better than external narrative sources. Ultimately over the course of this study it also becomes clear that in the area of astrology Bonatti carried out the same kinds of intellectual synthesis and systematization that we see in the works of notable contemporaries in other fields. This dissertation by Robert S. Hand fulfills the dissertation requirement for the doctoral degree in History approved by Katherine L. Jansen, Ph.D., as Director, and by Timothy Noone, Ph.D. and Ronald Calinger, Ph.D., as Readers. __________________________________________ Katherine L. Jansen, Ph.D., Director __________________________________________ Timothy Noone, Ph.D., Reader __________________________________________ Ronald Calinger, Ph.D., Reader ii I would like to thank Dr. Katherine L. Jansen for the considerable time and effort that went into assisting me in the process of researching and writing this dissertation and Dr. Timothy Noone and Dr. Ronald Calinger for their efforts on my behalf as well. In addition I would like to thank all of the faculty and staff at The Catholic University of America with whom I have studied and worked for the last several years in the process of attaining the M.A. and Ph. D. degrees in History. I want especially to thank my wife Elyse not only for the intellectual stimulus she has always provided but also for urging me to start on this process in the first place. iii Table of Contents Chapter 1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 The Thesis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 A Brief Survey of the Literature. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 Source Texts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 The Structure and Arrangement of this Study. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 Chapter 2. The Divisions of Astrology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Natural Versus Judicial or Divinatory Astrology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Five Topic Areas and Types of Writings in Medieval Astrology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 The Speculum Astronomiae. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 The Introductorium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 Interrogations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 Electional and Inceptional Astrology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Revolutions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 Natal or Genethliacal Astrology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 Chapter 3. The Kinds of Astrology that Became Acceptable as Defined by the Compromise of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 The Early Medieval Position of the Church on Astrology through 1277. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Aquinas and the Compromise . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 Roger Bacon and the Compromise. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 The Condemnations of 1277 and Astrology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Astrology in the Medieval University. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 Chapter 4. The General Evolution of Astrological Ideas as Evidenced in the Texts An Overview of Change versus Tradition in Astrology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 The Evolution of Astrological Ideas in General. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 The Firdaria – a Study in the Transmission of a Complex Astrological System. . . . . . . . . 115 Chapter 5. The Astrology of Conflict and Warfare Before Bonatti and the Life of Guido Bonatti. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 Bonatti’s Predecessors and Sources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130 Guido Bonatti’s Life and Its Relationship to the Astrology of Warfare . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 Chapter 6. Texts and Methods. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 The Authors and the Texts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 iv The Ratdolt Edition and the Divisions of the Liber astronomicus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160 The Preparation and Editing of the Texts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 The Relationship Between Interrogations and Elections. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170 The Objective of the Remaining Chapters. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 A Final Note on the Material That Follows. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 Chapter 7. The Basics of Conflict Analysis in Interrogations and Elections. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184 Definition of the Significators. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185 Whether the Parties Will Come to an Agreement – Part 1 Without the Aid of a Mediating Party. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187 Whether the Parties Will Come to an Agreement – Part 2 Agreement Involving a Mediator without Formal Litigation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198 Which Side Comes Out Better in a Settlement? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201 The Qualities of the Mediator. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205 The Role of the Sun and Moon in Supporting Either Side. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207 Relations Between the Litigants and the Mediator. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 Indications for the Outcome of Litigation If There Is No Mediation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211 A Technique for Analyzing Conflict Peculiar to Bonatti. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225 Bonatti’s Final Comment in §VI.2.7.9. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229 Chapter 8. Interrogations and Inceptions Concerning Wars and Military Actions in General . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232 Who is competent to ask about the outcome of a possible battle or war and how are the significators of the two sides derived? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233 Will the sides make peace before going to war or before there has been serious conflict? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241 The Sides Do Not Make Peace and Indications as To Which Side Will Win. . . . . . . . . . . 250 Chapter 9. Shorter Chapters on Warfare, §VI.2.7.22-28. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 266 Bonatti Chapter §VI.2.7.22. Which Side Has More Support. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 266 Bonatti Chapter §VI.2.7.24 – What Is the Cause for Which War Has Arisen, and Whether or Not the Cause Is Just. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273 Bonatti Chapter §VI.2.7.25. Concerning whether Armies Are Large or Small. . . . . . . . . . 281 Bonatti Chapters §VI.2.7.26 and §VI.2.7.27. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283 Chapter 10. The Astrology of Siege Craft. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 294 A Siege Chart from Haly Abenragel. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311 Bonatti’s Influence on Later Astrologers and a Modern Example of Bonatti’s Influence on The Astrology of Siege Craft. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 317 Appendix — Dating Haly’s Chart. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323 Chapter 11. Summation, Conclusions, and the Implications of this Study. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327 Further Suggestions Concerning the Relationships Between Bonatti and his Sources. . . . 327 v Summary and Concluding Remarks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 332 Appendix I – An Introduction to Medieval Astrology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 334 The Basic Components . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 335 The Planets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 335 The Signs of the Zodiac . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 342 Houses or Places . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 350 Combinations of the Basic Components. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 358 Conditions of the Planets by Themselves . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 358 Relationships Among the Planets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 360 Relationships Between Signs and Planets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 371 Two More Example Charts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 384 Appendix II – English and Latin Glossary of Astrological Terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 395 Appendix III – The Latin Texts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 440 Guido Bonatti – Chapters Pertaining to Warfare from Tractatus VI On Interrogations. . . . 440 §VI.2.7.9 – Capitulum nonum de lite seu controversia que fuerit inter aliquos quis / obtinebit vel quis succumbet vel si component se ante litem vel non. . . . . . . . . . . 440 §VI.2.7.21. Capitulum vicesimumprimum de aliquo volente ire in exercitum vel ad bellum seu guerram incipere / sive dux sive alter quicunque fuerit utrum vincat aut non. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 443 §VI.2.7.22 – Capitulum vicesimumsecundum que pars habet plures auxiliatores. . . . . 451 §VI.2.7.23 – Capitulum vicesimumtercium de scientia victorie belli quis vincet. . . . . 452 §VI.2.7.24 – Capitulum vicesimumquartum que fuit causa quare surrexit illud bellum / et utrum iusta vel iniusta. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 453 §VI.2.7.25 – Capitulum vicesimumquintum de magnitudine sive parvitate exercituum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 454 §VI.2.7.26 – Capitulum vicesimumsextum ad sciendum universa instrumenta et alia que spectant ad bellum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 454 §VI.2.7.27 – Capitulum vicesimumseptimum qualiter debes aspicere significata duodecim / domorum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 455 §VI.2.7.28 – Capitulum vicesimumoctavum utrum futurum sit prelium inter exercitus an non. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 457 §VI.2.7.29 – Capitulum vicesimumnonum utrum civitas vel castrum obsessum vel obsidendum capiatur an non. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 458 Zahel: Interrogations on Conflict and War . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 461 §7.9 – De contentione duorum quis eorum vincet. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 461 §7.24 – De duce proficiscente ad bellum, aut alius quando pro eo sollicitus querit . . . 462 §7.25 – Questio utrum exercitus sit magnus vel parvus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 466 Zahel: On the Houses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 467 §Introductorium – Capitulum substantiarum duodecim signorum et quid significat / omne signum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 467 Haly Abenragel: Interrogations on Conflict and War . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 470 §II.35 Capitulum .35. in questione duorum litigantium / quis eorum vincet . . . . . . . . . 470 vi §II.39 Capitulum .39. in questione militum euntium ad inveniendum / aliquos milites vel alios causa litigandi. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 471 II.42.1 Capitulum <.42.> in litibus et preliis et suis significationibus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 472 §II.42.2. In questione regis vel principis vel cuiuslibet / alterius pro lite, rixis aut causis quos habet unum cum alio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 476 §II.42.3 In eo qui discedit ab obedientia regis, et fit ei / rebellis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 482 §II.43 Capitulum .43. in guerra que elongatur quid erit de / ea et exemplum in hoc . . . 485 §II.44 Capitulum .44. in obsidendo et capiendo villas et quid / erit de statibus suis . . . 489 §II.45 Capitulum .45. in exemplo questionis facte per inimicum / qui ivit ad obsidendum civitatem si habebit /10/ eam, vel non, aut quid erit de ea. / . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 494 The Book of Nine Judges on War and Conflict . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 495 §7.37 – De controversia vel causa. Zahel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 495 §7.38 – De causis vel controversiis. Aomar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 495 §7.39 – De his que inter duos accidere solent . Alkindi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 496 §7.40 – De causis. Albenait . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 496 §7.41 – De causa vel controversia. Dorotheus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 496 §7.42 – Quis eorum vincet aut saltem sit forcior. Zahel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 497 §7.43 – Quis eorum vincet. Aomar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 498 §7.44 – Quis cedat in causa. Alkindius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 498 §7.45 – A quo pacis sumatur initium. Zahel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 498 §7.46 – Quis cedat in causa. Dorotheus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 499 §7.47 – Quis potietur victoriam. Aristoteles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 500 §7.48 – De rege vel iudice cui eorum faveat. Zahel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 500 §7.49 – De eodem. Aomar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 501 §7.50 – De iudicis fide. Alkindius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 501 §7.51 – Cui rex faveat. Albenait . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 502 §7.52 – Utrum pax futura sit inter eos. Aomar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 502 §7.53 – Pro qua re sit controversia. Aomar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 503 §7.54 – Idem. Cum quo agenda sit causa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 503 §7.55 – Idem. De fine cause et hora . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 503 §7.160 – De bello. Zahel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 503 §7.161 – De bello. Aomar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 505 §7.162 – De bello. Alkindius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 505 §7.163 – De bello et eius successu. Albenait . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 507 §7.164 – De ineundo bello. Dorotheus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 508 §7.165 – De bello et coniugio et ceteris similibus. Jergis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 508 §7.166 – De bello futuro inter duas civitates vel gentes facto. Aristoteles . . . . . . . . . . 508 §7.167 – De qualitate belli et modo. Zahel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 509 §7.168 – De infortunio et successu bellorum. Aomar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 510 §7.169 – Idem de pugnancium strenuitate sive ignavia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 510 §7.170 – Idem de egressis a rege et qui rebelles fiunt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 511 §7.171 – Rursum de bello. Alkindius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 511 §7.172 – An congressor occumbat. Alkindius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 512 §7.173 – De Pace atque concordia. Zahel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 512 §7.174 – De fine belli. Aomar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 513 vii §7.175 – De fine belli. Alkindius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 513 §7.176 – Quis et qualis sit mediator. Alkindius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 514 §7.177 – De origine belli et utra pars sit iustior. Zahel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 515 §7.178 – Cui detur victoria de die, scilicet, egresso an de nocte. Alkindius . . . . . . . . . 516 §7.179 – Cui rursum parti primates faveant. Alkindius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 516 §7.180 – Qua hora congressor aut adversarium pugnare incipiat quando fugere debeant. Alkindius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 516 §7.181 – De quolibet eunte ad bellum. Aristoteles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 517 §7.182 – In quo membro sit percussus. Aristoteles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 518 §7.183 – De consortibus et his quos exorasti, et de mittendis ad bellum ducibus, qui utiliores / futuri eligandis, iumentorum necne aut rerum duarum que in operacionem / veniunt dum due sint aut que pocior sit aut potissima et de equorum cursu. Aomar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 518 §7.184 – De equitibus / ad depredandum missis. Albenalhait . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 520 §7.185 – De his quos / rebelles adversum dominos velle fieri estimamus. Alkindius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 520 §7.186 – De quolibet utrum regem offendat. Dorotheus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 523 §7.187 – Idem de egressis a rege . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 523 §7.188 – De status urbis obsesse. Aomar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 523 §7.189 – Utrum dedicione capiatur aut bello. Aomar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 524 §7.190 – De urbium obsidione. / Alkindius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 524 §7.191 – Que sit pacis condicio. Alkindius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 525 §7.192 – Quando expugnabitur. Alkindus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 526 §7.193 – Unde quibus sit timendus Alkindus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 527 §7.194 – Idem de audacia civium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 527 §7.195 – Que fuit dedicionis occasio. Alkindus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 527 §7.196 – Quibus plurima sint amminicula. Alkindus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 528 §7.197 – Quilibet iustior sit causa Alkindius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 528 §7.198 – De castris expugnandis. Dorotheus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 528 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 529 viii Chapter 1. Introduction After the sixteenth century, a time in which a learned superstition, [astrology] (taught according to the precepts of Ptolemy, and Paul of Alexandria) strove to learn the effects of the stars, the writings of the Greek astrologers, having been collected in libraries, lay neglected and despised by almost everyone for three centuries. Almost alone among those texts carefully edited by philologists were those which were composed in verse. And these were studied not because of the material discussed in them, but because of their form as poetry. No one had the temerity to indulge in [the study of] the deceits of a mendacious doctrine of pseudo-prophets the vanity of which was clear. The art and the books in which it was taught were committed to oblivion. But while it seemed to learned men that they were coming back to their senses [in ignoring astrology] they [actually] had begun to grow more dim, because [they did not understand that] the long-lived errors of a bygone age are no less necessary to the understanding of human affairs than its most remarkable discoveries. In fact, if you take away astrology, [a subject] to which nearly all persons were addicted during the reign of the Caesars, one at once cannot understand correctly many matters in both the religion and the sciences of those times. If, however, one were to pursue this most difficult subject reasonably so that its ancient and honored lineage among oriental mathematici might be investigated, and so that the astonishing success of that spurious discipline might be explained, the mind can scarcely guess how much light could be shed upon ancient cults and character from such a study – Preface to the CCAG, Vol. I.1 I begin with this passage from the CCAG for three reasons: First, it illustrates a justification frequently given for the study of astrology in history, that understanding the role of astrology in ancient civilizations can serve to illuminate our study of the culture of those civilizations. 1 Franz Cumont, F. Boll, W. Kroll, et al. eds, Catalogus codicum astrologorum graecorum, Vol. I (Brussels: H. Lamertin, 1898), v. Hereafter the volumes of this work are referred to as the CCAG. Post saeculum decimum sextum quo erudita superstitio ex Ptolemaei Paulique Alexandrini praeceptis siderum effectus discere studebat, scripta astrologorum graecorum acervatim in bibliothecis congesta per trecentes annos ab omnibus fere neglecta despectaque iacuerunt. Quae versibus erant concepta paene sola a philologis accurate edita sunt, non propter tractatam materiam sed propter poeticam formam. Doctrinae mendacis vanitate patefacta pseudoprophetarum fallaciis nemo indulgere ausus est, et ars illa tota et libri, quibus docebatur, in oblivionem adducta sunt. Sed dum resipiscere sibi videntur viri docti, potius hebescere coeperunt, cum praeteritae aetatis errores diuturni non minus quam clarissima inventa ad rerum humanarum intelligentiam sint necessaria. Astrologiam quidem, cui regnantibus Caesaribus omnes fere addicti erant, si sustuleris, iam multa cum in religione tum in scientiis illorum temporum recte percipi non poterunt. Sin autem rem difficillimam sane consecutus sis, ut priscae matheseos apud orientales excultae origines indagentur, ut insitivae illius disciplinae mirus apud graecos romanosque proventus explicetur, vix ac ne vix quidem mens auguratur quantum cultus moresque antiqui inde illustrari possint. – Unless otherwise noted all translations in this work are mine. 1 2 Second, it also illustrates a common view in older works in this field, that astrology had a peak of influence in the Roman period, and a second, if brief, flowering in the early modern period from about the time of the invention of the printing press into the early seventeenth century, after which it nearly disappeared. It therefore implies that in the medieval period in Europe astrology was not a significant social influence. Third, the publishing of the first tome of the CCAG in 1898, along with the publication of Bouché -Leclercq’s L’astrologie Grecque in 1899,2 inaugurated the revival of the study of the history of astrology in modern times. There was little of note prior to that time. Regarding the second point above, that after Rome astrology had its main flowering in the sixteenth century, this view understates the extent of the influence of astrology in the middle ages (at least in the later middle ages). More recent scholarship shows that astrology’s influence in the early modern period was the result of a broadening of the influence it already had in the late middle ages.3 This expansion was enabled by the invention of the printing press and the resulting development of a popular astrological literature consisting of almanacs and “shepherds’ calendars” which could not have been created without the printing press.4 However, on a more learned level astrology flourished in the later middle ages. This will be discussed in detail below and in subsequent chapters. As to the first point in the CCAG passage, that the study of the history of astrology enables a 2 Auguste Bouché -Leclercq, L’astrologie grecque (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1899). This work remains the most complete study of Hellenistic astrology written despite its many limitations not the least of which is the author’s complete contempt for its subject matter. 3 For astrology’s emergence in the later middle ages, see Charles Homer Haskins, The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century (New York: World Publishing Co., Meridian Books, 1970) and by the same author Studies in the History of Mediaeval Science (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1927), hereafter Haskins, Studies. There are many editions and printings of both works in addition to the ones cited here. 4 For a description of this process in England, see Bernard Capp, English Almanacs, 1500-1800: Astrology and the Popular Press (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1979). 3 greater understanding of the cultures in which it was practiced, this justification is still common among historians and has considerable merit. However, it does engender a tendency to study astrology from an outside point of view, outside of astrology that is. Consequently we have studies of the influence of astrology in medieval literature, medicine, philosophy, architecture, technology and so forth. Among historians of science we have studies of astrology that involve delving deeply into the astronomical aspects of the subject in order to understand the technical aspects of medieval astronomy rather than the astrology based upon it. And we have studies of astrology in crisis as these crises reflect larger crises within culture. What we do not have to a sufficient degree are studies of the internal evolution of the art of astrology itself as practiced during that time. What ideas did astrologers consider important? What philosophical principles did they rely on? What changes occurred in practice? This “externalist” approach to the study of the history of astrology seems connected with a reluctance to get involved in the technical aspects of the subject. This attitude is quite likely due as much to a lack of proper background in the subject as it is to, in some cases, distaste for the material.5 Anyone who has studied medieval astrology must come to the conclusion that its technical apparatus, its reasoning, as well as the incredible detail that the student of the subject must master, quite apart from the astronomy, cannot be easily mastered. As a result even for those who would limit themselves to an 5 An example of this attitude is found in an exchange between George Sarton and Otto Neugebauer on Drower’s translation of the Book of the Zodiac, a Mandaean religious text that contains a good deal of astrology. Sarton referred to the Book of the Zodiac as “a wretched collection of omens, debased astrology and miscellaneous nonsense.” Otto Neugebauer responded in Isis shortly thereafter with his brief essay “On the Study of Wretched Subjects.” Here he reacted to Sarton’s characterization of the subject matter of Drower’s book as follows: “Because this factually correct statement does not tell the whole story, I want to amplify it by a few remarks to explain to the reader why a serious scholar might spend years on the study of wretched subjects like ancient astrology.” Brilliant as he was in the study of the history of ancient astronomy, Neugebauer never took the trouble to study ancient astrology in itself. For Sarton’s original comment, see George Sarton, Frances Siegel, “Seventy-Sixth Critical Bibliography of the History and Philosophy of Science and of the History of Civilization (to May 1950),” Isis 41, no. 3/4 (Dec. 1950): 374. For Neugebauer’s reaction see Otto Neugebauer, “The Study of Wretched Subjects,” Isis 42, no. 2 (June 1951): 111. 4 externalist approach, there is still much material that remains inaccessible. In particular there is the question of the scope of penetration of astrology into medieval life. The older historical literature, as exemplified by the CCAG passage, tended to minimize it. More recently it has become apparent that astrology’s level of penetration was much more than previously thought but it is still not clear exactly how great it was. If one examines the more comprehensive astrological works themselves, one of which is the focus of the study presented here, and examines the range of applications presented in the actual texts, and takes the contents at face value, one could easily form the impression that absolutely nothing took place in the middle ages without the intervention of an astrologer. Applications range from the more personal such as choosing times to take a bath, put on new clothing, having sex with the objective of conceiving a male heir, to such matters of state as choosing the time to crown kings and begin wars. Clearly the truth is somewhere in between two views of astrology in the middle ages, one that it had but limited influence, the other that it affected everything. My work here will present research into a method that is somewhat different from what has gone before, a method which may further enable scholars to determine for what uses astrology was actually employed. It is quite independent of evidence from sources outside of the astrological literature, yet it depends upon the actual employment of astrology by patrons, not merely what astrologers claimed to be capable of. It requires close reading of the astrological texts themselves. We must trace material from early authors through the later authors whose works were based on those earlier ones, and then move on to yet later authors. The thesis is quite simple. Techniques that were actually in use by an astrologer tended to evolve at his hands. Practicing astrologers did not simply take what they were given and hand it down unchanged, at least not in those applications where they were actually employed. By contrast, there were also 5 methods and procedures that were included in texts simply for the sake of making a text “complete,” particularly in texts that Francis Carmody refers to as “encyclopedic.”6 Many of these techniques seem to have been handed down from author to author with little evidence that they were actually used. Such material shows no evolution and we have no examples of interpretations in which they were used. In Chapter 4 I describe the nature and kinds of evolution that may be found in astrological texts in some detail but suffice to say for the moment that evolution and changes of method are to be found. As a vehicle to demonstrate this method of textual analysis I have chosen the evolution of military astrology from the late classical period through the later middle ages. Military astrology, simply defined, is the application of any astrological technique in order to gain advantage in warfare. It may include choosing times for taking military action, using astrology to gain military intelligence, even finding times of good weather for doing battle. It is not, as I will show in Chapter 2, a special branch of astrology. It uses methods from several branches of astrology. I concentrate on the work of one astrologer, Guido Bonatti (c.1210- c.1290). While it is likely that no astrologer was ever completely, or even primarily, a specialist in military astrology to the exclusion of all other applications, Bonatti certainly used astrology for this application and to a greater extent than any of his known contemporaries.7 In addition to his work being 6 Francis J.Carmody, Arabic Astronomical and Astrological Sciences in Latin Translation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1956). Part V of this work is entitled “The Encyclopaedic Period” and refers to the last flowering of Arabic astrology from the tenth through the twelfth centuries. However, the concept can be applied equally well to Latin astrological texts that attempted to cover all aspects of astrology. 7 Some of his predecessors were just about as involved but no European wrote on the subject on the scale that he did. Al-Kindī is especially important, also known as Abu Yusuf Yàqūb ibn Ishāq al-Sabbah al-Kindī (c. 801–873 C.E.). His writings on warfare are quite comparable to Bonatti in scope although differing in detail. The Latin texts of his writings relating to warfare are presented in this work newly edited from both early modern Latin editions and manuscripts with English translations of the most important passage relating to the topic. Al-Kindī is one of Bonatti’s sources. 6 comprehensive, he did not merely hand down from previous authors what he received from his predecessors, at least not in the area of military applications; he added material of his own. Thorndike writes: Guido employs such classical authorities as Ptolemy, Hermes, and Dorotheus, but still more such Arabian astrologers as Alcabitius, Albumasar, Messahala, and Thebit ben Corat. He also states that he has made additions of his own, and many passages demonstrate that he has made detailed practical application to the present problems of medieval life of the principles of his art established in the past.8 [My italics] Why do I focus on Bonatti? There are several reasons. First of all, Bonatti’s text (given various names but commonly called the Liber Astronomicus) is far and away the most encyclopedic text on the subject composed by a European in the middle ages.9 There are no texts of comparable scope and length until the sixteenth century.10 In fact the only other single text which compares to Bonatti is the Speculum of Francesco Giuntini (1523-1590).11 Girolamo Cardano (1501-1576) also left behind a large corpus of work in the sixteenth century, all of which taken together is equivalent to Bonatti’s work in its coverage, but Cardano’s writings do not constitute an integrated work even if it is all taken together. It was written throughout his life; it evolved considerably from his early work to his later work; and it was not conceived and written as a single opus expounding a complete system. In addition Cardano changed methods 8 Lynn Thorndike, History of Magic and Experimental Science, 8 vols. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1923-58). This will be designated hereafter as “Thorndike, H.O.M.E.S.” The passage above is from H.O.M.E.S., vol. 2, 826-7. 9 I list the editions and manuscripts consulted elsewhere. 10 The only other comparable work by a European in the middle ages was Leopold of Austria’s text which has much the same coverage as Bonatti’s but nowhere near the depth of explanation. It is, as its title suggests, a compilation. Leopold of Austria, Compilatio Leupoldi ducatus Austrie filii de astrorum scientis decem continens tractatus (Augsburg: Ergard Ratdolt, 1489). Leopold’s dates are not exactly known but he lived roughly at the same time as Bonatti. I have found no references in either’s work to the other. 11 Francesco Giuntini (Franciscus Junctinus), Speculum astrologiae quod attinet ad iudiciariam rationem nativitatum atque annuarum revolutionum (Lyons: Sumptibus Philippi Tinghi Florentini, 1573). There was another edition ten years later which contains more material but much of the new material was on astronomy rather than astrology. 7 and extensively revised his earlier ideas. In short, he wrote no final summa of his astrology. Bonatti and Giuntini’s works were such summae. The only earlier work comparable to theirs is that of the North African, Haly Abenragel (fl. 1036 or 1062 CE),12 whose similarly encyclopedic work was extremely influential especially in the period after Bonatti.13 A second reason to study Bonatti, however, is that his work was not merely encyclopedic. The factor that Thorndike alludes to in the above quotation is related to another very important reason for concentrating on Bonatti although a slight change of emphasis is in order to appreciate Bonatti’s historical importance. Bonatti did not just adapt astrology to a European environment. He also brought to bear a manner of thinking that is found, I would argue, only in European astrology.14 Bonatti took theory passed on to him from such persons as Ptolemy and Abu Ma‘shar, and made a concerted effort to rationalize the practice of astrology as well. Outside of parts of Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos, most Hellenistic astrology15 consists of aphoristic statements that are apparently to be taken exactly as presented without any inward understanding of the theory, if any, involved. Outside of Abu Ma’shar, the same is true of Arabic astrology. And even in Ptolemy and Abu Ma‘shar, the practical part of their work does not always show the impress of their theory. Indian astrology appears to be worse yet in this respect. According to contemporary masters of Indian astrology such as K.N. Rao (1931-) and B.V. Raman (1912-1998)16 persons who want to become astrologers in India are sent to a master at a very young age to apprentice 12 ‘Alī ibn abi ’r-Rijal. Known in Latin as Haly Abenragel, the editio princeps of his work was the Liber completus in iudiciis stellarum quem composuit albohazen Hali filius abenragel, (Venice: Erhard Ratdolt, 1485). The translation of this work from Arabic to Latin was accomplished at about the same time as the writing of Bonatti’s work. It is, therefore, not clear that Abenragel was much of an influence on Bonatti. 13 I argue in the course of Chaps. 5-11 that Haly was not a major influence on Bonatti, at least not in the area of military astrology. 14 Of course this does not apply to all medieval European astrologers. 15 For the use of ‘Hellenistic’ in the context of the history of astrology see note 44 in this chapter. 16 In both cases this information is from personal communications and public lectures. Both of these Hindu astrologers actually came from families that had practiced astrology for generations. 8 themselves. In the course of their apprenticeship they memorize all of the classical works on Hindu astrology, literally thousands of verses, or slokas, containing combinations (called ‘yogas’) of astrological factors.17 When a well-trained Indian astrologer comes to a judgement, he or she18 can cite the exact verses of the astrological works from which their judgements come. Bonatti, on the other hand, was not a theoretician in the way that Ptolemy and Abu Ma‘shar were, but he always attempted to derive the theoretical bases of astrological principles and apply them in a systematic manner. Also, when he came upon the judgements of his predecessors, he attempted to understand the underlying rationale implicit in them and then, where possible, extend that rationale to other, similar or related situations. And, where the judgements of his predecessors were often given piecemeal and incomplete, Bonatti, based on his understanding of the underlying principles, attempted to flesh out the missing parts of what he received to present a doctrine more entire and complete. Bonatti was not in any modern sense a “scientist” but his work does demonstrate a concern for order and reason insofar as it was possible to find it. Many European astrologers followed him in this respect but Bonatti was the first. It is worthwhile to compare Bonatti with the only other European astrologer of his time to compile a general introduction to astrology, Leopold of Austria (fl. 13th century).19 As I will demonstrate in Chapters 6-10 this search for underlying rationality was a major force in Bonatti’s adaptation of the material that he received from the Arab astrologers. In this respect one might compare Bonatti with European systematizers in theology and philosophy. Bonatti lived in the thirteenth century. In this same century lived Albertus Magnus (c. 1210-1280), Thomas Aquinas 17 This is based on personal communications with both of these men. There are and have been very important women in Hindu astrology. 19 Leopold of Austria’s work has a good deal of material on the technical astronomy of astrology but is nowhere near Bonatti’s as a complete introduction to the astrological judgements. See p. 6, n. 10. Interestingly, he does cover one area that Bonatti does not. The last portion of his work is on astrological magic. 18 9 (1225–1274), and Roger Bacon (1214/1220–1292). All three built upon material received from the Arabs, adapted it and systematized it, Albertus an Aquinas in theology and philosophy, Bacon, although perhaps not quite as deeply, in the sciences. I will show the same tendencies in Bonatti, although astrology is not a subject that lends itself to systematization to the same degree as theology, philosophy and the sciences. Nevertheless, Bonatti was as much a twelfth-century European intellectual as these better known individuals of his time and one can see this in his astrology. Third, although little is known about details of Bonatti’s personal life, he does appear as a personality from time to time in chronicles and other works, making an appearance in Dante’s Divine Comedy, specifically in the Inferno as one of those persons whose head was turned completely backwards as punishment for spending a lifetime looking forward attempting to predict the future.20 Bonatti was especially known for his employment by the tyrant Ezzelino da Romano III (1194 -1259)21 and Guido I, Duke of Montefeltro (1223 - 1298).22 In this connection Bonatti, himself, provides many details in the Liber Astronomicus. From references in his own and other works we know that Bonatti was employed for his advice in military matters. Charts pertaining to military matters are provided in his own work, and there are references in the chronicles especially to Guido Montefeltro and his use of Bonatti’s astrology for military planning. As far as we know Bonatti was the only astrologer he ever employed. Fourth, Bonatti was unusual in that he cited his sources. It is typical of him in any discussion of an astrological point to cite the opinions of his Arabic predecessors23 and then give his own 20 Dante, Inferno, Canto XX, 118. “Vedi Guido Bonatti.” See p. 150. 22 See p. 9. 23 He cites no other Latin authors but does cite some Greek sources as they came to him through Arabic intermediaries notably Vettius Valens (fl. second century CE), and Dorotheus of Sidon (fl. first century CE). 21 10 opinions which frequently diverge. While differing from predecessors is not peculiar to Bonatti, he is unique in the scrupulous way he mentions them by name. Fortunately we have the work of the great majority of these writers in Latin. Where we do not have those works, it appears that Bonatti did not have them either but knew them only through other Arabic writers. Bonatti shows no evidence of reading or writing Arabic, and must have relied completely on Latin translations which he sometimes cites nearly verbatim and at other times closely paraphrases. This enables us to compare Bonatti to his predecessors quite thoroughly. Bonatti’s attitude is respectful but not exactly servile because, given the range and completeness of his knowledge it would seem that he was uniquely qualified to state his own opinions.24 Why do I focus on military astrology? I have chosen this application of astrology for several reasons. First of all, to a modern reader, the use of astrology for military applications might seem to be one of the more improbable applications, perhaps one destined to be in the textbooks simply as a matter of completeness.25 We do in fact know that astrology was used for this purpose in the later middle ages, and that Bonatti was one of those who were employed to do this. We have this both from his own work and independent historical records, nor was he the only one. Therefore, if the thesis I am advancing is correct, we should expect to see evolution in Bonatti’s use of his sources. The later chapters of this work are an extended inquiry into this matter in which I present and compare the relevant texts from Bonatti and his sources. 24 The fourteenth-century Italian commentator on Dante, Benvenuto Rimbaldi, referred to Bonatti’s work as follows: “Nam Guido fecit opus pulcrum et magnum in astrologia, quod ego vidi, in quo tam clare tradit doctrinam de astrologia, quod visus est velle docere feminas astrologiam.” “For Guido [Bonatti] created a great and handsome work on astrology which I have seen. In this work he transmits the doctrine of astrology so clearly that he seemed to want to teach astrology to women.” See Benvenutus de Imola, Comentum super Dantis Aldighierii comoediam [sic], vol. II (Florence: J. P. Lacaita, 1887), 90. 25 Actually there is even evidence for the use of astrology for military purposes, albeit largely for purposes of propaganda, in modern times. See Ellic Howe, Astrology: A Recent History Including the Untold Story of Its Role in World War II (New York: Walker and Company, 1967) also published in the United Kingdom as Urania’s Children. 11 Since we do know that astrologers were employed for military purposes, it is not my object to prove that fact from the analysis of the texts; it is my object to show how the use of the material caused it to evolve. We will see that a medieval Latin astrologer was not at all reluctant to challenge the authority of his sources when he had actual experience in some area. The real purpose of this exploration is to show how a scholar doing research into the possible applications of medieval astrology can learn which techniques were actually used by an author and which ones were simply passed along as part of an “encyclopedia.” However, this presents a challenge to the scholar. It has been asserted from time to time “that astrology is largely unchanged since Ptolemy.”26 This view betrays a lack of familiarity with the subject resulting apparently from a superficial survey of the subject. When one goes into astrological material more deeply, one finds a good deal of change and a fair amount of critical disagreement among astrologers of the time with each other and with their sources. For medieval astrologers Ptolemy was a revered and influential figure but the most casual comparison of Ptolemy’s principal work on astrology, the Tetrabiblos,27 with the encyclopedic works of the 26 See “Views of modern philosophers. Mostly bad news for astrology” at http://www.astrology-and-science.com/p-view2.htm. Downloaded Feb. 6, 2012. This is an “expanded version of a summary from Correlation 1995, 14(2), 33-34.” Correlation is an astrological journal of research which has at times taken an extremely critical attitude toward astrology especially when Rudolf Smit was its editor. The passage in question is from T.H. Leahey and G. E. Leahey, Psychology’s Occult Doubles: Psychology and the Problem of Pseudoscience (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1983), 41-42. The position stated here is neither unusual nor infrequent in literature critical of astrology. 27 The most commonly used translation of Ptolemy is that of Robbins. See Claudius. Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, translated by F. E. Robbins (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1954), hereafter Ptolemy, Robbins trans. This is not a brilliant translation of the original Greek but it is certainly useable. Another commonly available English translation is that of J. M. Ashmand, one edition of which is the following: Claudius Ptolemy, Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos, trans. J. M. Ashmand (Chicago: Aries Press, 1936), hereafter Ptolemy, Ashmand trans. Unfortunately Ashmand’s is not a translation of Ptolemy’s original Greek but of a paraphrase attributed to Proclus (probably actually done in the early Byzantine era). The difficulty with Ashmand’s translation, however, is not the accuracy of the translation but that its English is a rather difficult early nineteenth-century British idiom with an idiosyncratic technical vocabulary derived from medieval and early modern Latin translations of Ptolemy. Despite that and the difficulties that these issues present, it is actually a much better translation than it is often given credit for. For those wishing a definitive critical edition of Ptolemy’s Greek, see Claudius Ptolemy, Apotelesmatika, Wolfgang Hubner, ed. (Stuttgart: Teubner, 1998). 12 middle ages, both Arabic and Latin, will show how much more there is to medieval astrology than Ptolemy. This is not the place to go into how those changes came to be: all we need to understand, as I have just stated, is that medieval astrology consists of much more than Ptolemy. In Chapter 2 “The Divisions of Astrology” I refer specifically to the portions of medieval astrology that are not based on Ptolemy.28 This imposes upon the scholar the need to master a great deal of technical astrology because it is in the details of the techniques that one can see the evolution more clearly.29 However, gaining a knowledge of astrological method is complicated by a lack of material explaining medieval astrology and its methods to scholars. To assist in remedying this lack I have included appendices introducing the basics of medieval astrology as they apply to military astrology as well as a glossary of English terms and their Latin equivalents. The Thesis. The thesis argues that astrology evolved between Ptolemy and Latin the middle ages. Second, a driving force behind that evolution was usage. Astrological techniques that were actually employed evolved at the hands of those authors who used them. Third, methods and applications that were not used did not evolve but were simply handed down as they were without change. Fourth, only a close reading of the astrological texts consisting of a point by point comparison of texts with their sources can show this evolution. Fifth and last, military astrology was used and did evolve. Therefore, I have chosen it as the object of my case study to 28 In that chapter I describe a five-fold classification which encompasses the whole of medieval astrology and in my description of each division I mention what it does or does not owe to Ptolemy. 29 It is good to report, based on recent conferences on astrology in the middle ages in which I have participated, that scholars are beginning to attain this mastery. 13 show the impact of usage on the evolution of an astrological technique. To my knowledge no one has analyzed astrological texts in precisely this way, at least no one with scholarly training. It was my original intent to compare all of the military astrology in Bonatti with all of the military astrology in his sources. This turned out to be a task that was beyond the limited scope of a dissertation. More important, it turned out not to be necessary. The two areas of astrology that are most relevant to military purposes (as I explain more fully in Chapter 2) are Interrogations or asking questions, and elections or choosing times for action. Where military applications for astrology turned up in other branches of astrology, Bonatti appears to have been very derivative. Almost all of the work that we know he did in military astrology was with interrogations and elections. However, as I continued my research I made a second discovery. Tractatus VI of the Liber astronomicus contains his treatise on interrogations. Tractatus VII contains his treatise on elections. Yet the originality that I have found in Bonatti is mostly in Tractatus VI even though he appears to have been equally fluent in both forms of astrology. What I found was that Bonatti and other authors who wrote on interrogations and elections maintained the distinction between the two types of astrology for didactic purposes but in fact mixed interrogations and elections more or less indiscriminately.30 In Bonatti’s case his material on elections is extremely derivative. His material on interrogations contains a great deal of innovative material along lines that I discuss in Chapter 4. However, these innovations apply equally well to charts read as questions or charts chosen to take an action. In other words, the two branches of astrology were not entirely distinct. Consequently the analysis presented in this work is almost entirely in regard to interrogations. In Chapter 6 I present further material with 30 See Chap. 6, “The Relationship Between Interrogations and Elections,” p. 170. 14 textual examples by way of explaining the choice to concentrate on Tractatus VI first mentioned here. A Brief Survey of the Literature. The literature of the history of astrology began to grow enormously in the last decades of the twentieth century and has continued to do so in the twenty-first. It is not my intention to give a complete survey here but rather to confine myself to a brief discussion of works that have a general importance to the field of the history of medieval and early modern astrology in general, and then of the literature that directly pertains to the thesis of this work. I will also mention problematical issues that the researcher in this field will have to cope with and how some of them are, or are not, being remedied. In any discussion of the literature relating to medieval astrology in general first place must be given to Lynn Thorndike’s History of Magic and Experimental Science quoted just above.31 Thorndike was one of the first historians to provide a serious and comprehensive treatment of a wide range of subjects in intellectual history previously regarded as suspect, if not completely untouchable. These include astrology, alchemy, and magic. The work is particularly useful for several reasons. First, it provides a comprehensive history of all these subjects in relation to the intellectual history of the middle ages. Second, its coverage is almost entirely of the medieval and early modern period ending in the seventeenth-century with the Copernican revolution and the rise of early modern science. Third, it provides a wealth of information on manuscripts and early modern printed editions of the writings of most of the major authors in these fields. 31 See p. 6. 15 Thorndike was also an energetic compiler of manuscript incipits. In this last respect Thorndike’s work needs to be updated but overall there is still no single source that covers the material of H.O.M.E.S. as completely. Fourth, he was one of the first medievalists to raise the middle ages and the accomplishments of this period to the standing to which it is entitled, something much more than a period of darkness between the end of the classical period and the early modern period.32 As mentioned, there are aspects of the work which undoubtedly need updating but his work is not likely to be superceded in the near future.33 A recent French work, Boudet’s Entre science et nigromance: astrologie, divination et magie dans l'occident médiéval (XIIe-XVe siècle), provides the only real rival to Thorndike’s H.O.M.E.S..34 While a work of a single volume cannot replace Thorndike’s eight volumes, 32 Thorndike’s position on this matter is most clearly shown in his textbook, Lynn Thorndike, The History of Medieval Europe (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1917). Subsequent revisions and editions appeared up to 1956. 33 For those who might need a survey history of medieval astrology I recommend the following: A recent work which is useful as an overview of the history of medieval astrology (as well as the history of astrology up to the present time) is Nicholas Campion’s second volume of his two volume history of astrology, History of Western Astrology, published in 2009. See Nicholas Campion, History of Western Astrology. Volume II, the Medieval and Modern Worlds. (London: Continuum, 2009), hereafter Campion, History, vol.2. The first volume of this work covered the origins of astrology and the ancient period. This work has two especially significant strengths. The first is an obvious one, that it provides a survey of astrology in the context of medieval civilization. Second, it describes the ideological conflicts engendered regarding astrology in the later middle ages and the early modern period which led up to the decline of learned astrology in the seventeenth century. This is the greatest strength of this work. Another general survey of the history of astrology is Peter Whitfield, Astrology: A History. See Peter Whitfield, Astrology: A History (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 2001). At first appearance this work seems like an unlikely one to serve as a general reference work for scholars because it was produced in a coffee-table book format. The negative consequence of this for scholars is that the book lacks the standard apparatus of references and citations that one would expect in a completely scholarly work. However, the information that it presents is comprehensive, informative and accurate. It is certainly useful as a general introduction to the subject and one can only regret the decision of the publisher to omit the kinds of references scholars demand. It is clear from the erudition of the text and the credentials of the author that he could have easily done so. A work which does have all of the standard scholarly apparatus and which is frequently cited in works on the history of astrology is Tester’s A History of Western Astrology. See Jim Tester, A History of Western Astrology (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 1999). The main difficulty with this work is that Tester died before he could complete it. Consequently it is not as comprehensive as the works cited above. However, given that limitation, it remains one of the standard reference works. 34 Jean-Patrice Boudet, Entre science et nigromance: astrologie, divination et magie dans l'occident médiéval (XIIe-XVe siècle) (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2006), hereafter Boudet, Entre science et nigromance. 16 Boudet’s book is one of similar depth vis-a-vis Thorndike but not quite as much breadth. Also, it does serve to update the information contained in Thorndike. Boudet’s more specialized works, Lire dans le ciel: la bibliothèque de Simon de Phares, astrologue de XVe siècle,35 and his edition of Simon de Phares, Le recueil des plus célèbres astrologues de Simon de Phares36 are also especially useful for scholars interested in medieval French astrology. For England still quite useful is Wedel’s The Medieval Attitude toward Astrology Particularly in England.37 Its strength is its coverage of tensions involving astrology and medieval philosophy and theology on both the continent and in England. The second is a more recent work, Hilary Carey’s Courting Disaster: Astrology at the English Court and University in the Later Middle Ages.38 The most important contribution of this work is to show how late it was in England, especially in comparison to Italy, that astrology became influential among royalty, not in fact until the reign of Henry VII. John D. North’s Horoscopes and History is one of the few works that go at all deeply into the technical aspects of the astronomy employed in astrology.39 Also, his two major works on the cultural impact of astrology in medieval England 35 Jean-Patrice Boudet, Lire dans le ciel: la bibliothèque de Simon de Phares, astrologue de XVe siècle (Les Publications de scriptorium (Bruxelles: Centre d’étude des manuscrits, 1994). 36 Simon de Phares, Le recueil des plus célèbres astrologues de Simon se Phares, ed. Jean-Patrice Boudet (Paris: H. Champion, 1997). 37 Theodore Otto Wedel, The Medieval Attitude toward Astrology Particularly in England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1920), hereafter Wedel, The Medieval Attitude toward Astrology. It is also available online and in a recent reprint. 38 Hilary M. Carey, Courting Disaster: Astrology at the English Court and University in the Later Middle Ages (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992), hereafter Carey, Courting Disaster. Also of interest is her earlier article “Astrology at the English Court in the Later Middle Ages,” in Astrology, Science and Society: Historical Essays, edited by Patrick Curry, (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 1987), 41-56. 39 See John D. North, Horoscopes and History (London: The Warburg Institute, 1986). In particular North describes the mathematics of the most common house system of the later middle ages which he refers to as the “standard system.” This system is first found in a work attributed to Rhetorius in the sixth or seventh centuries but was not commonly used until after 800 C.E. 17 are his Richard of Wallingford: An Edition of His Writings and his Chaucer’s Universe40 have not been surpassed. For astrology on the Spanish peninsula there is no one comprehensive work but a start in that direction is the recent work by Michael Ryan, A Kingdom of Stargazers.41 Given the role of medieval Spain in the translation of astrological works from Arabic into Latin, it is regrettable that there is not a specialized work on the translation movement itself. Haskins’ work Studies in the History of Mediaeval Science contains a good deal of information on the subject, as does Thorndike’s H.O.M.E.S, and there are also a number of journal articles which deal with special aspects of the matter.42 There are and have been a number of scholars whose works are essential to the study of medieval astrology, although much of their work is in the area of primary sources both in creating critical editions and translations of these. The first of these is David Pingree.43 His principal area of concentration was Hellenistic astrology44 but he also wrote on Hindu as well as medieval astrology.45 The work of Charles Burnett, who has worked closely with Pingree, is 40 John D. North, Richard of Wallingford: An Edition of His Writings. 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976) and Chaucer’s Universe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988). Carey’s studies of medieval English astrology owe much to North as Carey readily acknowledges. 41 Michael A. Ryan, A Kingdom of Stargazers: Astrology and Authority in the Late Medieval Crown of Aragon (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011). 42 For example see Paul Kunitzsch, “Translations from Arabic (Astronomy/Astrology): The Formation of Terminology,” Bulletin du Cange: Archivum latinitatis medii aevi 63 (2005): 161-168. 43 His dates are 1933 – 2005. 44 In the study of the history of astrology the term “Hellenistic” is used somewhat differently. Commonly the Hellenistic period is said to extend from the death of Alexander the Great until the deaths of Anthony and Cleopatra after the battle of Actium in 30 BCE. In science and astrology, however, the conquest of the Hellenistic world by the Romans did not mark a cultural break. The end of the Hellenistic age in astrology is marked decisively by two events, the triumph of the Church in the fourth century C.E. and the conquest of much of the Eastern Empire by the Muslims in the seventh century. It is this usage that I follow here. 45 The following works by David Pingree, both by himself and in collaboration, are cited in this study. First are three original book length works by Pingree: with E. S. Kennedy, The Astrological History of Masha’allah (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971), hereafter Kennedy and Pingree, Astrological History; The Thousands of Abu Ma ‘Shar (London: The Warburg Institute, 1968), hereafter Pingree, Thousands; From Astral Omens to Astrology: From Babylon to Bikaner (Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa et l’Oriente, 1997), hereafter 18 especially influential in the field, but has focused much more on medieval astrology and culture, especially Arabic astrology. Along with Keiji Yamamoto and Michio Yano, Burnett is engaged in creating critical editions of Arabic and Latin astrological texts with English translations. Dr. Burnett is also the author of many journal articles on the interaction of astrology and medieval culture several of which are cited here.46 Thorndike’s H.O.M.E.S. is still the standard reference for Italian astrology as it contains Pingree, From Astral Omens. Second there are editions and translations of ancient and medieval works: Abu Ma‘shar, Albumasaris de revolutionibus nativitatum, edidit David Pingree (Leipzig: Teubner, 1968), hereafter Abu Ma‘shar, De revolutionibus, Pingree ed.; Dorotheus of Sidon, Carmen astrologicum, ed. David Pingree (Leipzig: Teubner, 1976), hereafter Dorotheus, Pingree ed.; Hugo of Santalla, The Liber Aristotelis of Hugo of Santalla, ed. Charles Burnett and David Pingree (London: Warburg Institute, 1997), hereafter Hugo of Santalla, Burnett and Pingree eds.; Hephaestionis Thebani Apotelesmaticorum Libri Tres, 2 vols.(Leipzig: Teubner, 1973), hereafter Hephaestio, Pingree ed.; Picatrix: The Latin Version of the Ghayat Al-Hakim (London: Warburg Institute, 1985), hereafter Picatrix, Pingree ed.; Vettii Valentis Antiocheni anthologiarum libri novem (Leipzig: Teubner, 1986), hereafter Valens, Anthology, Pingree ed.; The Yavanajataka of Sphujidhvaja, 2 vols. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978), hereafter Yavanajataka, Pingree ed. Finally there are articles: “Abū Ma'shar Al-Balkhī, Ja'far Ibn Muhammad,” in Dictionary of Scientific, Biography, ed. C. C. Gillespie, vol. 1, 32-39, hereafter Pingree, “Abū Ma'shar”; “Al-Qabisi” in Dictionary of Scientific Biography, ed. by C. C. Gillespie, vol. 11, 226, hereafter Pingree, “Al-Qabisi”; “Classical and Byzantine Astrology in Sassanian Persia,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 43 (1989): 227-239, hereafter Pingree, “Classical and Byzantine Astrology”; “The Fragments of the Works of Al-Fazari,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 29, no.2, April 1970: 103-123, hereafter Pingree, Al-Fazari; “Māshā. Allāh” in Dictionary of Scientific Biography, ed. C. C. Gillespie, vol. 9 (New York: Scribner, 1981), 159-162, hereafter as Pingree, “Masha.allah”; “Political Horoscopes from the Reign of Zeno” (Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 30 (1976)): 133-150, hereafter Pingree, “Political Horoscopes.” 46 The following are works by Charles Burnett, both by himself and in collaboration, cited in this work. First is an original book length work in collaboration with Gerrit Bos, Gerrit Bos, and Charles Burnett, Scientific Weather Forecasting in the Middle Ages: The Writings of Al-Kindi (London: Kegan Paul International, 2000), hereafter Bos and Burnett, Scientific Weather Forecasting. Second, as with Pingree, there are editions and translations of ancient and medieval works: Abu Ma‘shar, The Abbreviation of the Introduction to Astrology, eds. Charles Burnett, K. Yamamoto & M. Yano (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1994), hereafter Abu Ma‘shar, Abbreviation; Abu Ma‘shar On Historical Astrology: The Book of Religions and Dynasties (on the Great Conjunctions) trans.Charles Burnett. Keiji Yamamoto (Leiden: Brill, 2000), hereafter Abu Ma‘shar, On Historical Astrology; Al-Qabisi (Alcabitius), The Introduction to Astrology, Editions of the Arabic and Latin Texts with an English Translation, eds. Keiji Yamamoto, Michio Yano and Charles Burnett (London: Warburg Institute Publications, 2004), hereafter Al Qabisi, Warburg ed.; Hugo of Santalla, The Liber Aristotelis of Hugo of Santalla, eds. Charles Burnett and David Pingree (London: Warburg Institute, 1997), hereafter Hugo of Santalla, Burnett and Pingree eds.; Charles Burnett, Al-Kindī: Iudicia. The Two Latin Versions ( London: Private Edition, 1993), hereafter Al-Kindī, Iudicia. Finally, I have cited three articles: “The Astrologer’s Advice in Matters of War” in Mantova e il rinascimento Italiano. Studi in onore di David S. Chambers, ed. G. Rebecchini, P. Jackson, (Mantua, 2011): 251-258, hereafter Burnett, “The Astrologer’s Advice in Matters of War”; “Hugh of Santalla” in Medieval Science and Technology, eds. Livesey and Wallace Glick, 231-2 (New York: Routledge, 2005), hereafter Burnett, “Hugh of Santalla”; Charles Burnett, “Al-Kindi on Judicial Astrology: ‘the Forty Chapters’,” Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 3 (1993): 77-117, hereafter Burnett, “Al-Kindi on Judicial Astrology”. 19 extended studies of quite a number of medieval and early modern Italian astrologers including, Bonatti, Cecco d’Ascoli (1257-1327), Pietro d’Abano (c.1257-1316), Andalo di Negro (fl. early 1400's), Giuntini (1523-1590), Antonio de Montulmo (d. c.1400), Luca Gaurico (1475-1558) and others.47 Two studies which are useful in the study of the background of medieval astrology are, first, Valerie Flint’s The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe.48 Its particular value is its summation of the positions taken by the Church, its councils, and important figures in early medieval history of the church in relation to astrology. Laura Smoller’s49 History, Prophecy, and the Stars, on the other hand, focuses on a technique peculiar to medieval astrology, the use of the conjunctions of the planets Jupiter and Saturn to make long-range forecasts of historical change.50 This is a technique mentioned frequently in this work and is of great importance in understanding the way medieval writers thought about history. Smoller’s book is most useful as an introduction to this topic. As for studies pertaining to the medieval application of astrology to warfare, there is little to report. In addition to the primary sources themselves in the original Latin and Arabic, and some English translations,51 the only academic paper of which I am aware is an article by Charles 47 For the career of Michael Scot, see also Lynn Thorndike, Michael Scot (London: Thomas Nelson, 1965). Scot, as his name suggests was not an Italian but a good part of his career took place in Italy and Sicily in connection with the Emperor Frederick II. 48 Valerie I. J. Flint, The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991), hereafter cited as Flint, Magic. 49 Laura Ackerman Smoller, History, Prophecy, and the Stars: The Christian Astrology of Pierre D’ailly, 13501420 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), hereafter cited as Smoller, History, Prophecy, and the Stars. 50 See Chap. 2. 51 In particular there is a translation by Robert Zoller of Bonatti on the subject of war but Zoller gives no commentary on the material. It is only a translation. See Robert Zoller, “The Astrologer as Military Advisor in the Middle Ages and Renaissance,” Astrology Quarterly 62(3) (Summer 1992): 33-8; 63(1) (Winter 1992): 15-26; 63(2) (Spring 1994): 35-45; 63(3) (Summer 1993): 16-22. A booklet version of this may be obtained from www.newlibrary.com. [May, 28, 2013] 20 Burnett, “The Astrologer's Advice in Matters of War.”52 This paper consists of Latin texts extracted and translated from the work of the Arab astrologer al-Kindī with English translations and minimal commentary. My work here is not primarily intended to be an introduction to the use of astrology in medieval warfare but it has been necessary to make it also serve that purpose. One cannot see the evolution of the techniques without a good deal of introduction into the logic of the astrology behind them. The evolution of the methods is often contained in subtle uses of astrological technique even while the broad outlines of the material remain the same or similar from author to author.53 However, the end result is that this study is, to my knowledge, the first comprehensive discussion of medieval military astrology ever written. The field of the history of astrology, especially in the area of its actual application, is one that scholars only recently have begun to enter and there is much still to be done. That there is no preceding work on military astrology demonstrates just how much work there is yet to be done on astrology in medieval history. Source Texts. One of the difficulties facing scholars interested in the study of medieval astrology has been the availability of the Latin and Arabic texts themselves. This situation is changing very rapidly. I have already mentioned the work of Charles Burnett and his colleagues in producing good editions of the Arabic texts along with their Latin translations. However, in the area of other 52 Burnett, “The Astrologer’s Advice in Matters of War.” See Chap. 4 for a discussion of this issue in the section entitled, “The Evolution of Astrological Ideas in General,” p. 101. 53 21 Latin texts we do not yet have critical, or even decently edited, modern editions and, until recently, one had to travel to libraries all over Europe and America to find either manuscripts or copies of early modern printed editions of the Latin texts. This situation has at least been much improved by the availability of digital images of early modern printed editions of these works and even of manuscripts. In the last ten years European libraries have been placing digital images of Latin astrological texts online available for downloading.54 However, the work of creating critical editions of the Latin texts is still in its early stage. Burnett’s work has been focused on editions of the Latin translations of Arabic texts, and Latin compilations derived from Arabic authors. We have at present no critical editions of works of completely Latin authorship such as that of Guido Bonatti, the focus of my work here.55 Therefore, it has been necessary to check early modern printed editions against multiple manuscripts to establish the extent to which these early printed editions are reliable. The early printed editions vary considerably in quality and some of them are quite defective.56 In Chapter 6 I describe the process by which I have 54 For non-commercial use only. Libraries in Spain, Germany and Switzerland have been especially helpful in this regard. 55 One apparent exception to this statement is the edition of Hugo of Santalla’s Liber Aristotelis. However, this is not in fact a work originally written in Latin but rather a compilation of translations of Arabic works. See Hugo of Santalla, Burnett and Pingree eds. 56 Some examples of early modern printed editions that are seriously defective are the following: Antonius de Montulmo, De Iudiciis Nativitatum (Nuremberg: Johannes Petreius, 1540). Typographical errors abound and in some instances entire paragraphs appear to have been transposed out of place and in one case repeated in two different locations. Another group of texts are all of the early modern printed editions of the Latin translations of Omar of Tiberias (‘Umar Ibn al-Farrukhân al-Tabarî fl. c.762 C.E.), a very important early Arab astrologer and an influence on Bonatti. One edition is the following: Omar of Tiberias, De nativitatibus (Basel: Iohannes Hervagius, 1533). This edition is bound in with a number of other short works. Then there is a 1503 edition entitled Omar Tiberiadis astronomi preclarissimi liber de nativitatibus et interrogationibus, edited with an introduction by Luca Gaurico (Venice: Ioannes Baptista Sessa, 1503). This edition appears to have been the foundation of the 1533 edition above because every error in the 1503 edition is faithfully reproduced in the 1533 edition and a few more added. Finally there is also a 1525 edition designated the Liber de nativitatibus et interrogationibus (Venice, 1525) edited by the same Luca Gaurico who introduced the 1503 edition. In the 1525 edition he appears to have decided to “correct” the errors of the 1503 edition because he severely edited the text of the 1503 edition. The edited text of the 1525 edition is very coherent and free of typographical and copying errors but it does not seem to have been entirely faithful to the original Latin translation of John of Seville (or anyone else for that matter). It is, therefore, also not useable. These are the most defective Latin texts that I have encountered. 22 edited and corrected the Latin texts in an effort to produce, if not full critical editions of these texts, at least texts that are reasonably free of misleading errors. Early modern printed editions and manuscripts that have been used in this work are listed in the bibliography.57 Finally, it is necessary to mention one other very important edition of an Arabic text with its two major Latin translations that is up to scholarly standards, Richard Lemay’s edition of Abu Ma‘shar’s Greater Introduction (as it is commonly called) which was completed shortly before his death in 2004. It is designated in his edition by one of its Latin names: Liber introductorii maioris ad scientiam judiciorum astrorum.58 The Structure and Arrangement of this Study. The present study is divided into two parts.59 After this introductory chapter Chapters 2 to 5 consist of surveys of the historical issues, an understanding of which is necessary for this work. Chapter 2 deals with the various branches and subdivisions of astrology beginning with a discussion of the usefulness of the common division of astrology into “natural” and “judicial.” 57 In the area of English translations of these works we have two problems. First, outside of the English translations produced by Burnett, Yamamoto and Yani, these translations, including several of my own, are based on early modern printed editions which have not yet been adequately checked against manuscripts. The second is that in two cases at least there is evidence of haste in the translation process, and, therefore, inaccuracy. Aside from Burnett and his colleagues who have produced excellent translation, the following persons have been active in producing English translations of medieval Latin astrological texts. First, Benjamin Dykes has clearly produced the greatest quantity of translations. These include the only complete English translation of Bonatti’s Liber Astronomiae (see Guido Bonatti, Book of Astronomy, translated by Benjamin Dykes, Ph.D., 2 vols. (Golden Valley, MN: The Cazimi Press, 2007). In addition to Bonatti his objective is to produce translations of all available Latin texts of Arabic works on astrology. Dykes is one of the translators for whom haste has been a problem. All of his translations have been produced in only a few years since 2007, some using Latin texts that are in extremely bad condition. Another translator who has produced translations of both Latin and Greek astrological texts is James H. Holden. Classically trained and personally interested in astrology, over many decades Holden has translated ancient and medieval texts for his own use.These are now coming into print. Robert Zoller, whose translation of Bonatti on war is cited on p. 19, n. 51, has translated a number of others work but he is the other translator for whom haste appears to have been a problem. 58 Abu Ma‘shar, Liber Introductorii maioris ad scientiam judiciorum astrorum, 9 vols., ed. Richard Lemay (Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale, 1995-96). 59 The chapters are, however,numbered consecutively. 23 The main purpose of this chapter, however, is to give the reader an idea of how the medieval authors themselves divided astrology into five categories: general introductions (introductoria); the answering of questions (interrogations); the choosing of times (elections), predicting influences as they pertain to the collective, that is, nations, peoples, religion, etc. (revolutions) and finally the branch with which most persons are familiar, the astrology of charts erected for the moment and place of birth of an individual (nativities). Chapter 3 is a discussion of a significant compromise that came into being in the period between the early introduction of Arabic astrology into Europe in the twelfth century and the early fourteenth century. The initial reaction to Arabic astrology was quite hostile, based on the Church’s position on astrology from the late classical period through the early middle ages. However astrology was an integral part of the body of knowledge that came into Europe from the Islamic middle east. Much of that body knowledge (but possibly astrology more than any of the other parts) had to be made consistent with and acceptable to Christian theology. The compromise on astrology is well represented by the positions of Aquinas and Albertus Magnus as well as by Roger Bacon, although Bacon’s position will be shown to have been a bit too extreme to entirely fit in the compromise. Next I discuss the initial negative reaction to a good deal of the new learning, including Aquinas, but also astrology, as it culminated in the condemnations of 1277 by the archbishop of Paris, Etienne Tempier. Finally I discuss how the compromise as it related to astrology took a stable form in the universities of Italy, France, England and Spain. In the first section of Chapter 4 I discuss the evolution of astrological ideas as shown in the texts (mentioned briefly above), how astrological ideas did and did not evolve and how these may show evidence of what astrologers actually did for their clients. The main points of the 24 thesis summarized above are expanded in greater detail here. In the second part of this chapter I give an extended case study of an elaborate technique of prediction in natal astrology which seems to have been carefully transmitted but which did not evolve at all and consequently seems to have been transmitted faithfully, complete with misunderstandings. Chapter 5, consists of an introduction to Bonatti and his sources in the area of military astrology, as well as a discussion of the life of Guido Bonatti and references to him in medieval chronicles which clearly demonstrate his involvement with military applications of astrology. In Chapter 6 several purposes are served as this chapter is introductory to all of the chapters that follow. First it is an introduction to the astrological literature I examine in the later chapters of this work, which works I have studied and a brief discussion of the editions and manuscripts used. Second, there is an introduction to the Liber astronomicus, itself, and a discussion of the editio princeps used as the main source of Bonatti’s text, along with mention and discussion of its relationship to manuscript versions. Third, I discuss the preparation and editing of the Latin texts, which editions and manuscripts were used and the conventions used as to punctuation, spelling, etc. Fourth, I explain further why I have selected Bonatti’s Tractatus VI on interrogations as the focus of my study of the military astrology and the election material in Tractatus VII. Fifth, I describe in further detail the objectives of the later Chapters 7 through 11 of this work. I have postponed that material to this chapter because of the groundwork that had to be laid in the earlier chapters. In particular I describe five modes of change, alteration, and innovation that are to be encountered in Bonatti’s work with respect to that of his predecessors and how these arose out of Bonatti practical need to rationalize and systematize the material he received from the Arab authors. Sixth, I introduce an important issue concerning military astrology which is that it is about confrontations between opposing forces and how that affects 25 the assignment of houses and house rulerships.60 The analysis of the texts begins in Chapter 7. It is the first of four chapters which do so. This particular set of texts deals with conflict in general, not merely military but personal and civil as well.61 This is the first chapter in which I present detailed analyses of Bonatti’s material in comparison with his predecessors. Even though the material is not limited to military conflict, it serves as the foundation for all conflict and is therefore the foundation for what follows in subsequent chapters. With Chapter 8 I turn to matters that are completely military applications using the same methods as I do in Chapter 7. The subject of this chapter is Tractatus VI, Part 2, House 7, chapter 2162 and its sources. After Bonatti’s lengthy chapter on general military matters there come several short chapters that cover more specific issues in military astrology. These are the focus of Chapter 9.63 In Chapter 10 I take up a very specific branch of warfare, sieges. This occupies a chapter of its own in Bonatti which gives one some idea of the importance of siege warfare to Bonatti. I have singled out this chapter, however, because in it Bonatti makes a fundamental change in the astrology of siege warfare and gives one of his rare examples of an actual chart drawn from his experience. The conclusion is composed of two sections. The first of these draws some conclusions as to which of Bonatti’s predecessors were actually sources and not simply predecessors The second section contains my concluding remarks. 60 See my Introduction to Medieval Astrology in the appendix, [page references] This is in the notation that I introduce in Chap. 6. Chap. 7 deals with Bonatti §VI.2.7.9. See p. 164. 62 In the notation introduced in the previous note, Bonatti §VI.2.7.21. 63 Bonatti chapters §VI.2.7.22-28. 61 Chapter 2. The Divisions of Astrology Natural Versus Judicial or Divinatory Astrology. In this chapter I introduce and present the major categories and subdivisions of medieval astrological practice as they are described in several medieval sources. However, before I begin that discussion, I wish to discuss another mode of classification that has received a good deal of attention in modern historiography. I refer to the categorization of a “natural” astrology as distinct from, and distant from, “judicial” or “divinatory” astrology. A perusal of modern literature on the history of astrology reveals that many scholars believe this to be a most fundamental division within the field of astrology perhaps because it points to our modern distinction between astronomy, a science and astrology, a pseudoscience. While the “natural vs. judicial” astrology distinction has roots in very early attitudes toward astrology, I suggest that this distinction is neither very well defined, nor is it consistent, and in the end appears to be more of a matter of what kinds of astrology are approved of and what kinds are not, both in contemporary and medieval writing. After a discussion of this distinction, I then present the main material of this chapter, a fivefold categorization of the varieties of medieval astrology derived from actual texts which, I believe, provides a firmer foundation for scholars trying to make sense of the diversity of the literature and practice of medieval astrology than any division of astrology into natural and judicial. In the next chapter I will again refer to the issue of what kinds of astrology were acceptable and what kinds were not, only there I present it based on the fivefold classification found in medieval texts, and the philosophical and theological issues that actually formed the basis of this distinction. To return to the natural vs. judicial distinction, let us begin with some instances of modern 26 27 scholarship which make use of it. The article on “Astrology” in the old version of The Catholic Encyclopedia, which is still to be found online, begins with the following statement. The supposed science which determines the influence of the stars, especially of the five older planets, on the fate of man (astrologia judiciaria; mundane, or judicial astrology) or on the changes of the weather (astrologia naturalis; natural astrology) according to certain fixed rules dependent upon the controlling position of stars (constellations aspects) at the time under consideration.1 Another example is Jim Tester, an author often cited by contemporary scholars, in his History of Astrology: …‘judicial’ astrology — genethlialogy and the attendant judgments of the affairs of men — might be rejected as wrong… [However,] what might be called scientific or natural astrology was more or less universally acceptable: that is, the uses of astrology in medicine and in meteorology and in alchemy… [N]o one could expect to alter the natures of metals (with their ancient links with the planets) or to cure diseases or to understand and forecast the weather and related phenomena, storm and flood and earthquakes and so on, without a knowledge of [natural] astrology. This was not superstition; it was good science.2 And finally Arthur Versluis writes: Astrology was traditionally divided into two categories of natural and judicial. Natural astrology is represented in, for example, Culpeper's herbal — it works as a system of classification via principles like Martial (fiery, warlike), Lunar (watery, feminine), Jupiterian (generous, wealthy), and so forth. Judicial astrology like that practiced by William Lilly3 draws on the same principles but includes complex calculations regarding horoscopes, the signs of the Zodiac, the twelve houses, planetary conjunctions, trines, sextiles. oppositions, and so forth. A judicial astrologer might predict social upheaval, catastrophes, positive times for holding events, synastry (whether a couple fits harmoniously together), financial trends. career, and likely political outcomes.4 Insofar as one finds the distinction in medieval and early modern writers on astrology, what corresponds to “natural” astrology was more acceptable and in some sense morally superior to 1 “Astrology” in The Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: The Encyclopedia Press, 1912-17). I cite this example because it is typical of the modern literature that makes this distinction. 2 Jim Tester, A History of Western Astrology (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 1999), 178. 3 For the reference to William Lilly see p. 44, n. 59. 4 Arthur Versluis, Magic and Mysticism: An Introduction to Western Esotericism (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2007), 97. 28 “judicial” astrology. It is held that the former generally dealt with planetary influences of an admittedly occult nature but ones which otherwise could be regarded as “natural” powers even if they were not completely understood. It is also generally stated that natural astrology deals with either the phenomena of nature such as the weather, or with human beings in the mass as opposed to individuals. “Judicial” astrology, on the other hand, was less acceptable because it was seen as limiting human free will.5 But as stated above the distinction between natural and judicial astrology is neither clear nor constant. Whatever astrological “influences” were conceived to be, they were not usually considered as violating natural law or caused by demonic forces. The notable exception to this is St. Augustine in the City of God, Book V where he states that most if not all correct astrological predictions are the result of demonic intervention.6 However, even before Augustine there were attempts in both ancient writings to present astrological influences in completely naturalistic terms. The ancient astrologer Claudius Ptolemy in the first book of the Tetrabiblos, attempted to frame astrology, according to the physics of his day, in terms of the action of the four primary qualities of Aristotle, the Hot, the Cold, the Wet and the Dry in what would be best described as a mixture of Aristotle, Stoicism and Platonism.7 5 But see Chap. 3. His omnibus consideratis non inmerito creditur, cum astrologi mirabiliter multa uera respondent, occulto instinctu fieri spirituum non bonorum, quorum cura est has falsas et noxias opiniones de astralibus fatis inserere humanis mentibus atque firmare, non horoscopi notati et inspecti aliqua arte, quae nulla est. “When all of these matters are taken into consideration, it is believed not without merit, that when astrologers give many wonderful truths as advice, that it happens because of the hidden instigation of spirits which are not good, whose concern is to insert and confirm these false and noxious opinions about the astral fates into human minds. <It is not> because of any skill at observing and inspecting horoscopes. That skill is nothing!” The Latin is from Augustine, City of God, Book V, chapter vii. Downloaded from “The Latin Library” at http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/augustine/civ5.shtml, Jan. 17, 2012. 7 Liba Chaia Taub, Ptolemy’s Universe: The Natural Philosophical and Ethical Foundations of Ptolemy’s Astronomy (Chicago: Open Court, 1993), 7-17. 6 29 In the medieval period the astrologer Ab Ma‘shar 8 attempted to rework Ptolemy’s physics to support astrology more completely along Aristotelian lines. In the sixteenth century John Dee made another effort in his Propaedeumata Aphoristica.9 Neither Ptolemy nor Abū Ma‘shar completely succeeded at the task of creating a purely naturalistic theory of astrology even by the criteria of their times, what I will call “normal astrology.” In the writings of Ptolemy and Abū Ma‘shar, after working out their naturalistic theories, they move on to the complex apparatus of the normal astrology of their times (i.e., the clearly judicial kind) without grounding said apparatus very thoroughly on their theory. This is especially evident in Ptolemy where in Book I he lays out the foundations of a naturalistic astrology and then seems to completely abandon it in Books III and IV. Dee came closer to succeeding in creating a theoretical foundaton but the end result had little resemblance to the normal astrology of his time nor could Dee’s theory have been used to derive it. Dee’s naturalistic foundations for astrology were supplied by what scholars have termed the “light metaphysic,” i.e., a metaphysical system based on the action of beams of light.10 The astrological device or tool that is the source of the problems for those who would base astrology on any kind of naturalistic foundation is the so-called “horoscope.” The horoscope or 8 Abū Ma‘shar is Abū Ma‘shar al-Balkhī (805-886) who was one of the most important Arab era astrologers, known in Latin as Albumasar. (Latin strologers tended to convert names beginning with ‘A’ to ‘Al’ confusing the initial ‘A’ with the Arabic article ‘al’.) For his role in influencing western philosophy see Richard Lemay, Abu Ma‘shar and Latin Aristotelianism in the Twelfth Century: The Recovery of Aristotle's Natural Philosophy through Arabic Astrology (Beirut: American University, 1962), hereafter cited as Lemay, Abu Ma‘shar. 9 See Wayne Shumaker, editor and translator, John Dee on Astronomy = Propaedeumata Aphoristica (1558 and 1568) (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978). 10 This tradition can be traced from Plotinus’ Neoplatonism, through to al-Kindī’s De radiis, to Roger Bacon’ Opus maius, and finally to Dee. A quick comparison between the opening theorems of the Propaedeumata and A;Kindī’s De radiis make the connection clear. See Wayne Shumaker, op. cit. Al-Kindī’s is the most completely worked out philosophical discussion of this tradition. Dee’s is the only attempt at an application in astrology. See Al-Kindī “De Radiis,” Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du moyen âge (1974): 215-259. For Bacon see David C. Lindberg, “Roger Bacon on Light, Vision, and the Universal Emanation of Force,” in Roger Bacon and the Sciences: Commemorative Essays, edited by Jeremiah Hackett, 243-276 (Leiden: Brill, 1997). 30 astrological chart is erected for the time, date and place of an event, and from this the astrologer attempts to make judgements. While the astrological chart is commonly referred to as a horoscope, especially in modern times, technically the word ‘horoscope’ refers to the rising degree (or other points in the zodiac as well) which is to be used as a starting point for the definition of astrological houses or places11 within the astrological chart, not the chart as a whole. In earlier as well as in later astrology the chart as a whole was called the theme,12 figure (for any kind of chart), or a genesis13 (for a nativity). However, while the astrological chart should not properly be called a ‘horoscope’ because the use of the chart or theme is based on the horoscope (rising degree or other point), any astrology that employs charts with such points can properly be referred to as some kind of “horoscopic astrology.” For most of the history of astrology, it has been horoscopic. The only time that astrology was completely without horoscopic charts appears to have been in the earlier phases of development in Mesopotamia. We do not have any indications of nativities with the rising degrees or signs indicated until the Hellenistic era and none in cuneiform.14 Unfortunately for those who wish a clear distinction between natural and judicial astrology, 11 “Place” (latin locus, Greek topos τόπος) is the older term. “House” has multiple meanings in astrology and is used in a confused manner even in medieval texts. See the entry HOUSE in the Glossary in the appendices. 12 From the O.E.D. “The disposition of the heavenly bodies at a particular time, as at the moment of a person's birth.” It is derived from the Greek θέμα via the Latin thema, from a verb meaning to “to put, set, place, lay down.” 13 From the O.E.D., “Astrol. Nativity, horoscope. Obs.” Derived from the Greek γένεσις meaning “origin, creation, generation.” 14 See Francesca Rochberg, Babylonian Horoscopes Transactions of American Philosophical Society (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1998), 51. This work supercedes the earlier work by A. Sachs, “Babylonian Horoscopes”, Journal of Cuneiform Studies vol. 6, no. 2 (1952): 49-75. The earliest surviving natal chart in cuneiform dates to Jan. 12/13, 410 BCE. Neither this chart nor any of the others has a computed rising sign or degree. The chart gives only the positions of the planets in the signs. The true horoscopic chart does not appear to have come into existence at that time. The earliest surviving Hellenistic chart with a computed rising sign dates to 10 BCE although there is reason to believe that the practice of computing truly horoscopic charts precedes that date. See O. Neugebauer and H.B. van Hoesen, Greek Horoscopes (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1959), 10. 31 one cannot make the use or non-use of what I will call ‘astrological themes’ or ‘charts’ (rather than ‘horoscopes’) the basis of the distinction between natural and judicial astrology, at least not historically. Versluis’ description quoted above with the distinction between the two types does not hold. Horoscopic charts were, for example, employed in medical astrology and weather forecasting.15 Others, along with Tester, have considered the application of astrology to be the distinguishing feature between natural and judicial astrology. According to him natural astrology is employed in medicine, meteorology, alchemy, and some would argue making forecasts of mass behavior, plagues and even commodity prices. So as Sheila Rabin points out “there was no fixed line of demarcation.”16 Nicholas Campion suggests that this distinction within astrology may have its earliest roots (at least as far as we can tell) in Cicero’s On Divination.17 Cicero places the following words in his brother’s mouth. For there are two classes of divining: of these one is based on art, the other on nature. Now then, what race or what nation is there which is not moved either by the predictions of soothsayers, by interpreters of prodigies and lightning, by augurs, by astrologers, or by casting lots (for these are for the most part based on art), or prediction by means of dreams, or inspired frenzies (for these two methods are deemed natural)? Regarding these classes of divining, I believe that it is necessary that one investigate the outcomes rather than the causes. For there is a certain power and nature which announces the future both through the 15 In the case of medical astrology we have a specialized kind of chart based on the patient’s taking to his bed. There are many texts on this subject. Two from times after Bonatti but quite traditional in their methods are Luca Gauricus, Super diebus decretoris (Rome, 1546), and Nicholas Culpeper, The Astrological Judgment of Diseases from the Decumbiture of the Sick (London: Nathaniel Brookes, 1655). For the use of astrological charts in weather forecasting see Bonatti, Liber astronomiae, Tractatus X. For a modern discussion of medieval astrology used in weather forecasting see Bos and Burnett, Scientific Weather Forecasting. 16 Sheila Rabin, “Pico on Magic and Astrology,” in Pico della Mirandola: New Essays, edited by M. V. Dougherty (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 154. 17 See volume 1 of Campion’s two volume history, Nicholas Campion, The Dawn of Astrology, a Cultural History of Western Astrology: The Ancient and Classical Worlds (London: Continuum Books, 2008), 186-7. Also see an interview with Dr. Campion in which he makes the same point a bit more clearly in Garry Phillipson, Astrology in the Year Zero, (London: Flare Publications, 2000), 115-6. 32 observation of significations over a long period of time and through some divine impulse and inspiration.18 Here the demarcation derives from the difference between a constant but passive observation of phenomena which are potential omens (natural divination), and divination that requires some kind of action on the part of the observer (divination by “art”). Horoscopic astrology falls into the latter category, although one could argue that it would only fall into this category if the time of the event is chosen at will as opposed to merely recorded and analyzed. As we shall see below in some detail, charts of events whose times are not deliberately chosen, births, incidents, accidents, etc., beginnings of seasons, new moons, and other astronomical events, are not the result of deliberate choice but occur in the natural course of events. Therefore, even these could be regarded as ‘natural’ divinations. However, charts erected for the asking of questions, or for events whose times are deliberately chosen, would unambiguously qualify as divination by art. Again we have a criterion which establishes a distinction not entirely in accord with the distinctions employed by medieval authors as they appear in their writings. On the other hand, if one were to regard the nature and kind of observation required for the divinatory event as criteria, one would have another way of demarcating the two classes of divination. A spontaneous portent, dream, or divine frenzy does not require a technique for analysis.19 Casting an astrological chart, analyzing flashes of lightning or the flight of birds, to say nothing of examining the entrails of animals, require specific methods or criteria of art. 18 Duo sunt enim divinandi genera, quorum alterum artis est, alterum naturae. Quae est autem gens aut quae civitas quae non aut extispicum aut monstra aut fulgora interpretantium, aut augurum, aut astrologorum, aut sortium (ea enim fere artis sunt), aut somniorum aut vatìcinationum (haec enim duo naturalia putantur) praedictione moveatur? Quarum quidem rerum eventa magis arbitror quam causas quaeri oportere. Est enim vis et natura quaedam, quae tum observatis longo tempore significationibus, tum aliquo instinctu inflatuque divino futura praenuntiat. – Cicero, On Old Age. On Friendship. On Divination, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1923), 234-6. 19 This is τέχνη or technē in Greek being the equivalent of ars or ‘art’ in Latin. 33 These definitely would qualify as divination by art. According to these criteria there could be no such thing as a natural astrology since the qualities of the planets, signs and their relationships do not simply announce themselves to observers. If they did, there would never have been a debate about the reality of astrological “influences.” In any case the demarcation of the two categories is still not clear. Continuing on, the author most commonly cited as the source of the distinction between natural and judicial astrology (he certainly did write clearly about it) was Isidore of Seville.20 In book III of the Etymologies we have the following in chapter xvii: Concerning the Differentiation of Astronomy and Astrology. Now between astronomy and astrology there is something of a difference. For astronomy is comprised of the revolution of heaven, the risings, settings, and motions of the stars, and from what cause they may be so drawn. Astrology, however, is partly natural and partly superstitious. It is called natural when it follows the courses of the Sun and Moon or the fixed stations of the times of the stars.21 But that <kind of> astrology is called superstitious which the mathematici22 pursue, those who make auguries in the stars and those who even dispose the individual portions of the soul or body according to the twelve signs of heaven, and attempt to predict the nativities and character of human beings by the course of the stars.23 Here the “superstitious” part of astrology is the part more commonly referred to later on as the “judicial” part while that which distinguishes the “natural” part of astrology from astronomy is not at all clear. In chapter X of the Didascalicon of Hugh of St. Victor we see a similar distinction but with him we see some of what was thought of as the “natural” part of astrology 20 Although he did not use the word ‘judicial.’ stellarum certas temporum stationes. It is not quite certain what this phrase means. It could be a reference to the times when the planets appear to stop moving from the point of the earth (stationes). 22 Literally ‘mathematicians’ but often used, and here clearly so, to designate ‘astrologers’. 23 De Differentia Astronomiae et Astrologiae. – Inter Astronomiam autem et Astrologiam aliquid differt. Nam Astronomia caeli conversionem, ortus, obitus, motusque siderum continet, vel qua ex causa ita vocentur. Astrologia vero partim naturalis, partim superstitiosa est. Naturalis, dum exequitur solis et lunae cursus, vel stellarum certas temporum stationes. Superstitiosa vero est illa quam mathematici sequuntur, qui in stellis auguriantur, quique etiam duodecim caeli signa per singula animae vel corporis membra disponunt, siderumque cursu nativitates hominum et mores praedicare conantur. Isidore of Seville, Etymologiarum Sive Originum Libri XX, ed. W. M. Lindsay (London: Clarendon Press, 1911), Liber III, chapter xvii, 6-16, hereafter Isidore, Etymologiarum, ed. Lindsay. 21 34 classified as astronomy. Astronomy and astrology seem to differ in this respect. Astronomy takes its name from the ‘law’ of the stars, while astrology is so designated as if it were speech discoursing from the stars. For ‘nomia’ is translated as ‘law’ and ‘logos’ as ‘speech’. Thus astronomy is seen to be that which discourses of the law of stars and revolution of the heavens, its regions, circles, the courses, risings and settings of the stars and which investigates why each of them is so called. However, astrology is seen to be that which considers the stars according to the observance of birth, death, or any other event whatsoever. Astrology is partly natural and partly superstitious. It is natural in regard to the complexion of bodies, which are varied according to the tempering of superior bodies, such as in health and illness, storms and calm, fertility and sterility. It is superstitious in regard to contingent events and in those matters which lie under free will. The mathematici deal with this part.24 One can see here that the distinction has more to do with licit and illicit forms of astrology than with ‘natural’ and ‘judicial’. So one could go on at length here but I believe that the point has been made: However much scholars and historians have made use of the distinction between natural and judicial astrology, it is a difficult distinction to define clearly and not very helpful in understanding the various categories of astrology as employed in the middle ages. It is not even, as we shall see, very useful in itself for distinguishing between the licit and illicit forms and applications of astrology. Five Topic Areas and Types of Writings in Medieval Astrology. A more sound method of categorization of the kinds of astrology derives from the actual structure of the subject as it was presented in the texts of the time. It consists of a division of 24 De astronomia – Astronomia et astrologia in hoc differre videntur, quod astronomia de lege astrorum nomen sumpsit, astrologia autem dicta est quasi sermo de astris disserens. nomia enim lex et logos sermo interpretatur. ita astronomia videtur esse quae de lege astrorum et conversione caeli disserit, regiones, circulos, cursus, ortus et occasus siderum, et cur unumquodque ita vocetur, investigans. astrologia autem quae astra considerat secundum nativitatis et mortis et quorumlibet aliorum eventuum observantiam, quae partim naturalis est, partim superstitiosa; naturalis in complexionibus corporum, quae secundum superiorum contemperantiam variantur, ut sanitas, aegritudo, tempestas, serenitas, fertilitas et sterilitas; superstitiosa, in contingentibus et his quae libero arbitrio subiacent, quam partem mathematici tractant. – Downloaded from http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/hugo/hugo2.html [Jan. 27, 2012.] 35 medieval astrology into four main areas; these are interrogations, electional and inceptional astrology (also known as katarchic astrology), revolutions, and natal or genethliacal astrology.25 Keith Thomas in his work Religion and the Decline of Magic, describes these four categories as “general predictions” which “indicated the state of society as a whole,” “nativities,” which are also required to do “elections,” and finally “horary questions.”26 These correspond in the list above to revolutions, natal astrology, and electional or inceptional astrology, and interrogations,27 respectively. However, a more careful examination of the original texts reveals a fifth type which is both separate from, and the foundation of, the other four. Without it the other four divisions have no basis. I suggest this because writings of this type have been mis-classified. J.D. North makes the error of referring to the introductory textbook of Al Qabisi or Alcabitius28 (d. 967 CE) as “primarily a book of genethlialogy,”29 that is, a book on nativities. His textbook is not that; it is an introduction to the entire syntax, grammar, and basic methodology of medieval astrology which is foundational to the other four branches of astrology. It is, as it was called in one of its Latin editions after the Greek, an Isagoge30 or an Introductorium after the greatest and most extensive of these, that of Abu Ma‘shar, the Introductorium in astronomiam.31 I will use the term 25 These are in no particular order as this varies with both historians and original sources. Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971), 287. 27 The term that Thomas uses for interrogations, “horary astrology,” is actually more commonly used in early modern and modern astrology in the English language than the term “interrogations.” The earlier Latin sources used interrogationes. 28 Al-Qabisi, Warburg ed. Al-Qabisi will be consistently referred to in this work as Alcabitius, one form of his Latin name. 29 John David North, Chaucer’s Universe (New York: Oxford University Press,, 1988), 194. 30 Al-Qabisi (Alcabitius), Alcabitii ad magisterium iudiciorum astrorum isagoge: Commentario Ioannis Saxonii Declarate (Paris:1521). 31 As designated in the edition of Erhard Ratdolt, Augsburg, 1489 which is an edition of the Hermann of Karinthia translation into Latin from Arabic. Abu Ma‘shar, Introductorium in astronomiam Albumasaris Abalachi octo continens libros partiales, translated by Hermann of Karinthia (Augsburg: Erhart Ratdolt, 1489). 26 36 introductorium for this type of text in the remainder of this work. The Speculum Astronomiae. The Speculum Astronomiae, long attributed to Albertus Magnus (1193 or 1206 – 1280 CE), provides a clear description of the five divisions of medieval astrology.32 Like Ptolemy in the beginning of the Tetrabiblos, the Speculum begins by dividing the subject of astronomia (which includes both astrology and astronomy) into two parts. The author begins in chapter 1: There are two great wisdoms and each is called by the name ‘astronomy.’ Of these two the first is subsumed in the knowledge of the configuration of the first heaven and the quality of its motions about the poles of the equator of the day and of the heavens which are placed under it33… This and the description that follows in chapter 2 introduce the subject of what moderns (and Isidore) would call astronomy. In the third chapter the Speculum continues; “The second great wisdom which is likewise called astronomy is the knowledge of the judgments of the stars, This is the link which ties together philosophy and metaphysics.”34 Note that the Speculum follows the common medieval practice using astronomia for both astrology and astronomy and does not follow Isidore’s distinction. Astrologia was also used for both practices. In making this first division of astronomia the Speculum closely follows the beginning of Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos which begins as follows: 32 For the Latin text and English translation see Paolo Zambelli, The Speculum Astronomiae and Its Enigma (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1992). Albertus’ authorship was originally disputed by Pierre Mandonnet in “Roger Bacon et le Speculum Astronomiae (1277),” Revue neoscolastique de philosophie 17 (1910): 313- 335. Here he argued that Albertus was not the author of this work, but more recently Zambelli, Lynn Thorndike and others have argued the case strongly for Albertus. More recently again the issue has been raised by Agostino Paravicini Bagliani in Le Speculum Astronomiae, une énigme? Enquête sur les manuscrits, (Turnhout, 2001), and Bruno Roy, “Richard de Fournival, auteur du Speculum astronomiae?” Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du moyen âge. 67 (2000), 159-180. The thesis of the latter paper is based on a comparison between the Richard’s Biblionomia and the Speculum Astronomiae. My thanks to David Juste of the University of Sydney for these references. 33 Duae sunt magnae sapientiae et utraque nomine astronomiae censetur. Quarum prima est in scientia figurae caeli primi et qualitate motus eius super polos aequatoris diei et caelorum sub eo positorum… Zambelli, 208. 34 Secunda magna sapientia, quae similiter astronomia dicitur, est scientia iudiciorum astrorum, quae est ligamentum naturalis philosophiae et metaphysicae. Ibid. 218-9. 37 Of the means of prediction through astronomy, O Syrus, two are the most important and valid. One, which is first both in order and in effectiveness, is that whereby we apprehend the aspects of the movements of sun, moon, and stars in relation to each other and to the earth, as they occur from time to time; the second is that in which by means of the natural character of these aspects themselves we investigate the changes which they bring about in that which they surround.35 While the word ‘judgements’ (iudicia) is used, this does not necessarily mean judicial astrology as we have seen it defined above. In chapter 4 the Speculum continues… This science, therefore, is divided into two parts. The first is introductory and gives discourse on principles of judgements. But the second division is fulfilled in the exercise of judging itself. This second division is also divided again into four parts. The first part is about revolutions, the second about nativities, the third about interrogations and the fourth is about the selection of laudable times [elections]. To this last part is annexed that part which is about images concerning which it has been said “the culmination of astronomy is the science of images.”36 But with this part are associated the cursed books of necromancers on images, illusions, characters, rings, sigils. This is because the necromancers borrow certain astronomical observations for the sake of simulations in order to make themselves somewhat deserving of belief. I shall disclose their poisons in what follows by the will of God, but now I will return to the introductory portion <of astronomy> and the other parts in order accordingly as I have promised.37 The “introductory” part is the introductorium as defined previously. The following table shows the Speculum’s arrangement of topics under astronomia. 35 Ptolemy, Robbins trans., 5. sublimitas astronomiae est imaginum scientia. The original passage is from the Latin translation of De Imaginibus, where it is written “sublimitas autem et altitudo astronomie est imaginum scientia.” See Francis J. Carmody, The Astronomical Works of Thabit B. Qurra (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1960), 180. 37 Dividitur itaque ista scientia in duas partes. Prima est introductoria et versatur circa principia iudiciorum. Secunda vero expletur in exercitio iudicandi, et haec iterum divisa est in quatuor partes. Prima est de revolutionibus. Secunda de nativitatibus. Tertia de interrogationibus. Quarta de electionibus horarum laudabilium, cui parti supponitur pars illa quae est de imaginibus, de qua dictum est: «sublimitas astronomiae est imaginum scientia». Sed isti parti associantur illi libri maledicti necromantici, de imaginibus, praestigiis et characteribus, annulis et sigillis eo quod simulationis gratia sibi mutuant quasdam observationes astronomicas, ut sic se reddant aliquatenus fide dignos; quorum venenum in sequentibus patefaciam nutu Dei, sed nunc revertar ad partem introductoriam et caeteras per ordinem, secundum quod promisi. Ibid., 222. 36 38 Astronomia as a Whole +))))))))))))))))))))))))2))))))))))))))))))))), Astronomy (modern definition) Astrology (modern definition) +)))))))))))))))))))))2)), Introductorium The Exercise of Judgments +))))))))))0))))))))))0))))2)))), Revolutions Nativities Interrogations Elections The italicized headings are our five divisions with the introductorium above the other four divisions because they are all dependent upon it. This classifying and dividing of the subject matter of astronomia/astrologia is not peculiar to this work. It is found in at least two other sources in nearly identical form. The first source is Peter of Abano’s Conciliator differentiarum philosophorum et precipue medicorum, Differentia X. In this differentia Peter discusses the necessity of the knowledge and usage of astrology for properly trained physicians. After stating that astronomia and astrologia are simply two words for the same subject he introduces exactly the same divisions that I have described above in connection with the Speculum. [There is] the one [side] which is called the science of the quantities of figures, of the ordering and of the movements of celestial bodies, or the science of the whole, and this through its first differentiae. However through its second differentiae, as for example in the effects of these movements and so forth, is touched a second part which is called the science of judgements. This part is [also] twofold, one is called introductory to judgements, and the other practical. This [second] is again divided into four parts. Of these one is about revolutions, a second about nativities and their revolutions, a third about interrogations, [and] a fourth about elections, to which division is also subjoined the science of images. Moreover, the part concerning revolutions has three [further] divisions of which one is about the onehundred and twenty conjunctions, a second about the revolution of the year considered according to the entry of the Sun into the beginning of Aries, or the conjunction or opposition of the Sun [with the Moon] taken preceding, but the third division [is] about the changes of the seasons, of the weather and [things] of this kind, as I have shown in the first 39 differentia of the Lucidator.38 The only difference between the Conciliator and the Speculum is that the Conciliator mentions three subdivisions within the study of revolutions. This will be mentioned below in the discussion of revolutiones annorum mundi. Basically this same “taxonomy” of astronomy and astrology is also to be found in Nicole39 Oresme’s (c. 1320–5 – 1382) Livre de divinacions.40 One is astrology which, it seems to me also has six main parts. The first principally determines the movements, signs, and measurements of celestial bodies through which with tables one can know the constellations, future eclipses and similar things. The second part is about the qualities, influences and natural powers of the stars, signs, degrees, the signs of heaven and such things; when a star in one part of the signs of heaven signifies, or has the virtue of changing heat to cold, dryness to moisture, and also other natural effects. And this part is introductory41 to getting to judgments.42 The third part is about the revolutions of the stars and the conjunctions of the planets and it is applied to three kinds of judgments. First, it is to know by means of the great conjunctions the great events of the world, when there are plagues, great mortality, famines, floods, great wars, changes of dynasties, the appearance of prophets, new sects, and changes of this kind. Second, it is to know the quality of the air, changes of the weather from hot to cold, from dry to moist, about winds, storms and other changes of this kind. Third is to have judgment of the humors of the human body and matters such as the taking of medicine or the like. The fourth part is about nativities, to make judgments mainly about a man’s fortune by 38 …una quidem que scientia dicitur quantitum figurarum, ordinationis et motuum corporum, vel scientia totius, et hoc per eius primas differentias. Per secundas vero ut in suis effectibus et reliqua tangitur altera pars que dicitur scientia iudiciorum. Que duplex existit, una quidem introductiva ad iudicia, altera exercitativa appellatur. Que et iterum in quattuor separatur partes, quarum una est de revolutionibus, secunda de nativitatibus et earum revolutionibus, tertia de interrogationibus, quarta de electionibus, cui et imaginum supponitur scientiam. Que autem de revolutionibus tres habet partes, quarum una est de .120. coniunctionibus, alia de revolutione anni secundum introitum solis in caput arietis considerata vel ex coniunctione seu oppositione solis precedente accepta, tertia vero de mutatione temporum et pluviarum et huius, ceu Lucidatoris differentia monstravi prima. — I have used two editions of this work as follows: Peter D’Abano, Conciliator differentiarum philosophorum et precipue medicorum (Venice, 1496) and (Venice, 1520), fol.14r in both editions. 39 Nicole is the form of his first name in modern editions of his work, not Nicolas, although Nicolas is listed as a variant. 40 Nicole Oresme, Nicole Oresme and the Astrologers: a Study of His Livre de divinacions, translated by G. W. Coopland (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1952), hereafter Nicole Oresme, ed. Coopland. Oresme’s French is given here exactly as it appears in Coopland’s edition without accents. No attempt has been made to modernize the language. 41 The introductorium. 42 The French jugement is often used in astrology to mean something more like ‘prediction’ than ‘judgement’. 40 means of the constellations and configuration of his nativity. The fifth part is about interrogations, to make a judgment and give a response regarding a question by means of the constellation or <state of> heaven at the time of the question. The sixth part is about elections for choosing the time to commence a journey or a task. Under this division is contained that material which teaches the making of images, characters,43 rings, and similar matters.44 Oresme’s material is even presented in the same order as in the Speculum, although not quite in the same order as in the Conciliator. However, as much like the other two as Oresme’s classification may be, Oresme does have rather different opinions about the merits of the subject matter. The Speculum has a rather accepting attitude toward astrology (aside from magical applications), and Peter of Abano45 has an extremely accepting attitude, while Oresme has little patience with any of it except the portion that we would now call astronomy. All medieval textbooks of astrology, whether introductory or encyclopedic,46 either consist of an introductorium alone, or contain an introductorium early in the text with the remaining four topic areas contained in the rest, not always neatly divided. So in the end we have five basic kinds of text, 1) the Introductorium, 2) Interrogations, 3) Elections or Inceptions, 4) Revolutions, 43 The French is carettes which Coopland suspects means magical ‘characters’. This is supported by the Latin passage from the Speculum where there is reference to characters at exactly the corresponding place. 44 L’une est astrologie, lesquelle, ce me samble, a aussi comme six principales parties. La premier determine principalement des mouvemens, des signes, et des mesures des corps du ciel, par laquelle avec les tables on puet savoir les constellacions et les eclipses avenir et samblables choses. La second est des qualitez, des influences et des puissances naturelles des estoilles, des signes, des degrez, des signes du ciel, et de telles choses; comme une estoille en une partie du ciel signifie ou a vertu de causer chault ou froit, sec ou moiste; et aussi des effects naturels. Et ceste partie est introductoire pour descendre aux jugmens. La tierce est des revolucions des astres et des conjonctions des planetes, et est appliquee a trois manieres de jugemens. Premierement, a savoir par les grans conjoncions les grans avantures du monde, comme sont pestilences, mortalitez, famines, deluges, grans guerres, mutacions de royaulmes, apparicions de prophetes, sectes nouvelles, et telles mutacions. Secondement, a savoir la qualite de l’air, les mutacions du temps du chault en froit, de sec en moiste, des vens, des tempestes, et de telles mouvemens de choses. Tiercement, a jugier des humeurs des corps humains et des choses comme de prandre medicine ou de choses samblables. La quarte partie est de nativitez, a jugier principalment de la fortune de un homme par la constellacion et figure de sa nativite. La quinte est de interrogacions a jugier et respondre d’une question par la constellacion qui est ou ciel en l’eure de la demande. La sixte est de elections pour eslire heure de commencier un voyage ou une besongne, et soubz ceste partie est contenue celle qui enseigne a faire ymages, carettes, aneaux, et telx choses. – Nicole Oresme, ed. Coopland, 52-54. 45 He was in fact one of the leading figures in the astrology of his age. 46 See Chap. 1, for the meaning of the term ‘encyclopedic’ as applied to astrological texts, p. 5. 41 and 5) Nativities. Let us now look at each 42of these in turn briefly. The Introductorium — The best way to describe the introductorium is to examine one of the most basic of these, the introductory text of Abu Ma‘shar known in Latin as the Ysagoga Minor and known in a modern edition as The Abbreviation of the Introduction to Astrology.47 So I quote the summary of the contents of the seven chapters from the Abbreviation to exemplify the basic structure of an introductorium: This is the book of the abbreviation of the introduction, and it is of seven chapters. The first chapter, on the natures of the signs, their conditions and their significations. The second chapter, on the conditions of the planets in themselves, the size of their bodies, and their conditions in relation to the Sun. The third chapter, on the twenty-five conditions of the planets. The fourth chapter, on the good fortune of the planets, their power, their weakness and their misfortune, the corruption of the Moon, and the knowledge of their dodecatemoria.48 The fifth chapter, on the natures of the seven planets, the characteristic of their significations over existent things, and the Lords of the days and the hours. The sixth chapter, on a summary of the description of the lots. The seventh chapter, on the knowledge of the years of the fardarat49 of the planets, the different arrangements of their years, and the terms50 of the Egyptians.51 It should be noted here that in Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos, Book I performs the function of an introductorium, although it has much less detail than the introductorium described here. Regarding each of these sections it is not necessary that we go into the technicalities of exactly what is meant by the “natures of the signs, their conditions, and their significations”; it is only necessary to understand that the first chapter deals with the signs of the zodiac in and of themselves, while the second chapter does much the same for the planets and their phase 47 Abu Ma‘shar, Abbreviation. Known in Latin as the Ysagoga Minor, it was written after Abu Ma‘shar’s more extensive introductorium often referred to as the Greater Introduction or Introductorium in astronomiam as referred to above. The shorter work differs from the longer in leaving out philosophical discussions and commentary contained in the longer work, but as an introductorium it is typical. 48 See Glossary under DODECATEMORION. 49 See Glossary under FIRDARIA. Also see the last portion of Chap. 4, pp. 115 to 128. 50 See Glossary under ESSENTIAL DIGNITY. 51 Abu Ma‘shar, Abbreviation, 13. 42 relationships with the Sun. The third chapter is rather more technical than the first two describing various relationships that the planets can have with each other and the ways in which such relationships change, plus the significations of the particular kinds of changes. The fourth chapter discusses various factors of placement within the chart that strengthen or weaken the planetary virtues and make them more or less capable of producing a result. The fifth chapter deals with the various qualities and significations of the planets plus their “rulership” over the hours and days of the week. The sixth chapter deals with the astrological lots, often referred to as “Arabic Parts” in later astrological literature. These are synthetic points typically created by taking the arc between two planets, or other points in the chart, and adding that arc to the degree of the zodiac rising in the east, the “horoscope” or ascendant.52 Finally, the seventh chapter deals with an assortment of related issues having to do with the rulership of planets over periods of years, a set of techniques most of which are found in Greek astrology, plus the planetary timelord system derived from Persian astrology and known as fardar noted above.53 These came into Latin astrology as well but were not used as extensively as in Greek and Arabic astrology. By the early modern period the principles behind these time-lord methods had ceased to be highly regarded and the techniques fell out of use. Finally, one can find all of the normal introductorium material in Bonatti, mostly in Tractates II and III with the remainder of the material scattered throughout the Book. When one contemplates the material even in an introductory text such as this one above from Abu Ma‘shar, it is obvious that the potential scope of applications for medieval astrology was huge. When one looks more closely at some of the lists given in introductoria, that initial 52 53 See LOT in the Glossary. See Chap. 4, pp. 115 to 128 and the Glossary under FIRDARIA. 43 impression is very much heightened. The following is a table derived from Al-Biruni54 in an introductorium known as The Book of Instruction in the Elements of the Art of Astrology,55 a typical example of an introductorium. It gives a list of items in various categories signified by the sign Aries. The list is derived from several separate tables for Aries. The headings and descriptions are verbatim from Wright’s translation. Aries Indications of Signs as to Morals and Manners – Laughing and talkative, kingly and haughty, fond of poetry, sharp-tongued, lustful, brave. As to Figure and Face – Medium height, thin, short-sighted, glance upcast, eyes dark, or gray, or dark gray, nose and ears large, ugly mouth, hair, curly and reddish. Colours, Classes, and Artisans – White and reddish. Reddish white. Kings, bankers, coiners, blacksmiths, coppersmiths, butchers, shepherds, spies and thieves. As to Cities and Territories – Babylon, Fars, Palestine, Adharbaijan, Alan. As to Places – Deserts, pasturing places for beasts of burden. Wood-sheds, places where fire is used, thieves’ dens, places where jewelry is manufactured. Trees and Crops. Water, Wind and Fire, Jewels and Furniture – [No “trees and crops” indicated for Aries] Fire is used. Copper, iron, lead; helmets, diadems, crowns and girdles. Sickness and Disease – At first very strong, afterwards weak and liable to disorders, especially in the head such as baldness, blood to the face, rashes, lepra and scab, limbs worn out, phlegmatic, sweet-smelling. As to Various Animals – All hoofed animals, wild and domestic such as goats and sheep; also rams and deer.56 The other eleven signs also have the same kinds of tabulations as do all of the planets. Similar lists and tabulations are found in many of the other more comprehensive introductoria from the Arabic period 57 through to the modern period. While they differ somewhat in content, the scope 54 Abū al-Rayhān Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Bīrūnī (973-1048). Al-Biruni, The Book of Instruction in the Elements of the Art of Astrology, trans. R. Ramsey Wright (London: Luzac and Co., 1934), hereafter Al-Biruni, Book of Instruction. It contains the Arabic with an English translation. This work was never translated into Latin. It is, however, typical of longer introductoria. 56 Al-biruni, trans. Wright, 217-224 57 The Arabic period in the history of astrology begins with the earliest works written in Arabic in the eighth century through to the twelfth century. Although there were Arabic texts on astrology written after that time through to the modern period, nothing after the twelfth century had any impact on Latin astrology. Works written during this 55 44 of the significations is always on this level of detail. Interestingly the variations in these lists of significations suggest that this was an area where individual authors, both early and late, felt free to “correct” their colleagues and predecessors.58 Such is the form of text designated both here and in the actual literature as the Introductorium. Interrogations — When we turn to our second division of the five, interrogations, we really begin to see just how extensive the range of applications medieval astrology could be. It should be noted here that this very important part of the medieval astrological canon is not covered at all by Ptolemy. The principle of this branch of astrology is that an astrologer can erect a chart for the moment in which a client (known in Latin astrology as the querens or interrogator, or in English, the ‘querent’) asks a question, or for the moment in which the astrologer receives written notice of such a question. The question, it was believed and is believed by modern astrologers as well,59 can be answered by examining the chart of the time of the inquiry as described above according to a complex set of rules.60 In the texts themselves, typical questions are presented according to the twelve houses of the chart.61 period are taken to include not only works written in Arabic but also Persian and Hebrew, as well as late Greek texts written after the Arab conquest of the seventh century. 58 See J. Lee Lehman, The Book of Rulerships: Keywords from Classical Astrology (West Chester, PA: Whitford Press, 1992). This is a compilation by a modern astrologer which cross-references the significations of the signs, planets and other astrological entities compiled from a number of early modern English sources which are in turn based on the medieval tradition. The material in this book shows both the variations and the similarities of this kind of material from author to author. 59 While interrogational astrology was not as popular after 1700 as before texts of varying complexity and detail continued to be written up the mid-twentieth century and from the 1980s on there was renewed interest in the subject based on the reprinting of seventeenth-century English texts on the subject most notably William Lilly, Christian Astrology Modestly Treated of in Three Books, first ed. (London, 1647) reprinted in facsimile in 1985 by the Regulus Press, London. Many new texts derived from medieval interrogational astrology are now in print. 60 For a modern work on the subject, which is more learned than most and strongly based on the medieval tradition, see Patricia Dunn, Horary Astrology Re-Examined (Bournemouth, UK: The Wessex Astrologer, Ltd., 2009). 61 For a discussion of ‘houses’ or ‘places’ in astrology see Appendix I. 45 Fig. 1 at the right gives the significations of the twelve houses in a form common in medieval and early modern manuscripts and editions. This particular one is from John Gadbury, The Doctrine of Nativities, 1658.62 While the diagram is from a late text, the material in it is completely in accordance with the earlier medieval tradition. As one can see, each house has several Fig. 1 – Significations of the Houses potential significations, and in the method of interrogations they can be combined in all possible combinations of houses taken two at a time multiplied by all of the possible significations of each house. The diagram presented here from Gadbury does not completely reflect the number of each house’s significations. More complete listings can be found in any of the introductoria. The result is that the number of possible questions that an interrogational chart could answer range into the hundreds and cover nearly every aspect of human life. Central to this dissertation is the use of interrogations to answer questions about warfare and military strategy. Interrogations are not a branch of astrology well-represented in Greek astrology. It has been a subject of debate among scholars as to whether interrogations were a part of Greek astrology at all. David Pingree contended that interrogations were unknown by Greeks and that the method of 62 John Gadbury, ΓΕΝΕΘΛΙΑΛΟΓΙΑ or The Doctrine of Nativities (London, 1658), 36. The image is from the author’s own copy. 46 interrogations came into the Arabic canon from Indian astrology in the middle ages.63 Others have questioned his position based largely on evidence that Pingree himself has presented. The opposing position is not yet represented in the journals but it is as follows.64 The only text from the Greek period that seems to have interrogations is the fifth book of Dorotheus of Sidon.65 The original Greek text was in verse and is generally dated to the first century C.E. Our problem is that this text as we have it is not as it was originally written. The Arabic translation that we have is from a Pahlavi (Middle Persian) translation of a Greek original. Somewhere in the process the text was heavily emended and edited until what we have today is a very rough paraphrase of the original with much new material. For example, there are references to Roman emperors that lived after the first century.66 There is a reference to the astrologer Vettius Valens who live in the second century C.E.67 There are charts that date to late antiquity, centuries after Dorotheus, and finally there are a number of interpolations referring to Islam. Pingree’s argument is that all of the references to interrogations were also later Islamic interpolations. The other side of this argument is represented by Dorian Gieseler Greenbaum who has worked closely with Charles Burnett of the Warburg Institute.68 She maintains that Pingree is incorrect because some of the passages relating to interrogations in the Arabic version are found in quotations of Dorotheus’ original Greek verse in Hephaistion’s Apotelesmatika.69 Based on my own investigation of Pingree’s assertion that “This branch of astrology 63 For Pingree’s position see Pingree, From Astral Omens, 21 and 35-36. My knowledge of this based on personal discussions with scholars in this area of concern as well as my own research. 65 Dorotheus, Pingree ed. , 262-322. See especially chapters 17, 29, 33, 34, and 35 of Book V. All page references are to the page numbers in Pingree’s English translation. 66 A reference to Diocletian, ibid., 237. 67 Ibid., 246, 265. 68 From personal communications. 69 See Hephaestio, Pingree ed. This edition of Hephaistion, from which Greenbaum derives her position, was edited by Pingree himself 64 47 [interrogations] was an Indian invention,” first to be found Sphujidhvaja’s Javanajataka70 written in the third or fourth centuries CE, I have to agree with Greenbaum that Pingree’s position does not seem plausible, but for a different reason. Anyone who is familiar with early Arab era interrogational astrology can see immediately that the passages in the Javanajataka, while they do refer to astrological interrogations, have no methodological similarity or affinity with the Arabic style of interrogational astrology, whereas there is considerable similarity between the material of the Arabic Dorotheus and later Arabic interrogational material.71 Electional and Inceptional Astrology — Elections and inceptions comprise katarchic astrology, the application of astrology to the analysis of beginnings.72 Unlike interrogational astrology, this type of astrology is well represented in pre-Arabic material, not only in texts such as Dorotheus, but also in surviving individual charts.73 It is also, like interrogations, not covered 70 71 See Yavanajataka, Pingree ed. Here is an example from Arabic Dorotheus and another Arabic source, Sahl Ibn Bishr. First Dorotheus: A chapter. If you want to know the matter of a theft that has been committed or something that has been lost, whether he will possess it [again] or not. …There were some of the ancient scientists who looked concerning the matter of theft from the four cardines, and if one of them was asked about a theft or something lost he would look concerning what was stolen or lost from the ascendent, and at the midheaven for the owner of the goods, who is the one from whom these goods were stolen and who is seeking them, and for the matter of the thief from [the sign] opposite the ascendent, and the shelter of the thieves [for] what they stole [and] where they put the goods from the cardine under the earth. – Dorotheus, Pingree ed., 296-298. Here is a passage from Sahl Ibn Bishr one of Bonatti’s sources in a recent English translation by James Holden. Whether or not the Querent will get back what was Stolen. If you have been asked about a robbery, whether or not the Querent will get back what [was stolen], put the ASC [ascendant] and its ruler and the Moon for the Querent, i.e. the one who has suffered the robbery, and the 7th and its ruler for the robber, and the MC [midheaven] for the things stolen; but the angle of the earth [imum coeli] for the place of the robbery. Sahl Ibn Bishr, The Introduction to the Science of the Judgments of the Stars, translated by James H. Holden (Tempe, AZ: American Federation of Astrologers, 2008) 74. 72 See below in the section on elections for additional discussion of this word. 73 For example see Pingree, “Political Horoscopes” 48 at all by Ptolemy. An election consists of choosing a time favorable for the beginning of an enterprise or for taking an action. An obvious application might be, for example, picking the time for the coronation of a ruler. An inceptional chart on the other hand is a chart erected for the moment that something happens or begins to happen without its having been chosen for astrological reasons. A chart may be erected for any kind of incident or event whatsoever, an earthquake, a weather event, or the outbreak of war. If one erects such a chart with the idea of examining the astrological indications and what possible indications they might have for the future, this is an inceptional chart. An electional chart is erected for a time chosen intentionally, whereas an inceptional chart is erected after the fact of an event that happened without the necessary intention to choose a particular moment.74 Since every election is also an inception, it can be argued that the elections are a subset of inceptions. In any case the methods are identical. Here again there are possible elections or inceptions that involve every one of the twelve houses and all of their significations in every possible combination of houses taken two (or more) at a time. Here again, therefore, we have a vast number of possible applications including military ones as we shall see. Many sources often lump interrogations together with elections and inceptions under the heading of katarchic astrology. This makes some sense in that the techniques of the two branches are similar. It also makes sense if we assume that book V of Dorotheus is completely authentic. In the chapters where the issue is the posing of a question, the choosing of a time is also mixed in without a clear sense that one is dealing with two different kinds of astrology. Here is a 74 A modern example might be to examine the chart of the moment of the launching of the Titanic to see what the chart might have to say about the fate of the ship. More recently astrologers have looked at the chart of the wedding of Prince William to Kate Middleton. See also the example just below of examining the chart of the actual moment of a theft to see what kind of person the thief was. 49 passage from Dorotheus from Book V in which the issue is again something stolen. Look, and if it is a time when goods are stolen or lost or gone astray or if you are asked about this when, [as for] the two luminaries, each one of them is aspecting its lord from trine,75 then it indicates that these goods will be recovered quickly without pain or trouble.76 Note that there are two possible ways of dealing with the lost goods. The first is to erect a chart for the moment of the theft which is then treated as an event or inceptional chart. The second is to ask a question about the matter which is an interrogation. This blurring of categories between interrogations and elections is found in every author on the subject of interrogations and elections that I am familiar with and must be understood. I bring this issue up again in Chapter 677 with several more examples of this in medieval astrology.78 However, the problem with this merger of the two categories, interrogations and elections, under the heading ‘katarchic’ is that the word (also spelled ‘catarchic’ in English) is derived from the Greek καταρχή (katarchē) which in fact means ‘beginning’. The chart which is erected in an interrogation represents no real event except the reception of a question; nothing begins, a moment is not chosen. In fact in medieval interrogations it was considered necessary that the querent not choose the moment. From Guido Bonatti we have the following statement: It seemed to the ancient sages … that the astrologer ought not to examine [a question] for himself in order that he may not be deceived regarding his own concerns, because it hardly ever fails to happen that he will be bothered by the state of the ascendant; Therefore it is necessary that he should ask another astrologer in the manner previously described.79 75 A trine occurs when two planets are roughly 120E apart. See ASPECT in the Glossary and Introduction to Medieval Astrology beginning on p. 360. 76 Dorotheus, Pingree ed., 296. 77 See Chap. 6, the section entitled, “The Relationship Between Interrogations and Elections,” on p. 170. 78 See also Chapter 7 and subsequent chapters. 79 Visum est sapientibus antiquis… quod astrologus non debet aspicere sibi ipsi ne forte decipiatur in re sua, quoniam vix fiet quin ipse habeat aliquem remorsum de ascendente. Unde oportet quod ipse interroget alium secundum modum predictum. – Bonatti, Radtdolt ed., fol. 106v. 50 The astrologer who asks a question on his own behalf first of all lacks the detachment to analyze objectively and, second, he is likely to know what the rising degree signifies at any given time and therefore he will not ask a question at a truly random time. In other words, he is likely to “elect” a moment for an interrogation. Therefore the astrologer (according to Bonatti) should obtain the services of another person who either asks a second astrologer on behalf of the first astrologer, who may then, if he chooses, look at the chart for himself, or, even better, have a second party ask the question of a second astrologer and have the second astrologer do the analysis. It is also important that the querent approach the question with solemnity and reverence, not moved by light or trivial causes. Again we have Bonatti. The second consideration is about the manner which anyone who desires to ask a question of an astrologer ought to observe. It is such that when he wishes to ask an astrologer about present, past, or future events, it is becoming that he observe this mode of asking, to wit, he ought to pray to the Lord God from whom every good makes its beginning and he should pray to God with complete devotion and a contrite spirit that He grant to the querent that he might come to the knowledge of the truth of those matters about which he intends to ask. Then he should go to the astrologer with this aspiration for the truth concerning that about which he wishes to ask and concerning which he proposes to ask. He should hold his intent about this question in his heart for a day and a night or more, and untouched by any change of mind (as many ignorant people sometimes are wont to do). In this manner He who has spoken, He who has granted that you may seek grace, will cause you to find the answer.80 An election, on the other hand, requires that something really happen at the elected moment. A king might be crowned, a business begun, a military engagement commenced, and so forth. An 80 Secunda consideratio est in modo quem debet servare quilibet qui vult aliquid querere ab astrologo. Et est ut cum ipse vult interrogare astrologum de presentibus aut preteritis seu futuris oportet eum hunc modum querendi servare videlicet quod ipse debet deprecari dominum deus a quo omne bonum ducit exordium et omni devotione et spiritu contrito ipsum exorare quod ipse concedat ei eum pervenire ad cognitionem veritatis eorum de quibus interrogare intendit. Deinde ad astrologum cum hac veritatis debet ire intentione de quo vult quesiturus et de quo interrogare proposuerit et cuius intentionem retinuerit in corde suo per diem et noctem vel plus non quolibet mentis motu tactus sicut aliquando plures imperiti facere consueverit, sicut alias dicitur, et sic qui dixit qui dedit ut gratias queras addet ut invenias. – Bonatti, Ratdolt ed., Tractatus 5, Second Consideration, fol.77r. 51 inceptional chart also is by definition a real event because something must have happened. Revolutions — Revolutions are periods of time begun and ended by a particular astronomical event which demarcates a cycle in which some planet or pair of planets have gone through all 360E of the possible angular relationships with the beginning of the zodiac (in the case of a single planet) or each other (in the case of two planets). For example, the period from one new moon to the next is a revolution; also, the day-night cycle,81 and the year are both examples of revolutions.82 The time between two successive conjunctions83 of any pair of planets with each other also constitutes a revolution. An especially important conjunctional cycle was the one between Jupiter and Saturn whose cycle lasts about 20 years from one conjunction to the next.84 There were two major applications of the technique of revolutions. The first application employed the type of planetary cycle just described. These were used to predict events associated with kingdoms, religions, commodity prices, weather,85 plagues, and other events 81 In the revolution of day and night, the Sun crosses the upper meridian of a place marking apparent noon, and then goes through a complete 360E cycle of angular relationships to the upper meridian of that place. 82 In the case of the year, at least in astrology, the year begins with the Sun apparently crossing the vernal point and then moving though a complete cycle of 360E with respect to that point until it returns again to it beginning the subsequent year; in other words, it is the cycle of the seasons. 83 As used here ‘conjunction’ means two planets coming to the same degree and minute of the zodiac. Technically this is a ‘bodily’ or ‘corporal’ conjunction. See Appendix I. 84 A further bit of explanation is warranted here. From the point of view of the earth all of the planets except for the Sun and the Moon will appear to stop their forward motion in the zodiac, turn around and go backwards (retrograde) for some time and then stop again and resume forward motion. If this happens while two planets are making a conjunction, then the conjunction will seem to occur not once but three times in quick succession. This happened in 1980 and 1981 with Jupiter and Saturn. From the point of view of the earth Jupiter and Saturn first appeared to be conjoined in longitude on Dec. 31, 1980 at 189° 29' or 9Ez 29' in astrological notation, then again on Mar. 4, 1981 at 198°06' or 18°z06', at which point both planets appeared to be going backward with respect the zodiac. They came together for a third time on July 24, 1981 at 194°56' or 14°z56' again moving forward. The time intervals between the first and second conjunctions, the second and third conjunctions and the first and third conjunctions of this time period do not constitute revolutions in the astrological sense because the angles of separation between Jupiter and Saturn did not go through a complete cycle of 360E. Rather they came together, separated a bit, came back together, separated again a bit, and then came together for the third and last time in one particular group of apparent conjunctions. However, nearly twenty years later Jupiter and Saturn came together again on May 28, 2000 at 52°43' or 22°s43'. Between this date and the dates and in 1980 and 81, Jupiter and Saturn had gone through all 360E of the cycle. The interval between 1980 and 200 comprised a complete revolution. 85 Also referred to in the Conciliator. 52 associated with populations rather than individuals.86 The other application of revolutions was to the charts of individuals based on the return of the Sun to the place in the zodiac where it was located at the individual’s birth which occurs on or about the birthday each year.87 These two different kinds of revolutionary astrology were called in Latin “revolutiones annorum mundi” or “revolutions of the years of the world,” as opposed to “revolutiones annorum nati” or “revolutions of the years of the native,” ‘native’ meaning the individual whose chart is to be analyzed.88 However, when the term ‘revolutions’ is used without qualification, it usually refers to historical, political and mass astrology rather than nativities. Both kinds of revolutions were applied in the matter of warfare although the revolutions of the years of the world were more important in this application. The first place where we clearly see revolutiones annorum mundi is in Book II of Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos.89 However, it needs to be stated that Ptolemy’s methods are much simpler than the medieval methods described in Arabic and Latin texts. Ptolemy’s methods are based on charts erected for new moons, full moons, eclipses, and the moment of the entry of the Sun into the sign of Aries the beginning of spring in the northern hemisphere often referred to as the vernal ingress. This is one of the subdivisions of “revolutions” mentioned in the Conciliator passage. The Arabic method of revolutions, however, adds to Ptolemy the method of the “Great Conjunctions” which revolve around the conjunctions (or “coming together”) of Jupiter and 86 Kennedy, Pingree, Burnett, et al. also have employed the term “historical astrology” because indeed, planetary cycles, especially of Jupiter and Saturn were used to “predict” history long in advance. See Kennedy and Pingree, Astrological History and the introductory material to Abu Ma‘shar, On Historical Astrology. For an example of a medieval historian who applied these techniques see Laura Ackerman Smoller, History, Prophecy, and the Stars: The Christian Astrology of Pierre D’ailly, 1350-1420 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994). 87 The calendar, whether Julian or Gregorian, does not perfectly match the Sun’s annual cycle of 365.2422 days. Therefore the moment of the solar revolution for each year may be one day on either side of the calendrical birthday. 88 This branch of the astrology of revolutions is considered to be part of the doctrine of Nativities (see below) as also indicated in the Conciliator passage 89 Ptolemy, Robbins trans., 117-219. 53 Saturn and the changes of these in the signs. It also includes lesser conjunctions such as those of Mars with Saturn, and Jupiter with Mars. This is the material referred to in the Conciliator as the “120 conjunctions.” None of this conjunctional material is to be found in Ptolemy.90 However, the medieval material involving vernal ingresses, new and full moons and eclipses of the Sun and Moon found in Book II of the Tetrabiblos are definitely the foundation of the medieval material. A Latin version of the text of Abu Ma‘shar, known in Latin as the Flores covering much the same material as Book II of Ptolemy, shows this. It begins: “It is necessary that you know the Lord of the Year. The knowledge of this matter is obtained according to the time of the entry of the Sun into the first minute of the sign of Aries.” 91 Since the method of the revolutions of the years of the world was designed to make predictions for the nation and government as well as the general population, it impinged on the application of astrology to military matters. This arises out of the fact that cities, nations, and peoples were assigned by ancient and medieval astrologers to the rulership of signs and planets. While we find this in book II of Ptolemy, it was not a doctrine peculiar to Ptolemy, although the various authors differed in their assignments.92 Because of this relationship of the signs and planets to nations, a king or leader whose kingdom was indicated by a planet or sign favorably situated in the annual chart for the beginning of the year might decide to make war upon a neighbor whose sign or planet was not so well placed. Finally the method of revolutions applied to the world, the revolutiones annorum mundi, was 90 See Chap. 1, n. 46 above regarding Abu Ma‘shar’s On Historical Astrology. This is the most important text on revolutions involving the conjunctions of the superior planets (Mars through Saturn). Very little of the material contained in this work is found in Ptolemy or any other Greek source for that matter. 91 “Oportet te primum scire dominum anni. Et scientia huius rei scitur hora introitus solis in primum minutum signi arietis.” – Abu Ma‘shar, Tractatus Albumasaris Florum Astrologie (Augsburg: Erhard Ratdolt, 1488), fol A2r. 92 As an example of another astrologer of the same period of Ptolemy assigning nations to signs we have Vettius Valens also in the second century C.E. For the Greek see Valens, Anthology, Pingree ed. 54 the least controversial part of astrology in the middle ages. The historian of medieval Florence, Giovanni Villani, who disapproved of most applications of astrology, demonstrates in his Cronica that he not only approved of this use of astrology but that he understood a good deal about it.93 In the seventeenth century, well into the period of the general decline of astrology, we have the following comment from William Ramesey in the dedicatory epistle to Book IV of his four books on astrology. I have reproduced his typography because of the manner in which it shows his emphasis.94 My Lord, this is the ASTROLOGIA MUNDA, the Pure Astrology, which the Patriarchs and the Antient Fathers studyed and contemplated; by which the Babylonians, Arabians, Syrians, Egyptians, Grecians, Persians and Lacedemonians ruled and became famous and glorious to the whole World, and therefore, (My Lord) as being the chief and most exquisite part of these my undertakings, I have placed it last, that so it might not be attempted by any that are unacquainted with the preceding Discourses, which serve but as it were Introductions hereunto…95 In the beginning of the first chapter of Book IV he adds the following: We shall desire the Studier and Well-willer to this most Heavenly and delectable Art seriously to consider and weigh the subsequent Rules, since this general part, and it only [italics mine] (as you have sufficiently heard) is to be accounted ASTROLOGIE in its purity without fallacy or abuse.96 Natal or Genethliacal Astrology — The application that is most commonly associated with astrology in the popular mind, the use of astrology to analyze and make predictions based on the charts of the births of individuals is called Natal or Genethliacal Astrology. It is the application of astrology covered the most fully by Ptolemy in Books III and IV.97 Such charts are known as 93 Giovanni Villani, Nuova Cronica, 2nd edition, vol. 3, ed. Giuseppe Porta (Parma: Fondazione Pietro Bembo, U. Guanda, 2007), 392-396. 94 Any emphasis I have added is noted. 95 William Ramesey, Astrologia Restaurata; or Astrologie Restored: Being an Introduction to the General and Chief Part of the Language of the Stars (London: Robert White, 1653), 209-10. 96 Ramesey, 213. 97 Here the medieval material is vastly more elaborate and detailed than Ptolemy even though Ptolemy is clearly the foundation. 55 nativities (nativitates in Latin). The methods used in nativities are more elaborate than those in the other branches of astrology and are often peculiar to nativities. For this reason it is appropriate that natal astrology be constituted as its own branch of astrology. However, that said, the chart of the birth of a human being is in fact an inception, a katarchē. Ptolemy in the second chapter of book III of the Tetrabiblos, refers to the birth of an individual by this very word. κα γρ εÆ τ¬ν μ¥ν •ρχ¬ν –ν τις εÇποι, τ¬ν δ¥ òσπερ καταρχ²ν… “For if one should call the one [conception] ‘source’ and the other [birth], as it were, ‘beginning’…”98 The underlined words in Greek are “source” and “beginning” respectively. However, if one judges only from the sheer quantity of space devoted to the several branches of medieval astrology in the middle ages, natal astrology was not the dominant form of astrology but neither was it a minor branch. Although documentary evidence is not clear, one suspects that the lack of accurate birth data was a factor in this.99 Interrogations do not require birth data. However, elections, on the other hand were said not to be as effective if the astrologer did not also take the birth chart of the one for whom the election was being performed. The following passage from Laurentius Bonincontrius raises the issue. “Elections succeed then, Ptolemy says, when they agree with the natal chart…”100 98 Ptolemy, Robbins trans., 224 (Greek), 255 (English). Complete birth data requires the time of day and place of birth as well as the date. 100 This comes from the Centiloquy. Verse 3 points in this direction and verse 7 is explicit. But see below for the authenticity of the Centiloquy. They are as follows: 99 III. Whosoever may be adapted to any particular event or pursuit, will assuredly, have the star indicative thereof very, potent in his nativity. VI. It is advantageous to make choice of days and hours at a time well constituted by the nativity. Should the time be adverse, the choice will in no respect avail, however favourable an issue it may chance to promise. Ptolemy, Ashmand trans., 153. The Centiloquy, or Karpos in Greek, was believed in the Middle Ages to have been written by Ptolemy. In modern times it is generally agreed that the work was actually written in Arabic, translated into Greek and from both the Arabic “original” and the Greek into Latin. See Francis J. Carmody, Arabic 56 “If the nativity is known, begin your works in that hour in which that sign ascends which rose in the nativity…”101 Nonetheless, elections were not entirely dependent on an accurate natal chart. A further indication that the availability of accurate birth times was an acknowledged problem is the fact that most of the texts on natal astrology begin with various techniques for verifying, correcting, or even “finding” birth times.102 As far as our interest in the military applications of astrology is concerned, natal astrology was obviously somewhat relevant for the simple reason that the likelihood of victory or defeat in battle would be shown, according to the canons of natal astrology, by predictive indications in the charts of the ruler, the commander, or other important persons involved in a battle. While we have few indications of natal charts in use in military astrology, we do know that the potential use of natal astrology to attack or subvert the rulership of a monarch was a major factor in the occasional prohibition of astrology during the Roman imperial period.103 The methods of medieval natal astrology were derived from a mixture of sources both Greek and Arabic. However, the organization of medieval natal astrology was strongly influenced by books three and four of Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos. The following table lists the topic headings in natal astrology from the Tetrabiblos104 on the left and from a sixteenth century work on Astronomical and Astrological Sciences in Latin Translation, 16. 101 Tunc electiones proficiunt, inquit Ptolemaeus, cum convenerint cum natali….Cognita nativitate, incipe opera tua ea hora, qua illud signum ascendendit. quod in nativitate ascendebat… – Laurentius Bonincontrius, Tractatus Electionum (Nuremberg: Iohannes Petreius, 1539), fol. m2r. This edition is bound in one volume with Johannes Schoener, Opusculum Astrologicum (Nuremberg: Iohannes Petreius, 1539). 102 For an example of this in a text on nativities see Johannes Schoener, De Iudiciis Nativitatum Libri Tres (Nuremberg: Ioannes Montanus and Ulrich Neuber, 1545), fols. Ar-A3v, hereafter refered to as Schoener, De iudiciis. 103 The best source for this material is Frederick Henry Cramer, Astrology in Roman Law and Politics (Philadelphia, PA: American Philosophical Society, 1954), passim, especially 99 and 111. 104 Ptolemy, Robbins trans. 57 nativities, Johannes Schoener’s De iudiciis nativitatum libri tres, on the right.105 Comparison of Topic Headings in Ptolemy and Schoener.106 Ptolemy Schoener 1. Of Parents 2. Of Brothers and Sisters 3. Of Males and Females 4. Of Twins 5. Of Monsters 6. Of Children that are not Reared 7. Of Length of Life 8. Of Bodily Form and Temperament 9. Of Bodily Injuries and Diseases 10. Of the Quality of the Soul 11. Of Diseases of the Soul 12. Of Material Fortune 13. Of the Fortune of Dignity 14. Of the Quality of Action 15. Of Marriage 16. Of Children 17. Of Friends and Enemies 18. Of Foreign Travel Parents Brothers and Sisters [This section subsumes Ptolemy’ topics 2, 3 and 4.] 19. Of the Quality of Death Those Who Have Not Grown [subsumes Ptolemy’s 5 and 6.] [Covered under the section below on Death] Form, Figure and Constitution of the Body Impediments & Infirmities of the Body of the Native Qualities of the Soul of the Native Impediments of the Soul Fortune and Wealth of the Native Honor and Dignity of the Native Native’s Magistery* and his Work Sexual Unions Children and Their Relationship Toward the Parents Natives’s Friends and Enemies Natives’s Foreign Travels and Journeys Religion and Faith [Not found in Ptolemy.] Qualities of the Native’s Death * Derived from the Latin magisterium which denotes much more than profession. It includes a general sense of those ways in which an individual is exceptional or talented. Schoener’s debt to Ptolemy is quite clear. The arrangement is based on an order in time.107 In the Tetrabiblos matters that precede one’s birth in time are taken up first, hence parents. Then matters that have to do with the time surrounding the birth come next, brothers and sisters etc. Matters that deal with the subject’s 105 Schoener, De iudiciis, Book I. For an English translation of the first book see Johannes Schoener, On the Judgments of Nativities, Book I, translated by Robert Hand (Reston, VA: ARHAT Publications, 2001). Schoener’s dates are 1477-1547. 106 Ptolemy’s topic headings are derived from the Ptolemy, Robbins trans. The topic headings from Schoener are derived from headings in Schoener, De iudiciis, somewhat edited for the purposes of the table. 107 This is explicitly stated by Ptolemy, Robbins trans., 235-7. 58 birth and viability (i.e., ability to survive) follow including the evaluation of life expectancy. This is followed by methods for describing the subject’s physical make-up or constitution, a major theme of medical astrology, followed by a similar discussion of the native’s “soul” or what we would describe as character and behavior. With both of these topics there is also discussion of diseases of the body and soul. All of the foregoing constitute book 3 of the Tetrabiblos. Book 4 of that work takes up topics that pertain to the subject’s later life (assuming that he or she does survive into adulthood). Here the temporal order is not so obvious except for the placement of the discussion of death at the end. Also, note that the discussion of marriage, or more accurately “sexual unions” (as Schoener has it) does, and logically so, precede the discussion of children. Many earlier medieval authors did not follow Ptolemy quite as closely. But even when the order of topics is changed, the same topics are covered. Bonatti, in Tractatus IX, varies the Ptolemaic arrangement slightly but for the most part follows it. In conclusion, this fivefold classification of astrological texts into introductoria, interrogations, elections, revolutions and natal astrology is comprehensive. There are some topic areas that do not appear at first glance to be included in the above. Examples that might be offered are the applications of astrology to magic,108 medicine, and weather forecasting.109 However, on closer examination, as is made clear in the Conciliator, Differentia X, it becomes evident that these are merely specific applications of one or more of the above five. All three of 108 See Picatrix, Pingree ed. and Francis J. Carmody, “De imaginibus” in The Astronomical Works of Thabit B. Qurra (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1960), 167-232. 109 Again see Bos and Burnett, Scientific Weather Forecasting. 59 these applications also depend upon material to be found in the introductoria. Astrology’s use in magic is primarily an application of elections as the Speculum makes quite clear.110 Medical astrology is largely derived from natal astrology. It consists of material on the constitution and diseases of the body stemming from Ptolemy, Book III. And to this is added the previouslymentioned form of inceptional chart based on the patient’s taking to his or her bed.111 And finally, weather forecasting used the naturalistic qualities of the planets as described by Ptolemy112 in combination with the method of the revolutiones annorum mundi. Abano makes it very clear that weather forecasting is an application of revolutions. The division of astrology into ‘natural’ and ‘judicial’, I have argued, is at best not terribly useful. In addition, the larger issue of what parts of astrology, if any, were licit or illicit depends largely upon when one looks, and whom one examines. With the possible exception of the early middle ages, when support for astrology in the West was at a low, astrology had its supporters and detractors throughout the period. The fivefold classification system that I have described here is not based on either modern or medieval attitudes regarding the legitimacy of astrology and its applications; it is a based on what one finds in the actual works, whether such works are encyclopedic covering the entire field, or are intended as expositions of one of the particular branches or categories. 110 See the passage from the Speculum Chap. 2, p. 37. This was called a ‘decumbiture’. 112 The ‘hot’, the ‘cold’, the ‘wet’, and the ‘dry’, for example. 111 Chapter 3. The Kinds of Astrology that Became Acceptable as Defined by the Compromise of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries. In the previous chapter I presented material that demonstrates that the categorization of applications of astrology in medieval writings was somewhat beyond the simple and widely held differentiation of astrology into natural and judicial astrology. I also briefly discussed the division of astrological applications into licit and illicit. In this chapter I show the progression of astrology from a nearly total rejection by the Church in the earlier middle ages to a conditional acceptance in the later middle ages. The terms of that conditional acceptance were a compromise, the basic outlines of which were set forth by Thomas Aquinas, among others. This compromise was never fully satisfactory to everyone but it did hold for the most part until the early modern period and the scientific revolution.1 In this chapter I concentrate on four subject areas which illustrate the issues, evolution, and content of the medieval compromise on astrology. After a brief summary of the attitude toward astrology before the later middle ages, I introduce the basic outlines of the compromise as defined by Aquinas.2 This is followed by a discussion of his English contemporary Roger Bacon and his effort at defining an acceptable astrology. Then I take up the Condemnations of 1277 that laid out the challenges that astrology presented to orthodoxy. Finally I present a discussion of the compromise as it appeared in its most institutionalized form as astrology was studied in 1 Two excellent secondary sources for the medieval debate on astrology are as follows: Flint, Magic, 92-101, 128-146 and Smoller, History, Prophecy, and the Stars, 25-42. Flint covers the early middle ages and shows how astrology did not in fact die out in that period and how the status of astrology in the early middle ages paved the way for its revival in the twelfth century. Her thesis is very much reinforced by an article by David Juste, “Neither Observation nor Astronomical Tables: An Alternative Way of Computing the Planetary Longitudes in the Early Western Middle Ages,” in Studies in the History of the Exact Sciences in Honour of David Pingree, ed. Charles Burnett, Jan P. Hogendijk, Kim Plofker, Michio Yano (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 181-222. Smoller, on the other hand concentrates upon the later middle ages. 2 I do not maintain here that Aquinas was the sole author of this compromise. Albertus Magnus was equally important. See Theodore Wedel, The Medieval Attitude toward Astrology, 65-71. 60 61 medieval universities. However, there, even in the midst of an astrology that appears to have been made safe for orthodoxy, I will present one interesting indication that in practice the compromise was not completely adhered to even in circles where one might have expected it to be. The Early Medieval Position of the Church on Astrology through 1277. In the early middle ages, prior to the “Renaissance of the Twelfth Century,” the Church’s position on astrology was uniformly hostile. For the Church astrology was closely connected with late antique, non-Christian, religion.3 Beginning with some of the early Christian apologists such as Justin Martyr and Tatian, the entire idea of planetary influence (other than as demonic influence) was rejected.4 The most elaborate Christian attack on astrology came from Augustine in The City of God, Book V. While very few of Augustine’s arguments were original, being mostly derived from Cicero, one of his most important contributions to the anti-astrological polemic was an argument (not derived from Cicero but possibly following Tatian) that the only reason why astrologers were ever correct in their predictions was because they had the assistance of demons.5 3 I intentionally do not refer to late classical religion as “paganism.” The word ‘pagan’ derives from the Latin root word pagus which is simply a country district. The adjectival form paganus came to mean “rustic, unlearned” and in ecclesiastical Latin ‘heathen’ and ‘pagan’ in the sense of non-Christian but with the pejorative association of boorish and peasant-like. (Lewis and Short, Latin Dictionary entry under paganus. The Word ‘peasant’ according to the O.E.D. comes from the same Latin root. There is nothing rural or unlearned about the non-Christian religions of late classical antiquity. 4 For a general discussion of the early Christian attitude toward astrology see Nicholas Campion, The Dawn of Astrology, 267-289. 5 His omnibus consideratis non inmerito creditur, cum astrologi mirabiliter multa uera respondent, occulto instinctu fieri spirituum non bonorum, quorum cura est has falsas et noxias opiniones de astralibus fatis inserere humanis mentibus atque firmare, non horoscopi notati et inspecti aliqua arte, quae nulla est. – Augustine, De civitate Dei, Book V.7. 62 Early medieval church councils also took a very hostile position with regard to astrology.6 However, when one consults the texts of these condemnations, it is evident that they were, as the expression goes, “beating a dead horse,” because the astrological ideas and practices that they condemned were a far cry from the much more complex art that one finds in late classical astrology, the descendant of which flourished at that same time in Arabic world. Wedel describes the problem with respect to John of Salisbury (c. 1120 –1180), “Even astrological texts, other than Firmicus Maternus, were unknown to the Latin world. John of Salisbury probably had little more acquaintance with actual astrologers than did Burchard of Worms, or Rabanus Maurus.”7 John of Salisbury is of particular note in this regard because he wrote his attack on astrology just as the new material from the Arabic world was beginning to come into the West. As Wedel also states: John of Salisbury, in effect, saw in astrology little more than a dangerous philosophical doctrine. He is distinctly at a loss in dealing with it as a science. He would probably have been unable to define exactly where he drew the line between a legitimate science of astrology, useful in predicting the weather, and that impious mathesis which he condemns with rhetoric as forceful as that used by Augustine … John of Salisbury stands at the close of the first period in the history of medieval astrology.”8 There is an incident that also illustrates the attitude of the Church in this same period just before the revival of learning in the West, just before John of Salisbury in fact. Gerard the Archbishop of York (d. 1108), who was believed to have been a student of astrology among 6 These councils and their decisions are discussed in considerable detail in Flint, Magic, 89-132. Wedel, The Medieval Attitude toward Astrology, 40. 8 Wedel, ibid. John of Salisbury’s comments on astrology are to be found in Book II of his Policraticus, especially the later chapters. None of his material shows any direct knowledge of the kind of astrology found in the middle east of his day. See John of Salisbury, Ioannis Saresberiensis Episcopi Carnotensis Policraticus, vol. 1, edited by Clemens C. I. Webb (London & New York: Henry Frowd, 1909), 101-169. 7 63 other such subjects, was rumored to have possessed a copy of Julius Firmicus Maternus’.9 Maternus’ work on astrology was supposedly found under his pillow when he died, resulting in his being denied burial within the cathedral walls.10 At this point in time, before the arrival of translations of astrology texts from the Arabic, the mere possession of an astrology text was enough to cause one to be suspected of heresy.11 The influx of new astrological material from the Arabic world changed matters considerably but neither completely nor immediately. It did not at the time, nor ever afterward, completely eliminate the old suspicions that were held against astrology. However, the entry of the new material did bring about changes in discourse on the subject. One of the persons most responsible for the West’s change in attitude was Abu Ma‘shar (mentioned in Chap. 1) whose contribution in this respect I have described in Chap. 2.12 For the present it is sufficient to say that his reworking of the philosophical foundations of astrology made it possible for the West to accept astrology as a natural science rather than as a mass of ancient superstitions. Aquinas and the Compromise. To illustrate the position formulated by Aquinas, let us look briefly at two passages from a short 9 Julius Firmicus Maternus, Matheseos libri VIII, 2 vols., ed. Kroll and Skutch (Stuttgart: Teubner, 1968). This was one of only two major works written in ancient times in Latin and it was all the West had of the late classical tradition in astrology, the other being Manilius’ Astronomica. Neither of these would have been sufficient to rebuild the understanding of astrology in the Latin world. That awaited the translations from Arabic. 10 There are many accounts of this incident including Flint’s Rise of Magic. The particulars here are derived from Thorndike, H.O.M.E.S., vol. 1, 689-90. 11 One of the first, if not the first, translation of a complete work of astrology from Arabic is that of Abu Ma‘shar’s Abbreviation of the Introduction to Astrology by Adelard of Bath (fl. 1116–1142). The exact date of the translation is unknown but with Adelard’s dates, it was not more than a generation or so after Gerard’s death. See Abu Ma‘shar, Abbreviation. 12 See pp. 29, 35, 51 and elsewhere in this work. 64 work entitled De iudiciis astrorum,13 and a passage from the Summa Theologiae14 in which he discusses the debate over the question as to whether astrology is or is not a ‘licit’ form of divination. In the shorter work, Aquinas follows Augustine in the City of God and other works quite closely, seeming to reject all but the most completely physical and natural correlations between the movements of the heavenly bodies and terrestrial events such as weather forecasting and certain uses in medicine. However, in this work he maintained that attempting to make use of astrology for predicting events concerning individual human beings was likely to involve demons and pacts made with demons. The will is free and any influences coming from celestial bodies cannot restrict the will. He quotes Augustine II Super Genesim ad litteram. It must be acknowledged [that] when true statements are made by astrologers, they are spoken from some deeply hidden impulse which ignorant human minds suffer from, because when it happens that human beings are to be deceived, it is the working of unclean and seductive spirits by which it is permitted to know some truths about temporal things.15 Interestingly enough, this same passage is also quoted in the Summa passage. However, in the Summa passage Aquinas additionally makes a statement that became the standard justification for a considerable part of the traditional corpus of astrology. Again, I do not say that Aquinas was the source of this doctrine; only that he is an instance of one who supported it and obviously the most influential. Given his stature in the later middle ages his acceptance of these principles established its orthodoxy. 13 Latin text downloaded from http://www.corpusthomisticum.org/ote.html on July 26, 2012. This site is part of Corpus Thomisticum website which contains the complete works of Aquinas in Latin. The edition is based on the Textus Leoninus Romae 1976 editus. 14 Summa theologica, 2. 2. 95. 5 Downloaded from http://www.corpusthomisticum.org/sth3092.html [July 26, 2012.] See previous note for the details. 15 Fatendum, quando ab astrologis uera dicuntur, instinctu quodam occultissimo dici, quem nescientes humane mentes patiuntur ; quod cum ad decipiendos homines fit, spirituum immundorum et seductorum operatio est, quibus quedam uera de temporalibus rebus nosse permittitur. – derived from De Genesim ad litteram, Book II, 17.37. 65 To the second objection which is this, that astrologers frequently make true predictions from the consideration of the stars, this happens in two ways. The first way is because many human beings follow corporeal passions and on that account their actions are predisposed according to the inclination of the heavenly bodies. Moreover, there are a few, that is, only men who are wise, who may moderate inclinations of this kind by Reason. On this account astrologers predict true things in many cases, especially in events which happen [to people] in common, which depend upon a multitude. In the other, [this happens] because demons involve themselves.16 The last line is followed by the same quotation from Augustine cited above. Aquinas’s “first way” had the consequence of allowing astrological prediction for mass behavior, and even forecasts for individuals as long as it was made clear that the stars only indicated predispositions which could be overcome by Reason. Since Reason was not subject to the stars, any attempt to deny free will and make predictions on that assumption made astrology operate from a “falsa et vana opinione”, and therefore, made it (in such an application) “divinatio superstitiosa et illicita.” It is tempting to see an evolution in Aquinas’ position between the two works, but we do not know the date of the De iudiciis. However, there may be another factor that accounts for the apparent difference. According to some references De iudiciis was addressed ad quendam militem ultramontanum, “to a certain knight from over the mountains,” which suggests that the recipient was a lay person. The passage from the Summa was clearly written for other theologians. It is impossible to know whether there was a change of position on Aquinas’s part or simply a difference in the intended readership. In any case Aquinas’s position on astrology is representative of the Church’s compromise on the subject. 16 Uno quidem modo, quia plures hominum passiones corporales sequuntur, et ideo actus eorum disponuntur, ut in pluribus, secundum inclinationem caelestium corporum, pauci autem sunt, idest soli sapientes, qui ratione huiusmodi inclinationes moderentur. Et ideo astrologi in multis vera praenuntiant, et praecipue in communibus eventibus, qui dependent ex multitudine. Alio modo, propter Daemones se immiscentes. 66 Roger Bacon and the Compromise. Roger Bacon, Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas were of the same generation and all three were part of the same process of bringing the new learning transmitted from the Arabs into the mainstream of European thought. However, Bacon’s involvement with astrology was much greater than either of the other two. And unlike Aquinas and Albertus Magnus, Bacon never exerted a great deal of influence on orthodox theology, remaining a controversial figure even after the retraction of the Condemnations of 1277 in 1325. At some point Bacon appears to have been imprisoned for his views although it is not certain exactly when and for how long, nor is it even certain that it happened. A recent work suggests that the proximate cause of Bacon’s imprisonment (which the author of that maintains did happen) was his position regarding the influences of the planets upon the life of Christ.17 As such his imprisonment would have happened somewhere between Nov. 1277 and 1279, very close in time to the Condemnations of 1277.18 It is not my purpose here to debate the question of Bacon’s imprisonment, whether it happened or when; I mention this only because it places Bacon’s work, and the difficulties it may have raised for him, squarely in the middle of the period in which astrology was moving toward acceptability according to the terms of the compromise that we have seen exemplified in Aquinas. There was a consensus emerging among many persons in the Church. Astrology could be acceptable, if it did not contradict free will, did not invoke demons or refer to any kind of intelligence in the stars, if it was used primarily for forecasting matters such as mass behavior, 17 A summary of the different views on when and if this happened and for what reason is given in an article by Paul Sidelko, “The Condemnation of Roger Bacon,” Journal of Medieval History 22, no. 1 (1997): 69-81. 18 It is widely believed that Girolamo Cardano (1501-1576) was imprisoned late in life for similar reasons. See Henry Morley, The Life of Girolamo Cardano, of Milan Physician, vol. 2 ( London: Chapman and Hall, 1854), 294 67 historical patterns, or natural events such as the weather, success of crops and the like, if planetary influence was not held to affect directly the intellectual soul and also if astrology was not used to examine spiritual and religious doctrine. Here I examine briefly the ways in which Bacon did and sometimes did not conform to this emerging consensus. Bacon’s writings on astrology are found in several places in his writings. The most comprehensive account is found in the Opus maius, the Opus minus, the Opus tertium and his introduction and commentary to the Secretum secretorum.19 In all four of these we find the same material, somewhat reworked in each case but basically the same. While the arrangement and emphasis change somewhat in these several works, the material is structured as follows. First, in all of these works astronomy20 is classified as a branch or subdivision of mathematics. In each of these works there is a discussion of the usefulness of mathematics, including astronomy, to religion and philosophy. The discussion below is primarily derived from the Opus maius. Having made it clear how mathematics is necessary for both divine and human wisdom, it is still necessary for the certification of the preceding statements to render certain cavils to the contrary void and empty and that certain saying of saints be expounded upon so that all doubt is taken away concerning the usefulness of mathematics. And the cause for which mathematics is most especially attacked is because of the judgements of astronomy.21 19 Roger Bacon, The 'Opus Majus' of Roger Bacon, edited with introduction and analytical table, by John Henry Bridges, volume 1 (London: William and Norgate, 1900), 238-269, 376-403, hereafter Bacon, Opus Majus, ed. Bridges. This is the edition with a third volume in which Bridges placed corrections and emendations. The material in the Opus maius is not the only place where Bacon has deals with astrology. For most of the Opus tertium and the Opus minus see Roger Bacon, Opera quaedam hactenus inedita, vol. 1, edited by J. S. Brewer (London: Longman, Green, Longman and Roberts, 1959), 26-8, 44-49, 106-7, 209-12, 320. For the portion of the Opus tertium that contains most of the astrology see Roger Bacon, Part of the Opus Tertium of Roger Bacon Including a Fragment Now Printed for the First Time, edited by A. G. Little (Aberdeen: The University Press, 1912), 1-9. For the Secretum secretorum see Roger Bacon, Secretum secretorum cum glossis et notulis, vol. V, Opera hactenus inedita Rogeri Baconi, ed. Robert Steele (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1920), 1-24. 20 To simplify things I refer to astrology and astronomy throughout this discussion as ‘astronomy’. 21 Manifestato quomodo mathematica necessaria est sapientiae tam divinae quam humanae, adhuc necesse est ad certificationem praecedentium, ut evacuentur quaedam cavillationes in contrarium et exponantur quaedam dicta sanctorum, ut omnis dubitatio tollatur circa mathematicae utilitatem. Et illud in quo maxime percutitur mathematica 68 Bacon then proceeds to deliver an extended attack on the misunderstandings of the positions of Church fathers and other religious authorities which has led to this difficulty. Central to this discussion is the word pair mathēsis and mathesis, differing in the length of the middle ‘e’. Sometimes the words are spelled matēsis and mathesis. Most commonly and in most places in Bacon, the art designated with the long ‘e’ in the middle is the false mathematics and the art designated with short ‘e’ in the middle is the true science.22 More important than words used, there are four characteristics of the false art. First, the false art denies free will.23 Second and third, it involves demons and spirits, and the use of “circles, figures, characters which completely void of power, and foolish incantations.”24 Fourth and last, they resort to fraud.25 Bacon goes on to cite various authorities both astrological and non-astrological who condemn these practices. These include Aristotle, Avicenna, Ptolemy, the Haly who was the est propter judicia astronomiae. – Bacon, Opus Majus, ed. Bridges, 239-39. 22 The etymology that Bacon and others give for these words is false. The Greek word μάθησις (mathēsis) in fact designates “the act of learning, getting of knowledge” and “education, instruction,” Liddell and Scott. There is no word with an eta (short-e) in the middle whether the preceding consonant is a tau or a theta, with or without aspiration. Bacon later corrected this error in his own work where he gives the correct definition for mathēsis, and drops the other word. Bacon, Secretum secretorum, 2-3. In this same passage he mentions the correct usage of the word from Cassiodorus, de Scienciis secularibus. The history of the two words, used whichever way they are used, goes back a long way. The oldest pejorative use of the word mathēsis that I am aware of is to be found in Isidore, Etymologiarum, ed. Lindsay, LXXI De nominibus stellarum, 39 where he refers to persons who “per subputationes noxias, quae mathesis dicitur, eventus rerum praescire posse conentur. . .” See Isidore, Etymologiarum, ed. Lindsay. According to Thorndike (H.O.M.E.S., vol. 2, 319) the usage can also found in Michael Scot. John of Salisbury also makes this distinction in Book I, 9. See John of Salisbury, Ioannis Saresberiensis Episcopi Carnotensis Policraticus, 2 vols., edited by Clemens C. I. Webb (London & New York: Henry Frowd, 1909), 49. In Albertus Magnus’ Commentary on the Gospel of Matthew we have another instance of the usage. See Albertus Magnus. Ennarrationes in Evangelium Matthaei (I-XXX), vol. 20 of the Opera Omnia, ed. August Borgnet. (Paris: Vives, 1893), 61. 23 Et ponit per virtutem constellationum omnia de necessitate contingere, nihil ad utrumlibet, nihil a casu nec fortuna, nihil a consilio, de bonitate tamen essentiae, … — Bacon, Opus Majus, ed. Bridges. vol. 1, 240. 24 Nec solum damnant quantum ad principale, scilicet propter errorem quem habent de coelestibus, sed quia mathematici isti daemones advocant in adjutorium coelestium dispositionum per conjurationes et sacrificia, quod est omnino nefandum, atque nihilominus maculant suas considerationes in coelestibus per circulos et figuras et characteres vanissimos et carmina stultissima, et orationes irrationabiles in quibus confidunt. — Ibid., 241. 25 Praeterea fraudes.operum adjungunt, scilicet per consensum, per tenebras, per instrumenta sophistica, per subtilitatem motionis manualis, in quibus sciunt illusionem esse, et multa stultis miranda faciunt per haec in quibus virtus coeli nihil operatur, et ideo sibimetipsis contradicentes, quod coelo attribuunt coram aliis, apud seipsos sciunt non habere veritatem. — Ibid. 69 commentator on Ptolemy,26 Messahalla, and Abu Ma‘shar. Haly’s commentary on Ptolemy’s Centiloquy and the Centiloquy itself are especially important because both Haly and the pseudoPtolemy27 (who wrote the aphorisms of the Centiloquy on which Haly comments) state that what they present about astrology is between the necessary and the impossible,28 that is, it is contingent and not predetermined. Bacon contends that what the fathers condemn is astral determinism.29 This discussion of the legitimacy of stellar influences, affecting but not determining, occupies several pages of the text. Finally he comes to the same position that we find in Aquinas, that the stars affect the body by way of its physical constitution and temperament type.30 He then goes on to formulate one of the centerpieces of the astrological compromise, that astrological predictions are much more effective for “kingdoms and cities” than for individuals.31 Then a bit further on in the text he states once again that celestial bodies may be used to forecast changes in health and physical condition. 26 See below in the discussion of the university curriculum of Bologna. Ptolemy did not write the Centiloquium, see below. 28 et hec iudicia que trado tibi sunt media inter necessarium et <im>possibile: quod dixi hec iudicia esse inter necessarium et <im>possibile hoc est apud eum qui rerum naturas et stellarum opus considerat. – ‘Alî ben Ridwân ‘Alî ben Ja’far, Abu ,l-Hasan (d. 1068). The edition consulted here is contained in an omnibus publication along with many other works including the same author’s commentary on Ptolemy’s main work, the Quadripartitum or Tetrabiblos, Ali ben Ridwan, “Centiloquium” in Quadripartitum Ptolemei (Venice: mandato ac sumptibus heredum nobilis viri Domini Octaviani Scoti, 1519), fol. 97r . One word of warning, however, It appears that the Latin text contained in all of the printed editions I have found is badly edited. The worst example pertains to this very issue. The Latin reads as follows, “…hec iudicia que trado tibi sunt media inter necessarium et <im>possibile…” with the addition of the ‘im’ prior to ‘possibile’.The logic requires the emendation and this logic is confirmed by a manuscript of the Centiloquium (Pseudo-Ptolemy, “Centiloquium, with the Commentary of Haly Ibn Ridwan,” in Harley 13, fol. 141r: British Museum, c1290-16th century) as well as by a quotation of the same section by Roger Bacon in Opus Majus, ed. Bridges vol. 1, 242. 29 Sed illi qui sic vera tuentur ut falsa reprobant condemnant mathematicos magicos, qui non philosophantur sed tam philosophiae quam fidei contradicunt. . . — Roger Bacon, Opus Majus, ed. Bridges, vol.1, 246. 30 This refers to the doctrine of the four humors, yellow bile (choleric), blood (sanguine), phegm (phlegmatic), and black bile (melancholic). The discussion of these affects occupies pp. 249-251. 31 … potest astronomus peritus non solum in naturalibus sed in humanis rebus multa considerare de praesenti et futuro et praeterito, et ideo saltem super regna et civitates potest judicare per coelestia et secunda coelestium quae per virtutes speciales coelorum renovantur, ut sunt cometae et hujusmodi, quia facilius judicium est super communitate quam super singulari persona. Nam judicium communitatis est judicium universale, et astronomus potest bene in judicia universalia. Ibid., 251. 27 70 And if the [astrologer] wishes to consider carefully and without error the times of conceptions and the nativity of individual persons in order that the rulership of the celestial virtues at those times may be known, and carefully consider when the celestial bodies will come to those dispositions according to the individual parts of each age, he can make a sufficient judgement with regard to all things that are natural such as illness and health, and matters of this kind, and when they ought to happen and how they will end according to what authors not only of astronomy but also of medicine, such as Hippocrates, Galen, Haly, Isaac and all authors prescribe.32 These issues occupy the next few pages in the Opus maius, then Bacon moves into what may have been more problematical territory, the use of astrological reasoning to strengthen the arguments for Christianity as the only valid faith.33 With this we come to the first actual discussion of astrological doctrine. This is preceded by a discussion of the basics of the symbolism of the planets and houses such as one finds in typical astrological introductoria.34 Then begins Bacon’s discussion of the method of conjunctions35 as derived from Abu Ma‘shar’s De magnis coniunctionibus, as it was known to the Latins. It is derived from Tractatus Primus, Differentia Prima, and Differentia Quarta,36 of the Latin text. In the astrological charts employed in the method of conjunctions, Jupiter stands for religion in general. When Jupiter is appropriately placed in the chart and is combined in a particular way with any one of the other six planets, it indicates something of importance is to be expected regarding the type of religion associated with that particular planet. If the conjunction is one of the more important ones, such as the ones involving Jupiter and Saturn that are supposed to 32 Et si velit considerare diligenter et sine errore horas conceptionum et nativitatem singularium personarum, ut sciatur dominium coelestis virtutis ad horas illas, et diligenter consideret quando ad eas dispositiones venient coelestia secundum singulas partes aetatis cujuslibet, potest de omnibus naturalibus, sicut de infirmitatibus et sanitate et hujusmodi judicare sufficienter, quandocunque debent occidere et qualiter terminari, secundum quod auctores non solum astronomiae sed medicinae, ut Hippocrates, Galenus, Hali, Isaac, et omnes auctores determinant. – Roberg Bacon, Opus Majus, ed. Bridges, 251. 33 Ibid., 253. 34 See Chap. 2. 35 Revolutiones annorum mundi. See Chap. 2. 36 See Abu Ma‘shar, On Historical Astrology, vol. 2, 10-19, 28-9. The first section introduces the method of the great conjunctions, the second relates the planets to major religions. 71 occur every 960 years, or the lesser one that occurs every 240 years, this can be an indication that a new prophet or teacher will appear in the period governed by the conjunction which affects the religion associated with the planet connected with Jupiter. Abu Ma‘shar assigns the planets the planets as follows: Saturn — Judaism Jupiter — No single associated religion as it governs all religions. Mars — “the worship of fire and a pagan faith.”37 Sun — “the worship of the stars, idols, and statues.”38 Venus — “a pure faith and unity such as the faith of the Saracens…”39 Mercury — “signifies the Christian faith and every faith in which there is obscurity, weightiness and difficulty.”40 Moon — “signifies doubt, turning about, change and also denial and mistrust in the faith because of the swiftness of the corruption of the Moon and speed of its motion, and the shortness of its stay in a sign.”41 Bacon adopted this schema but transformed the logic so that Christianity would emerge as the best of faiths, not surprisingly. Here is Bacon’s equivalent of Abu Ma‘shar’s list. Saturn Jupiter Mars Sun Venus Mercury 37 — Judaism. — As with Abu Ma‘shar Jupiter has no associated religion as it governs all religions. — “…they say that he signifies the Chaldean law which teaches the adoration of fire of which nature is of Mars in power and effect.”42 — “The Egyptian law is signified which considers that the host of heaven be worshipped whose prince is the Sun.”43 — “…is said to signify the law of the Saracens which is completely pleasureloving and venereal…”44 — “…then is the law of Mercury. For Mercury has respect, as they say, to the Deity and oracles of prophets, to belief, to prayer, and especially when it is …significat culturam ignium et fidem paganam. Abu Ma‘shar, On Historical Astrology, vol. 2, 28. …significat culturam stellarum et ydolorum et sculpturarum. – ibid. 39 …significat fidem mundam et unitatem ut fides Sarracenorum. – ibid. 40 …significat fidem Christianam et omnem fidem in qua fuerit occultatio et gravitas et labor. – ibid. 41 …significat dubitationem, volutionem, mutationem, negationem quoque et suspitionem in fide, et hoc fit propter velocitatem corruptionis Lune et celeritatem motus eius et paucitatem more eius in signo. – ibid. 42 …dicunt ipsum significare super legem Chaldaicam, quae docet adorare ignem, cujus naturae Mars est in naturali potentia et effectu. – Bacon, Opus Majus, ed. Bridges, vol. 1, 256. 43 …significatur lex Aegyptia, quae ponit coli militiam coeli, cujus princeps est Sol. – ibid. 44 …significare dicitur super legem Saracenorum, quae est tota voluptuosa et venerea… – ibid. 38 72 Moon joined to Jupiter because then it signifies the number of a psalm and the number of divine books. And they say that the law of Mercury is more difficult to believe in than others and presents many difficulties above human intelligence. This is in agreement with the difficult movements of Mercury…”45 — “This will be a foul Law of corruption which will violate all other laws and suspend them, even the Law of Mercury for a time. For the Moon, as they say, signifies nigromancy and lies, and therefore the Law of the Moon will be one of nigromancy, magic, and deceit…because it is the Law of Antichrist”46 The relationship of the two lists is obvious, however, Bacon has reinterpreted the connections of Venus and Mercury. Where Abu Ma‘shar treats Venus as a benevolent planet signifying the purity and unity of Islam, Bacon sees Venus as indicative of what Europeans believed was the soft and luxurious lifestyle of the Middle East. And where Abu Ma‘shar interpreted the difficult astronomical movements of Mercury as indicating the obscure, complex and convoluted theology of Christianity, Bacon makes this a virtue. Furthermore, in the material that immediately follows, Bacon justifies his elevation of the Law of Mercury by pointing out something that is in fact astrologically true about Mercury and Virgo. Mercury rules47 both Gemini and Virgo as its principal signs, but in Virgo Mercury is both in its major rulership (domicile) and its exaltation;48 therefore Mercury has a stronger connection with Virgo than with Gemini. Mercury ‘rejoices’ in Virgo.49 The sign Virgo, not surprisingly, was associated with the 45 …tunc est lex Mercurialis. Mercurius enim habet respectum, ut dicunt, ad Deitatem et oracula prophetarum et credulitatem et orationem, et maxime quando conjungitur ei Jupiter; quoniam tunc significat numerum psallendi et numerum librorum divinorum. Et dicunt, quod lex Mercurialis est difficiIior ad credendum quam aliae, et habet multas difficultates supra humanum intellectum. Et hoc convenit propter motus Mercurii difficiles… – ibid., 256-7. The theory of Mercury in medieval planetary dynamics was among the most complex of the planets. The position of Mercury in medieval charts more often differs significantly from that computed by modern theory than that of any other planet except for the Moon. 46 …haec erit lex corruptionis et foeda quae violabit omnes alias leges et suspendet eas, etiam Mercurialem ad tempus. Luna enim, ut dicunt, significat super nigromantiam et mendacium, et ideo lex Lunae erit nigromantica et magica et mendosa …quod haec est lex Antichristi… – ibid. 261-2. 47 For the meaning of ‘rule’ see RULERSHIP in the Glossary. This is DOMICILE RULERSHIP also defined in the glossary. 48 See EXALTATION and RULERSHIP in the Glossary. 49 See REJOICE in the Glossary. 73 Virgin Mary, an association Bacon exploits here. In addition, as Bacon points out, eastern traditions of astrology, including the Jewish, associate an image with the first ten degrees of Virgo. And they say that this law is that of a prophet who is to be born of a virgin according to what the ancient Indians, Chaldeans and Babylonians have taught, that in the first face50 of Virgo there ascends a most pure virgin who is to rear a child in the land of the Hebrews whose name is Jesus Christ.51 In fact in the Beginning of Wisdom an introductory work on astrology by Abraham Ibn Ezra there is a description of an image associated with the first face of Virgo as follows: There ascends also in its [Virgo’s] first face a beautiful virgin with long hair holding in her hand two spikes of wheat. And she sits on a seat and nurses a little boy giving him milk and urging him to feed.52 There is of course no mention of the “land of the Hebrews” or the name “Jesus Christ” but the iconography is clearly from the same tradition that Bacon cites. However, in this same section Bacon does something that raises a possibly difficult issue with regard to the emerging consensus about licit and illicit astrology. In his discussion of Virgo the sign, the Virgin Mary, and Mercury he discusses the view of one group that Christ’s human nature could have been in some way affected or expressed by the planets at his birth.53 He concludes that we should respect their wisdom in acknowledging the true faith even if they fall somewhat short of perfect 50 A face is a ten degree division of a sign. See FACE in the Glossary. Et dicunt, quod haec lex est prophetae nascituri de virgine, secundum quod omnes antiqui Indi, Chaldaei, Babylonii, docuerunt quod in prima facie Virginis ascendit virgo mundissima nutritura puerum in terra Hebraeorum, cui nomen Jesus Christus… – Bacon, Opus Majus, ed. Bridges, vol. 1, 257. 52 Ascendit quoque in prima facie eius virgo pulchra: et sui capilli longi habens in manu sua duas spicas: ipsaque sedet super sedem unam et nutrit puerum parvulum ipsum lactando ad comedendum incitando. This is from the Latin translation of Ibn Ezra associated with Peter d’Abano. See Abraham ben Meïr Ibn Ezra, Abrahe Avenaris Judei astrologi peritissimi in re iudiciali opera (Venice: ex officina Petri Liechtenstein, 1507), fol 9v. 53 Bacon, Opus Majus, ed. Bridges, 267-8. 51 74 orthodoxy in this matter.54 Although Bacon is not the only Latin authority to cite Abu Ma‘shar’s association of religions with indications of conjunction charts (Pierre d’Ailly following Bacon subscribed to this doctrine as well),55 in the thirteenth century this could have been a dangerous use of astrology because it may have been interpreted as subordinating Christ and Christianity to the action of the stars. This doctrine was not specifically condemned in 1277 but it would not require too much of an extension of the principles embodied in them to apply to this doctrine. Here Bacon pushes boundaries of the emerging compromise, even if he was followed in this respect by others. After this discourse on the relationship of the planets to the major sects of the world, Bacon enters upon a lengthy discussion of the need for calendar reform. But he returns again to astrology as such and to the issues of the relationship of the planets to sects and the connection of Mercury and Virgo with Christianity. This later section in Book IV56 is described by Bacon as part of a longer treatise that he hopes to write which he did not complete, and in it he returns in greater detail to some of the matters raised in the earlier part of Book IV. However, while in the previous section he stayed within the terms of the compromise for the most part, in this later part he goes into matters that were more controversial, the legitimacy or otherwise of certain practices which could be, and usually were regarded as magical.57 Previously Bacon made a 54 Sed quicquid dicunt in hac parte, hoc ad regulam fidei reducendum est, ut a catholica veritate non discordet. Et licet omnia et ad plenum non sufficiant ostendere secreta istius sectae, tamen an sit haec secta, et qualis sit in universali, pulchre attestantur, ut satis admirantes sapientiam eis datam facile excusemus eorum ignorantiam, quia defecerunt a plena certificatione ritus Christiani, cum in eo non fuerant instructi. – Bacon, Opus Majus, ed. Bridges, 268 55 Smoller, History, Prophecy, and the Stars, 62. 56 Bacon, Opus Majus, ed. Bridges, 376-403. 57 This was one of the applications of astrology specifically condemned in the Speculum. See Chap. 2. 75 reasonable case for a kind of astrology that was natural and not magical, that was not fatalistic, that did not compromise freedom of the will, that was derived from completely natural principles, and which did not rely on spirits or demons for its efficacy. In this section, however, he begins to discuss the possibility of modifying astrological influences so that they can be mitigated or improved. In particular he advocates the study of the power of the sounds of words and advocates the study of these and their effects so that the Church under the direction of the Pope could use these as weapons against the Antichrist, or, more immediately, against any possible alliance between the Saracens and the Tartars which could prove to be quite dangerous for Christianity. Bacon realized that this was very close to the kind of magic that he condemned earlier in the book and that it was generally regarded as an illicit form of magic, but he believed that the danger justified at least the study of this power. This may be where Bacon came closest to violating the terms of the emerging compromise, and by associating the magical power of words with astrology he might have actually made matters more difficult for more moderate proponents of the cause of astrology. However, to conclude this brief discussion of Bacon and astrology, for the most part he does observe the compromise; he does separate the licit from illicit forms of astrology and does adhere to the idea that only a naturalistic astrology which allowed for freedom of the will could be permitted. At the same time his advocacy of the study of conjunctions to gain information on the development and fate of sects, including Christianity, and his advocacy of the study of the possible magical power of words, Bacon showed how easily one could slip over the line between the licit and illicit forms and applications of astrology as defined in the emerging compromise. 76 The Condemnations of 1277 and Astrology. Nevertheless, problems for the acceptance of astrology remained. While it could be argued that Islamic astrology, which came from a monotheistic culture that was, if anything, more stringent regarding implications of polytheism than Christianity, elements of Neoplatonism and Aristotelianism that were not compatible with Christianity remained in astrology. These, I believe, were the main force behind the Condemnations of 1277 by the Archbishop of Paris Etienne Tempier insofar as they pertained to astrology.58 Of course, these condemnations were repudiated in 1325 because some of the teachings rejected in the articles were teachings of Aquinas and by 1325 Aquinas’ teachings had become established orthodoxy with Aquinas himself canonized in 1323. However, the repudiation of the articles of 1277 as a whole did not necessarily mean the repudiation of the articles that pertained at least in part to astrology. These articles may have been considered just as important to orthodoxy and astrology after the repudiation than they were beforehand. In the 219 articles there are 22 articles that pertain to astrology, free will, and destiny, or that make statements regarding the celestial spheres and soul. Of these article 21 is especially 58 The Latin texts that follow were originally taken from are from Université de Paris, Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis sub auspiciis consilii Generalis Facultatum Parisiensium; ex diversis bibliothecis tabulariisque collegit et cum authenticis chartis contulit Henricus Denifle; auxiliante Aemilio Chatelain, 4 vols., ed. Heinrich Denifle and Emile Chatelain (Paris: Sorbonne, 1891), 543-555. However, I later revised the Latin from the edition of David Piché, La condamnation parisienne de 1277 (Paris: J. Vrin, 1999). However, I did not follow the practice of that edition in using the letter ‘u’ for all occurrences of ‘u’ and ‘v’. I use ‘v’ for the consonantal use and ‘u’ for the vowel following the same convention that I have employed in all of the Latin texts cited in this work. See Chap. 6, p. 167. Following Grant I have used the numbering of Piché and the original Chartularium. Whatever usefulness Mandonnet’s renumbering may have for other disciplines, the proposals regarding astrology are just as scattered in Mondonnet’s renumbering as they are in the original system of the Chartularium. The translations are influenced by Grant, and Fortin and O’Neill but I have made considerable changes in these which I believe are justified from an astrological context. See Edward Grant, A Source Book in Medieval Science (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974), 45-50. Also see Ralph Lerner and Musin Mahdi. “Condemnation of 219 Propositions,” Ernst L. Fortin and Peter D, O’Neill trans., in Medieval Political Philosophy: A Sourcebook, 335-354 (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1963). 77 interesting because instead of challenging statements made by astrologers, it actually affirms a position taken by Abu Ma‘shar, in his Introductorium Maius, Book I. In this section of his book Abu Ma‘shar refutes arguments made by foes of astrology.59 In what is called in Latin the secta tertia (there being ten groups or “sects” of persons opposed to astrology), this “sect” argues that the planets could only refer to what is necessary or impossible. They could not give indications for what is merely possible or contingent.60 In a lengthy argument Abu Ma‘shar rejects this position and affirms that planets can give significations for what is merely possible or contingent. The position taken by the secta tertia is exactly the one also rejected in article 21. Thus in this instance at least Tempier and his colleagues agreed with Abu Ma‘shar 21. That nothing happens by chance, but everything happens by necessity, and, that all future occurrences which will come to be, will do so according to necessity, and whatever will not come to be, it is impossible that it will be, and that nothing happens contingently when all causes are considered. — Error, because the concourse of causes is by definition chance as Boethius said in the book, The Consolation [of Philosophy].61 In fact, Abu Ma‘shar’s argument for the contingency of astrological significations appears to be one of the factors that made the astrology coming into the West from the Muslim world more acceptable. His arguments are also reflected in the commentary on the first verse of the pseudoPtolemaic Centiloquy by Ali ben Ridwan (Haly) mentioned above. This commentary on the Centiloquy was required reading for medical students at Bologna and possibly Padua and elsewhere.62 59 There is no English translation of this text at present. For the Latin see Abu Ma‘shar, Liber Introductorii maioris, vol. 5, 36-39. 60 This argument appears to be based on Aristotle’s On Intepretation, chapter 9 where this issue is raised regarding future events in general. 61 Quod nichil fit a casu, sed omnia de necessitate eveniunt, et, quod omnia futura, que erunt, de necessitate erunt, et que non erunt, impossibile est esse, et quod nichil fit contingenter, considerando omnes causas. — Error, quia concursus causarum est de diffinitione casualis, ut dicit Boetius libro de Consolatione. 62 See p. 88 for a discussion of this work. 78 Anything that implied fatalism of course had to be rejected as with article 21. It is inconsistent with both Islam and Christianity, and the charge of fatalism has always been one of the most severe charges leveled at astrology even though it has been repeatedly answered, by Abu Ma‘shar among others. Articles pertaining to the freedom of the will include those numbered 6, 88, 106, 132, 133, 143, 162, 194, 195, 206, and 207, all of which raise this concern among other issues. 6. That when all of the celestial bodies return to the same point, which happens in 36,000 years, the same effects that exist now will return.63 This is the apokatastasis (•ποκατάστασις) of the Stoics.64 If the planets determine all things, then a return to the positions where they were before will produce exactly the same effects. 88. There is nothing new unless heaven [i.e., the astronomical heaven] is varied with respect to matter of things subject to generation.65 106. That the immediate efficient cause of all things is an orb.66 132. That an orb is the cause of the doctor’s will to heal.67 Numbers 106 and 132 use the word orb (orbis) to indicate one of the circles involved in planetary or stellar motions. All three of the preceding treat astronomical motions as efficient causes without which nothing can occur in the sublunary sphere. The next several articles repeat this theme. 63 Quod redeuntibus corporibus celestibus omnibus in idem punctum, quod fit in xxx sex milibus annorum, redibunt idem effectus, qui sunt modo. 64 A passage from Nemesius referring to the Stoics demonstrates the principle of apokatastatis. — “The Stoics say when the planets return again to the same celestial sign, at length and breadth, where each was originally when the world was first formed, at set periods of time they cause conflagration and destruction of existing things. Once again the world returns anew to the same conditions as before; and when the stars are moving again the same way, each thing which occurred in the previous period will come to pass indiscernibly [from its previous occurrence].” – A. A. Long and D. N. Sedley, The Hellenistic Philosophers, vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 309. 65 Quod nichil esset novum, nisi celum esset variatum respectu materie generabilium. 66 Quod omnium formarum causa effectiva inmediata est orbis. 67 Quod orbis est causa voluntatis medici, ut sanet. 79 133. That will and intellect are not moved into act by themselves, but by a cause without end, namely, the heavenly bodies.68 143. That the diverse conditions among men are signified by the diverse signs [signis] of heaven both with regard to spiritual gifts and termporal things.69 Grant assumes that signis means zodiacal signs in the technical sense. Fortin and O’Neill do not make that assumption, nor do I. The word is ambiguous since signum is both a term of art as in ‘zodiacal signs’ and an ordinary language term designating anything that “signifies.” 162. That our will is subject to the power of heavenly bodies.70 194. That the soul wills nothing unless moved by something else. For this reason the following is false: the soul wills of itself. — An error if it is understood that a soul that is moved is moved by desirable end or an object in such a manner that the entire reason that for the will behind that motion is the desirable end or object.71 This proposition is not especially astrological, but it does deny free will because there is no chance for choice. 195. That fate, which is the disposition of the universe, does not proceed immediately according to divine providence but according to the mediating motion of superior bodies, and that this fate does not impose necessity upon inferiors, because they have contrariety, but upon superiors.72 This does not actually deny free will, or at least it allows some degree of indeterminacy to inferiors because of their contrariety. However, it does require that divine providence be mediated by the movements of the heavens. This was unacceptable. Here are two more passages 68 Quod voluntas et intellectus non moventur in actum per se, set per causam sempiternam, scilicet corpora celestia. 69 Quod ex diversis signis celi signantur diverse conditiones in hominibus tam donorum spiritualium quam rerum temporalium. 70 Quod voluntas nostra subiacet potestati corporum celestium. 71 Quod anima nichil vult, nisi mota ab alio a se. Unde illud est falsum: anima seipsa vult. — Error, si intelligatur mota ab alio scilicet ab appetibili vel obiecto, ita quod appetibile vel obiectum sit tota ratio motus ipsius voluntatis. 72 Quod fatum, quod est dispositio universi, procedit ex providentia divina non inmediate, set mediante motu <corporum> superiorum; et quod istud fatum non imponit necessitatem inferioribus, quia habent contrarietatem, set superioribus. 80 that appear to severely limit, if not deny, the freedom of the will. 206. That [a proposition] assigns health, illness, life and death to the position of the stars and the aspect [aspectui] of a fortunate planet, saying that if a fortunate planet aspects someone, he will live; if a fortunate planet does not aspect [aspexerit] him, he will die.73 207. That at the time of the generation of a human being in his body, and, as a consequence his soul which follows the body, there is in a human being a disposition derived from the order of superior and inferior causes which inclines him to particular kinds of actions and events. – Error, unless it is understood [only] regarding natural events, and [only] by way of disposing.74 Another difficulty that many of the rejected articles raise are hints that there is something alive, and conscious in the heavenly bodies, souls or spirits, as it were, reminiscent of the ancient gods who either were the stars themselves, or who controlled the movements of particular stars. A tendency to treat astrology as some kind of naturalistic science, derived from Ptolemy, Abu Ma‘shar and others, allowed medieval astrologers to bypass this problem. It also resulted in the rejection of certain kinds of astrology that implied the notion that the planets were living, ensouled beings or that they were associated with intelligences capable directly influencing human free will.75 This was mentioned in chapter 2. The articles that demonstrate this problem are numbered 30, 74, 92, 94, 95, 102, and 213. 73 Quod sanitatem, infirmitatem, vitam et mortem attribuit positioni siderum et aspectui fortune, dicens quod si aspexerit eum fortuna, vivet; si non aspexerit, morietur. – Neither Grant, nor Fortin and O’Neill seem to be aware that aspectus, and aspicio are astrological terms of art usually translated as ‘aspect’ both in noun and verb forms. It indicates that something. possibly the Pars Fortunae, [see appendix] forms a favorable angular relationship in the zodiac to some important point in a nativity. Or the Latin is a play on words which does not work in English here because our technical term is derived from Latin and not ordinary language words such as “look at”, “glance”, “see”, etc. 74 Quod, in hora generationis hominis in corpore suo et per consequens in anima, que sequitur corpus, ex ordine causarum superiorum et inferiorum inest homini dispositio inclinans ad tales actiones vel eventus. – Error, nisi intelligatur de eventibus naturalibus, et per viam dispositionis. 75 The literature on the details of this subject is vast and need not concern us here. The origin of the difficulty was an ancient notion that the planets were themselves gods. The idea that the planets could be associated with intelligences that operated as efficient causes of the planets’ motion was not generally a problem. It was only problematical if they were regarded as direct causes of human behavior or fate over and above the intellective soul and free will. 81 30. That superior intelligences [note the plural] create rational souls without the movement of heaven mediating.76 74. That the motive intelligence of heaven sends influences into the rational soul just as the body of heaven send influences into the human body.77 These two actually represent two problems. The first is imputation of intelligence to the motive power of heaven, and the other is the idea that the rational soul is subject to celestial influences. This problem will be discussed further below. 92. That the heavenly bodies are moved by an indwelling principle which is soul; and that they are moved by soul and the appetitive power as in an animal. Just as an animal seeking to attain something is moved so also is heaven.78 94. That there are two eternal principles, namely, the body of heaven and its soul.79 95. That there are three principles in the heavens: that which is subject to eternal motion; the soul of the heavenly body; and the first moving principle as something desired. — An error as it pertains only to the first two. 80 102. That the soul of heaven is an intelligence, and that celestial orbs are not the instruments of that intelligence but the organs, just as the ear and the eye are organs of the sensitive power.81 213. That nature, which is the principle of motion in heavenly bodies, is a moving intelligence. – An error, if one understands this concerning an intrinsic nature which is act or form.82 The remaining articles do not group themselves as clearly as the above, so I will put them together here. These are 59, 65, 161, and 196. 76 Quod intelligentie superiores creant animas rationales sine motu celi ; intelligentie autem inferiores creant vegetativam et sensitivam motu celi mediante. 77 Quod intelligentia motrix celi influit in animam rationalem, sicut corpus celi influit in corpus humanum. 78 Quod corpora celestia moventur a principio intrinseco, quod est anima; et quod moventur per animam et per virtutem appetitivam, sicut animal. Sicut enim animal appetens movetur, ita et celum. 79 Quod duo sunt principia eterna, scilicet corpus celi, et anima eius. 80 Quod tria sunt principia in celestibus: subiectum motus eterni; anima corporis celestis et primum movens <ut> desideratum. — Error est quoad duo prima. 81 Quod anima celi est intelligentia, et orbes celestes non sunt instrumenta intelligentiarum set organa, sicut auris et oculus sunt organa virtutis sensitive. 82 Quod natura, que est principium motus in corporibus celestibus est intelligentia movens. – Error, si intelligatur de natura intrinseca, que est actus vel forma. 82 59. That God is a necessary cause of the movement of superior bodies in the joining together and the separating that involve the stars.83 This proposition would make the will of God directly and completely accessible by observing planetary movements. This is clearly not acceptable from either the Christian or Islamic points of view. 65. That God or an intelligence does not infuse knowledge into a human soul in sleep, unless there is celestial body mediating.84 Here again the mediation of planetary bodies is necessary for the divine to accomplish some particular thing. 161. That the effects of the stars upon free will are hidden [occulti].85 Here we have a problem with language. Occultus certainly means ‘hidden’, but it also means something more like the modern use of the word ‘occult’. In any case it means that a human being cannot know what effects the stars may be producing upon the will and therefore cannot really possess free will. 196. It is a property of the dignity found in superior causes to be capable of making mistakes and bringing forth monstrous things, apart from the <usual> end of such productions, since nature is also capable of doing so.86 This seems to imply that “superior causes” are flawed and able to err. This is not consistent with the idea that all defect in action exists only in the sublunary realm. This was a notion that had already become the standard doctrine. 83 Quod Deus est causa necessaria motus corporum superiorum et conjunctionis et divisionis continentis in stellis. 84 Quod Deus vel intelligentia non infundit scientiam anime humane in sompno, nisi mediante corpore celesti. Quod effectus stellarum super liberum arbitrium sunt occulti. 86 Quod dignitatis esset in causis superioribus, posse facere peccata et monstra preter intentionem, cum natura hoc possit. — My thanks to Dr. Timothy Noone of the Catholic University of America for this translation. Fortin and O’Neill have here “That it pertains to the dignity of the higher causes to be able to commit errors and produce monsters unintentionally, since nature is able to do this.” 85 83 These are the issues raised by Condemnation of 1277 as they pertained to astrology. However, the prestige and sophistication of the scientific and philosophic material coming in from the Arabic world was sufficient to make Latin theologians and philosophers want to incorporate what they could of this learning even while rejecting the parts of it that could not be reconciled with Christianity. For this reason the compromise came into existence. Astrology could be considered acceptable within limits because of a change of attitude which was enabled by the naturalistic approach presented by Abu Ma‘shar and earlier by Ptolemy. Wedel describes the change in the point of view. Astrology, he says, …was denounced as a manifestation of pagan impiety. The arrival of Aristotle and of Arabian science changed all this. Astrology was accepted by the scientists of the Church in theory, and virtually in practice. The champions of astrology, however, were not bold enough to confront the traditional teaching of the Church with one diametrically opposed. Hence, instead of attempting a substitution of doctrines, they contented themselves with a superposition. The early Church had made no distinction between a true and a false astrology. The Church of the thirteenth century, by making just this distinction, was enabled to entertain an enthusiasm for the moderate science of Ptolemy, and to preserve, at the same time, pious scorn for astrological magic, and that manifestation of judicial astrology which it loosely defined as prediction per certitudinem.87 So the Compromise contained the following elements: First, Astrology is not entirely illicit. It is licit insofar as it does not deny free will, or attempt to make such specific predictions for individuals so that it effectively subordinates Reason (the rational soul) to stellar influences but not otherwise. Second, a licit astrology is one that entirely works on the basis of natural forces and laws. This precludes any idea that the stars themselves (both planets and fixed stars) are ensouled beings capable of directly affecting free will.88 As such stellar influences work only upon material things including the human body. This is why medical applications of astrology 87 88 Wedel, The Medieval Attitude toward Astrology, 117. See n. 80 above. 84 were considered licit. Third, any use of, or reference to, spiritual or demonic entities in the practice of astrology renders that practice ‘illicit’. Fourth, the astrology of mass behavior and natural events including weather, crops etc. is entirely licit because it is based on natural effects as medieval thought understood them. It is important to realize there were few, if any, in late classical (including Christian) antiquity or the middle ages who asserted the complete nonexistence or falsity of planetary influence of the kind that we see beginning in the early modern period up to the present.89 The main question was as to their nature and the domain of their effect. Astrology in the Medieval University. Let us now look to see how the Compromise manifested in the universities. In the “Renaissance of the Twelfth Century,” to use Haskins’ term, astrology, at least learned astrology requiring an advanced knowledge of astronomy, was one of the subjects that was acquired from the Arabs. We have already noted above that there were survivals of the astrology of antiquity but these did not constitute a coherent, or sophisticated discipline of the kind we find in classical antiquity or the medieval Islamic world. So the revival of astrology as it came to be in medieval Europe was the one of the results of the importation of learning from the Islamic world. While the translation movement that led up to this revival of learning took place largely outside of the universities, it was inevitable that astrology would eventually become part of university life if not always an official part of the curriculum. It was also inevitable that this astrology would be shaped by such events as the Condemnations of 1277 (despite the retraction 89 Of course modern Science does not deny gravitational influence but gravitation as we know it was not known in the middle ages. 85 of 1325) and the Compromise I have described. Also, quite aside from the newfound acceptability of astrology that arose from its association with rest of the learning from the Arabic world, it was probably inevitable that astrology would come into the medieval university for reasons solely based on the Latin tradition carried over into the early middle ages from classical antiquity. Astronomia was one of the subjects of the Quadrivium, and at this time the words astrologia and astronomia, as we have seen, had not yet become separate. It is true that the distinction that would later separate the two terms does go back quite far, at least to Isidore of Seville, (see Chap. 2) and possibly back to Ptolemy himself but, as of the later middle ages, the two terms were both likely to be used for both of what are now distinct subjects. Most commonly astronomia was used for both.90 I will now focus on the surviving evidence concerning university curricula and astrology and what this evidence tells us about the depth and degree of the penetration of astrology into later medieval university life and how it reflected the Compromise. I limit this discussion to the evidence from Italy, France, England, primarily, with a few words about Spain. These are the regions and nations which had the most developed university systems in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.91 I will start then with Italy, not necessarily because the source material associated with Italy is the oldest but because the sources are most explicit about the contents of the curriculum. In this curriculum, as well as in the evidence from the universities of other nations, we see the evidence of the effect of 1277 and Post-Aquinas compromise as the end result. 90 Among historians of medieval science the virtual equivalence and interchangeability of the terms astrologia and astronomia is well established. See Richard Lemay, “The Teaching of Astronomy in Medieval Universities, Principally at Paris in the Fourteenth Century,” Manuscripta 20:3 (1976): 197-217. 91 As we will see a principal source of evidence regarding the University of Bologna dates from the early fifteenth century but is presumably a codification of the state of affairs prior to that date. 86 Our two major sources concerning Italy are from the universities of Bologna and Padua and I start with Bologna for which our chief source is the Statuti of the university for 1405.92 Thorndike93 in his reporting of the Statuti reduced the Latin text to tabular form but as the text is brief, I present it in its entirety.94 However, first it needs to be noted that in the Statuti, this course of readings in astrology was given as part of the medical curriculum. It was not a curriculum of study unto itself. 95 The course described is divided into four years. (I have italicized the references to each year in which the texts were to be read. On astrology, in the first year first of all one should read the On Fractions and Whole Numbers of Algorismus.96 When these have been read, the first book of Euclid’s geometry should be read along with the commentary of Campanus.97 When this has been read, the Alfonsine Tables should be read along with the Canons.98 When these have been read, the Theory of the Planets99 should be read. In the second year first of all one should read the treatise on the sphere. When this has 92 Carlo Malagola, Statuti delle Università e dei collegi dello studio bolognese (Bologna: N. Zanichelli, 1888), 276-7. 93 Lynn Thorndike, University Records and Life in the Middle Ages (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944), 281-2. 94 The Latin text from Malagola follows – In astrologia in primo anno primo legantur Algorismi de minutis et integris, quibus lectis, legatur primus geumetrie [sic] Euclidis cum commento Campani. Quo lecto, legantur tabule Alfonsi cum canonibus. Quibus lectis, legatur theorica planetarum. In secundo anno primo legatur tractatus de sphera, quo lecto, legatur secundus geumetrie [sic] Euclidis, quo lecto legantur canones super tabulis de lineriis. Quibus lectis, legatur tractatus astrolabii Messachale. In tertio anno, primo legatur Alkabicius, quo lecto legatur Centiloquium Ptolemei cum commento haly. Quo lecto legatur tertius geumetrie, [sic] quo lecto, legatur tractatus quadrantis. In quarto anno primo quadripartitus totus, quo lecto, legatur de urina non visa. Quo lecto, legatur dictio tertia almagestii. 95 Thorndike, ibid. and Paul F. Grendler, The Universities of the Italian Renaissance (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002), 410-11. 96 Grendler mentions that there were several treatises ascribed to one Algorismus, a name ultimately derived from Persian mathematician al-Kwarizmi (c.780-c.850). This work is almost certainly not by him but more likely by Sacrobosco also known as John of Holywood (c. 1195 – c. 1256) who is also the author of the de Sphera which is also listed in this curriculum. 97 According to Malagola this was the commentary by Campanus of Novara (c. 1220–1296). 98 According to Malagola, this is most likely the edition with the canons of John of Saxony (fl. 1327-1355) who along with his teacher (also referred to in this curriculum), John of Linières (c.1300-c.1350) (dates according to Grendler, 411) put the Alfonsine Tables into the form in which they were commonly used throughout the later middle ages up to Copernicus. For John of Saxony and John de Linières, see Thorndike H.O.M.E.S. vol. 3, 253-267. For a description of what was done to make the Alfonsine Tables more useful see Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 283-5. 99 Theorica Planetarum was a name used for a number of treatises on the theory of planetary motion. One was written by Campanus of Novara but this is almost certainly not that one. See Grendler, 411. 87 been read, the second book of Euclid’s geometry should be read. When that has been read, the Linières’ Canons on the Tables100 should be read. When this has been read, one should read the Treatise on the Astrolabe by Messahalla.101 In the third year Alchabitius102 should be read, and when that has been read, Ptolemy’s Centiloquy along with the commentary by Haly.103 When that has been read, one should read the third book of Euclid’s Geometry followed by the Treatise on the Quadrant.104 In the fourth year first of all, one should read the whole of the Quadripartitum105 followed by the Urina non visa (On Urine not Seen).106 When that has been read, one should read the third dictio of the Almagest.107 Two things should be noted about this list. First, that while the Latin text uses the word astrologia,108 of the fifteen works cited only four are on what we would now call astrology. The rest are on astronomy and mathematical topics related to astrology. Of the four works which are truly astrological (again in the modern sense) only one represents what one might call advanced astrology, that is, astrology that is capable of being used for an actual application, and it is on a branch of medical astrology, De urina non visa. I have relied on Thorndike’s account of the work109 as information on the exact content of the work is not readily available; it exists only in manuscript.110 It relates to the practice of diagnosing a patient’s ailment from erecting an astrological chart or figure for the moment that a physician first sees the patient’s urine. 100 Malagola’s note indicates that this refers to the “Canones super tabulis de lineriis [which] constitute the rules given by John of Linières or Lignières of Amiens for the use of the astronomical tables for the determination of celestial motions.” 101 This is the treatise written by Masha’allah (fl. Baghdad, 762-ca. 815) which exists only in Latin translation and is the basis of Geoffrey Chaucer’s Treatise on the Astrolable. See Pingree, “Masha’allah”. 102 Al-Qabisi, Abū al-Saqr cAbd Al-Azīz ibn cUthman Ibn cAlī (fl. c. 950). Latin forms include Alchabitius, Alcabitius, and Alkabitius. See See Pingree, “Al-Qabisi.” 103 For a description of the Centiloquium see 88. 104 According to Grendler, 411, this may have been De quadrante by Campanus of Novara but there were a number of other treatises on that topic as well. 105 This is the Latin name for Ptolemy’s four books on astrology now usually referred to by the Greek name, Tetrabiblos. 106 This work is attributed by Thorndike to one William of England. (H.O.M.E.S., vol. 3, 603 and Isis, 13, no.1, 92. 107 The third section of Ptolemy’s major astronomical work. 108 This is one of the instances in which astrologia is the general term rather than astronomia. 109 See Thorndike, H.O.M.E.S., vol. 2, 485-7. 110 I have located manuscripts of this work but did not deem it necessary for the purposes of this discussion to go beyond what is available from secondary sources. 88 However, from the title of this work it is apparent that the treatise substitutes other criteria for the erection of the figure because, as the title indicates, the treatise relates to an astrological analysis of urine without its being seen by the physician. This is an example of the application of astrology to the task of answering questions, interrogations, an application which was widely considered suspect in certain quarters of the Church as we have seen in Chap. 2. I suspect this use of interrogations was rendered acceptable by its medical context. Otherwise, the texts cited fall into categories that were safe, the first of these being Alcabitius’ introduction. This work teaches absolutely nothing about astrological application and practice. It is simply an introduction to the ideas underlying astrology, and the natures of the signs, planets, houses, and the relationships among all of these. It is a classic example of an astrological Introductorium.111 The Centiloquy or Centiloquium is a collection of 100 aphorisms once attributed to Ptolemy. It has long been recognized that it is not his work but rather the product of some medieval writer whose identity is in dispute. An extensive commentary on the work also exists written, as it was believed, by an Arabic writer, one “Haly,” or Abu'l Hasan Ali ibn Ridwan Al-Misri (d. 1068).112 As a collection of aphorisms the Centiloquy wanders all over the field of astrology from the deeply philosophical to the completely practical. However, even with the commentary of “Haly,” it cannot possibly have been used as a text for the teaching of applied astrology. In addition it 111 Again see chapter 3. However, this is a matter of some dispute. According to Carmody and others, other candidates as author of the commentary include Ahmad ben Yûsuf al-Misrî (ninth century), Abû Jacfar ben Yûsuf, ibn ad-Daya (dates unknown) or Ahmad ibn Ibrâhîm (dates unknown). It is also believed that one of these three was actually the author of the Centiloquy, itself. However, the Centiloquy was at some point translated into Greek and that version came to be regarded regarded at the original, while what is now regarded as the original Arabic was held to be the translation. In Greek it is known as the Καρπός (Karpos) or Fruits, being the “fruit” of the wisdom contained in Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos (as we know it) or in Latin the Quadripartitum. 112 89 specifically deals with portions of astrology that are not covered at all in the Tetrabiblos, specifically the astrology of choosing times for taking action, that is, elections,113 and the use of astrology in interrogations of which Urina non visa appears to be an example. The last of these four works in the curriculum is the Tetrabiblos or Quadripartitum, Ptolemy’s foundational work on astrology. It does cover many, but not all, of the basics of astrology and, unlike Alcabitius’ work, even introduces two applications of astrology, the first as it applies to the affairs of nations and peoples, the second to nativities, the use of an astrological chart to analyse and predict for individual persons based on the time, date and place of birth.114 However, as a text it is so incomplete that one could not possibly learn the practical art of astrology from it, even though it has always been an influential treatise. By contrast the Liber astronomicus of Guido Bonatti, the focus of my work here, could indeed be used as a text for virtually all of medieval astrological practice, allowing for the individual peculiarities of Bonatti’s methods, and with the understanding that certain specialized branches of medieval astrology are not covered in Bonatti’s work at all.115 So one can say that the Bologna curriculum of 1405 was an ambitious one in that all of the works that were prescribed to be read were deep and complex. As Boudet points out, from the third year genuine astrology occupies a major place in the curriculum but he wonders if the reading could really have been done and completed in two years even of the four works listed.116 It does not appear that the curriculum was designed to produce practicing medical astrologers. With its emphasis on the basics of astrology, what some modern scholars have begun to refer to 113 See chapter 3. See chapter 3. 115 Most notably among these Bonatti does not discuss medical astrology at all nor does he explicitly describe the use of astrology for the purposes of magic, though he does refer to the practice. 116 Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 286. 114 90 as astrological “physics”117 one has to assume that the detailed knowledge of that subject was to be obtained outside of the formal academic structure. This is quite possible because in the earlier period in both Paris and Bologna, astrology lectures were often given on feast days (diebus festivis) rather than ordinary teaching days (de mane diebus continuis et ordinariis).118 However, the content of this extra-curricular teaching is undocumented. Regarding the issues of 1277 and Compromise, all of this was connected to medical training and none of it violated the principle that celestial bodies could only affect material entities such as the human body itself. Let us now turn to Padua. Siraisi in her study of the University of Padua has provided as much information as possible about the curriculum there as it pertained to astrology.119 Most of her material, however, appears to be derived from her study of Peter d’Abano whose personal knowledge and practice of astrology was of an extremely advanced order.120 His major work, the Conciliator,121 reveals a great depth of knowledge of astrology. Whatever works may or may not have been part of the Padua curriculum, d’Abano himself seems certainly to have had a command of most of the subject. He himself was responsible for putting into final shape the Latin translations of the works of Abraham ibn Ezra (1089-1164)122 a Jewish astrologer who 117 This term and concept is prominently employed in Steven Vanden Broecke, The Limits of Influence : Pico, Louvain, and the Crisis of Renaissance Astrology (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 18 and passim. 118 Boudet, ibid. 119 Nancy G.Siraisi, Arts and Sciences at Padua: The Studium of Padua before 1350 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1973), 81-94. 120 It is alleged that Peter d’Abano also taught at Bologna for a time. Thorndike mentions this citing Mazzuchelli who denied that he had ever taught at Bologna. However Thorndike mentions that a 1555 edition of Peter d’Abano’s De venenis mentions his having taught there. Thorndike, H.O.M.E.S., vol. 2, 879. For Mazzuchelli see Giammaria Mazzuchelli, “Notizie storiche e critiche intorno alla vita di Pietro d’Abano” in Raccolta d’opusculi scientifici e fisiologici, vol. XXIII (Venice, 1741), xi. 121 See Chap. 2. 122 Often referred to in Latin Abenezra, Avenezra, Abraham and variations of these. For an introduction to the history of Ibn Ezra’s works and translations see Raphael Levy, The Astrological Works of Ibn Ezra (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1927). More recent scholarship in this area is to be found in the works of Shlomo 91 wrote on every major branch of astrology. Familiarity with these works alone would have been sufficient to have made d’Abano an authority. However, as Siraisi demonstrates, he was also familiar with most of the Arabic sources available at that time as well.123 Siraisi presents a good deal of inferential evidence as to the nature of astrological study at Padua before 1350, but in the end we do not have an actual curriculum such as the one contained in the Statuti. Siraisi sums up the evidence for which works were actually studied at Padua as part of an astrological curriculum, which was also, as in Bologna, part of the medical curriculum, as follows: The texts used by beginning and intermediate students of astrology at Padua as elsewhere, were probably the Sphere of Sacrobosco and the Theorica planetarum, perhaps with the addition of the treatise on the quadrant of Robertus Anglicus. To these, between about 1310 and sometime shortly after 1340, were apparently added the Alfonsine Tables, soon adapted in a specifically Paduan edition. More advanced scholars had at their disposal the Almagest and Quadripartitum of Ptolemy, a very wide range of Arab authorities in Latin translation, and the astronomical writings of Peter of Abano.124 With the exception of the addition of the “astronomical writings of Peter of Abano” the basic writings on astrology were even sparser than at Bologna. Unfortunately we do not know which authors constituted the “very wide range of Arab authorities in Latin translation,” and whether they were part of an established curriculum approved by whatever authorities gave such approval and which ones were studied outside of the curriculum by those motivated to specialize. It is also not clear from Siraisi how much of this survived Peter d’Abano. In medieval France, at the University of Paris in particular we find another center of astrological and astronomical studies. Given the events of 1277 which I have discussed earlier in Sela. See especially Shlomo Sela and Gad Freudenthal, "Abraham Ibn Ezra's Scholarly Writings: A Chronological Listing," Aleph, no. 6 (2006): 13-55. Ibn Ezra was also an author of biblical commentaries and was a major figure in medieval Jewish intellectual history. 123 Siraisi, Arts and Sciences at Padua, 84. 124 Siraisi, Arts and Sciences at Padua, 94. 92 this chapter, one must note that the study of astrology did survive the condemnations of 1277 in Paris. And while the condemnations were repealed in 1325, it is fair to say that the objections raised to certain aspects of astrology were not a major factor in bringing about the repeal. As has been often stated, the primary reason for the repeal was the conflict between the doctrines condemned in 1277 and the teachings of Aquinas which by 1325 were well on their way to becoming established orthodoxy.125 So despite the retraction of the condemnations of 1277, one could easily see why persons interested in astrology in Paris might have wanted to be somewhat circumspect. Yet this does not seem to have been entirely the case as we shall see from an instance in John of Saxony’s commentary on Alcabitius. Astronomical studies (in the modern sense) flourished at Paris. It was in Paris, as I have already mentioned, that the astronomical tables created under the aegis of Alfonso X (12211284) el Sabio of Castile, usually known as the Alfonsine Tables, received the form in which they were used as the standard method of computing astronomical positions until early modern times. The form that they had in the original Castilian version did not lend itself readily to practical use.126 This work of improvement was performed by Jean de Murs (fl. first half of the thirteenth century), Jean de Lignères (dates unknown) and John of Saxony.127 The latter two we have already encountered in connection with the curriculum described in the Statuti. Thorndike devotes an entire chapter to Jean de Murs in the third volume of H.O.M.E.S.128 In him we find an individual who had quite a varied career in astrology, astronomy, music and mathematics, but it 125 See for example Edward Grant, A Source Book in Medieval Science (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974). 47. 126 See José Chabás and Bernard R. Goldstein, The Alfonsine Tables of Toledo (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2003), 243-306. 127 Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 283. 128 Thorndike, H.O.M.E.S., vol. 3, 294-324. 93 is not very clear what his exact role was in creating the final form of the Alfonsine Tables other than that he seems to have had one. From the evidence of the Statuti we see Jean de Lignères as an astronomer (again in the modern sense) who created one of the two commonly used sets of canons for the Alfonsine Tables. However, John of Saxony, the creator of the other commonly used set of canons for the Alfonsine Tables, and his relationship with astrology is another matter. I have already referred to the fact that John of Saxony wrote a commentary on Alcabitius’ purely astrological work, that his commentary became a standard part of the early editions of that work and is referred to in the Statuti. However, as Boudet notes, John of Saxony’s commentary contains a few surprises. Most of the commentary adheres very closely to the original text, adds little genuine content or explanation but does elucidate the structure and organization of the original text. However, in the introduction to his commentary he gives a spirited defense of astrology against the “sects”129 of those who speak against it in which he makes his own favorable judgment about astrology very clear. Then, at the end of the commentary on Alcabitius’ Dufferentia prima130 John includes something that has nothing whatsoever to do with subject matter of Alcabitius’ text,131 a discussion of the chart of an interrogation entitled “Interrogatio de absente, utrum vivat aut ne,” (“An Interrogation concerning someone missing: whether or not he is alive.”) We do not know whether or not this chart is from John of Saxony’s own experience but it is an example of exactly the kind of astrology that provoked the wrath of astrology’s opponents in the Church. Yet here it is in a commentary on the otherwise theologically safe introduction to 129 Clearly based on the Abu Ma‘shar material mentioned earlier in this chapter. Alcabitius’ introductorium in the Latin version is divided into five differentiae. 131 This is aside of course from being about astrology. 130 94 astrology of Alcabitius. In this digression from pure commentary, after an analysis of the chart quite typical of medieval interrogational astrology, John concludes that the missing person is dead and has been slain by his wife’s lover! Boudet makes an ironic comment, “L'astrologue n'est plus ici divin, mais devin et détective privé”, “the astrologer here is no longer a divine, but a diviner and a private detective.”132 Clearly at least one of the persons who was involved in the creation of the perfected version of the Alfonsine Tables, John of Saxony, practiced or at least understood astrology at a level a bit beyond that of someone who had simply learned astrology from a curriculum such as the one given in the Statuti. However, as evidential as this may be as to the level of one person’s knowledge of astrology, it does not give us any more information about the actual curriculum of astrology at the University of Paris. We cannot know from this to what degree more advanced forms of astrology were or were not studied at the University of Paris. However, we can surmise that something of the sort was being studied somewhere close by because Charles V (1338 – 1380) surrounded himself with astrologers and amassed a considerable library on the subject, which included a copy of Bonatti’s work.133 All of this was much to the dismay of Nicole Oresme who attempted to wean Charles away from his apparent dependence on astrology.134 However, to conclude my comments about the University of Paris, the most obvious contributions, the improved versions of the Alfonsine Tables, and John of Saxony’s commentary on Alcabitius, what we do know of the activity at Paris seems in accord with the Compromise.135 Turning to England we have a rather different situation than what we find in Italy and 132 Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 282-3. Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 305-11. 134 For a detailed study of Oresme and astrology see Nicole Oresme, ed. Coopland. 135 Aside, of course, from John of Saxony’s interrogation chart. 133 95 France. Oxford, as a university, does not seem to have had a formal program that involved astrology, officially at least. Rashdall mentions that there were “frequent allusions to courses of astronomy apparently more extended than what was included In the ordinary arts course” and that there was one instance of someone “admitted to practice in astronomy” in the sixteenth century.136 It is not clear from Rashdall how much of this was astronomy and how much was astrology. However, this activity seems to have been focused in one particular college, Merton, which was definitely a center of astronomical and astrological activity.137 For example, someone, or some group of persons, at Merton recast the Alfonsine Tables for the longitude of Oxford. Most of the activity was in the first half of the fourteenth century at about the same time as the astronomical work (in both senses of the term) in Paris. Among the better-known figures associated with this group was Richard of Wallingford about whom J.D. North has written extensively.138 One figure, however, stands out as having particular interest for the discussion here, John of Ashendon, variously referred to as Eshendon, Eschenden, Eschuid, and many other variations.139 (I use the form ‘Ashendon’ in this discussion.) His major work, the Summa astrologiae judicialis de accidentibus mundi, is the first major, original work by an Englishman on the subject of astrology.140 It is an introduction to the study of the revolutiones annorum mundi, already 136 Hastings Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, 3 vols., edited by F. M. Powicke and A. B. Emden (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1936), vol. 3, 160-161 and note. 137 For a general overview of Merton’s role, see Carey, Courting Disaster, 58-78. 138 See the following works by J.D. North: Richard of Wallingford and the Invention of Time (New York: MacMillan, 2005); Richard of Wallingford: An Edition of His Writings, 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976); and Chaucer’s Universe (New York: Oxford University Press,, 1988). This last work in interesting because it reinforces what we know about the status of Alcabitius’ text in medieval astrology. It appears to be the only Latin text on astrology translated into middle English. 139 Thorndike, H.O.M.E.S., vol. 3, 324-46. Thorndike prefers the form Eshendon, Carey uses the form Ashenden. 140 The one printed edition uses the form of his name, Eschuid. See Eschuid, Summa astrologiae judicialis de accidentibus mundi (Venice: Franciscus Bolanus, 1489). 96 described in Chap. 2 as related to mass events and behavior not having any bearing on individual persons.141 This is a use of astrology explicitly mentioned by Aquinas as acceptable in the passage from the Summa theologiae because it had little to do with individual freedom of the will. Mass behavior was apparently viewed as something derived from the emotions of the members of a group and therefore less immediately affecting the intellect. It is significant, I believe, in that it is the only astrological work to come out the Merton circle, or from any other source in England until the Elizabethan Age, and it is in an area of astrology, theologically speaking, quite safe. Ashendon’s Summa was derived in its basics from the earlier work by Abu Ma‘shar According to Thorndike, it is a rather long-winded work and as a result other authors based shorter works upon it, or in one case, John de Ponte, simply abridged the original.142 While North in Horoscopes and History, and Carey in Courting Disaster show evidence of the practice of nativities in England in this period and before,143 we have no evidence of its having been taught as part of the official university curriculum at Oxford. The most that we can say is that Oxford students got no more, and probably not as much, of an introduction to astrology as students in Bologna, Padua, or Paris and it was similarly in accord with the compromise. As for the Kingdoms of Spain, we know from the works of Haskins,144 Thorndike145 and other scholars, that the Spanish peninsula was the center of the movement to translate Arabic 141 See chapter 3. Thorndike, H.O.M.E.S., 330 143 North mentions several charts of events and nativities a bit earlier than our period in connection with the reign of king Stephen, specifically Geoffrey of Anjou, the father of Henry II and Henry II, himself. These are interesting because they are very early examples of Arabic style astrology in England. See J.D. North, Horoscopes and History, 104-5. Carey discusses the same charts but her material is largely derived from North’s work. Carey, Courting Disaster, 30-31. 144 See Haskins, Studies. 145 Lynn Thorndike, H.O.M.E.S., vol. 2, 14-49, 66-98, 307-337. 142 97 works into Latin and that among these were many of the major works of Arabic astrologers. If one examines Haskins or Carmody simply to list the number of translations of astrological works that were made on the Spanish peninsula, one will quickly discover that the majority were done in Spain although not entirely by Spaniards. Some were done by persons who came from elsewhere in Europe including Adelard of Bath from England, Hermann of Karinthia, Robert of Ketton and others. Then there is one of the most prolific of the astrological translators, John of Seville, about whom we know little except that he was of Spanish origin. In other cases scholars who were fluent in Latin but not in Arabic worked with native Spaniards who were fluent in Arabic but not Latin. The latter would translate the Arabic into medieval Castilian, and the Latin scholar would translate the Castilian into Latin.146 Neither Boudet or Ryan’s A Kingdom of Stargazers147 show any indication that astrology was part of the curriculum of medieval Spanish universities. Astrology in the Spanish kingdoms seems to have largely been a matter or royal patronage. From Ryan we can add Pere el Ceremoniós (r.1336-1387)148 and Joan el Caçador (r.1387-1396) of Aragon to the aforementioned Alfonso X of Castile. By the mid-fourteenth century astrology appears to have found a stable position within medieval intellectual life. In theory at least, as long as an astrologer kept the terms of the compromise, there was not likely to be any difficulty.149 But we do have to ask the question; how well did the terms of the Compromise actually limit and define what astrologers did and what the 146 Haskins mentions this practice. Haskins, Studies, 13-18. Michael A Ryan, A Kingdom of Stargazers: Astrology and Authority in the Late Medieval Crown of Aragon (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011). 148 Pere is also mentioned in this respect by Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 314. 149 See pp. 83 to 84 in this chapter for the summary of the terms of Compromise. 147 98 art was used for? Did astrologers keep to the terms of the Compromise and if not were they punished as a result? This is a larger question than can be answered in this work, but it is clear from a few cases that whether or not the compromise accurately defined the scope of astrological activity. The case of John of Saxony in his commentary on the first differentia of Alcabitius is a case in point.150 One figure who has been reputed to have gotten into difficulty for going beyond the bounds of the Compromise was Peter d’Abano mentioned in Chapter 2. The facts in his case, whether he was tried once, twice, or at all, ever found guilty as charged etc. are extremely murky. Thorndike came to the conclusion that he was tried once and acquitted but he does not find evidence of a second trial. The situation of Cecco d’Ascoli (1257 - 1327) is another matter. He was clearly tried on some charge or other, was found guilty of heresy, and was burned at the stake. What is not clear is exactly what he was supposed to have done.151 One astrologer who clearly went outside of the bounds of the Compromise was one Antonio de Montulmo (fl. late fourteenth century) who not only wrote on astrology152 but also composed a treatise entitled Liber intelligentiarum de occultis et manifestis.153 According to Thorndike this treatise was one of those “cursed books of necromancers on images, illusions, characters, rings, sigils” as the author of the Speculum Astronomiae put it.154 What is interesting is that, according to Thorndike, Montulmo appears to have attracted no attention on the part of the inquisition. So here we have a clear example of an astrologer well after the working out of the Compromise who 150 See p. 93 of this chapter. On d’Ascoli see Thorndike, H.O.M.E.S., vol. 2, 948-968. 152 See Chapter 1, p. 21, n. 56 153 Bibliothèque nationale de France MS 7337. See Thorndike, H.O.M.E.S., vol. 3, 604-610. 154 See p. 37. 151 99 did not adhere to its terms. This again raises the question as to the extent that the terms of the Compromise determined which applications of astrology were actually used. The application of astrology to warfare as we find in Bonatti, his use of interrogations to gain information of great specificity certainly went beyond the application of astrology solely to those aspects of human behavior which are influenced by the physical body. Of course, it could be argued that Bonatti lived during the period when the Compromise was coming into being and may not have yet achieved its final form. However, Bonatti was a contemporary of both Aquinas and Bacon and clearly was alive when the condemnations of 1277 were issued. It is also clear on an examination of the contents of Tractatus I that Bonatti was not philosophically ignorant of the issues that astrology raised.155 Yet he did not adhere to important elements of the Compromise.156 It is also clear from Dante’s description of Bonatti in Hell that he was regarded in the next generations as having gone outside of the boundaries of acceptable astrology. However, the continuing popularity of his work in manuscript and later in printed editions containing astrology that often went beyond the scope of the Compromise suggests that Compromise did not effectively limit the scope of the applications of astrology. As interesting and historically significant as the Compromise may be, for historians it cannot serve as a reliable guide to the applications for 155 Tractatus I is a philosophical defense of astrology against its critics. A possible example of Bonatti going far outside of what was acceptable is contained in story that Thorndike recounts about his making an astrological image for a poor apothecary with whom he played chess. Bonatti made a wax image of a ship to bring him good fortune. The apothecary was told to put it in a secret place and keep it there, never to remove it. Afterwards, the apothecary did grow wealthy but then became afraid of the possible magic involved. The apothecary confessed the matter to a priest who told him to destroy it the image. This he did, and he became poor again. He asked Bonatti, so the story goes, to make another image. Bonatti told him that the image was not magic, but “had derived its virtue from constellations that would not recur for another fifty years.” Bonatti may not have regarded this as magic, but it is clear from the Speculum astronomiae and other sources that the Church would have considered this magic, and illicit. The problem is that the ultimate source of this story is not known. However, it does give us some further information on Bonatti’s reputation with respect to applications of astrology. Thorndike cites as his source the following: Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, revised edition, Fasc. 20, 1903, p. 105. (I have reproduced the citation exactly Thorndike as gives it.) I have not been able to locate this particular edition. See Thorndike, H.O.M.E.S., vol. 2, 835. 156 100 which astrology was employed in later medieval life without corroboration from other sources. We are still left not knowing what the relationship was between astrology described in the “encyclopedic texts” and astrology in actual practice beyond the few instances I have cited above. I propose that the methods described in the later chapters of this work, the close reading of astrological texts and the comparison of parallel material from author to author, will help historians to determine more exactly the scope of the actual practice of later medieval astrology and do so from within the texts themselves independently of sources outside of the astrology. Chapter 4. The General Evolution of Astrological Ideas as Evidenced in the Texts An Overview of Change versus Tradition in Astrology.1 The Evolution of Astrological Ideas in General. The historian of astrology must understand the ways in which medieval astrological texts were conservative and the ways in which they were not. As mentioned, it has been stated more than once that “that astrology is largely unchanged since Ptolemy,”2 and it is true that the conservatism of medieval astrology was dissimilar in this respect to the methods of modern research and scholarship. The faithful transmission of tradition was often (although not always as we shall see) valued more highly than innovation or new discoveries. Authorities were cited to give material increased credibility and material was also transmitted without attribution (although transmitted nonetheless) in the same apparent spirit of preserving the tradition. Sometimes transmissions were made with astonishing fidelity to the original texts, virtually quotations, whether the source was cited or not. Whole paragraphs complete with metaphors and imagery would often move from author to author with little change except for copying errors. This kind of transmission was common in both Hellenistic and medieval astrological works as well as works in the Hindu tradition. Yet there was change and evolution, as this and later chapters will argue. Contrary to assertions of some, the astrology of the Latin Middle Ages and the astrology of Claudius Ptolemy are very different as I have already shown in Chap. 2. There are times and there are authors in which we see a good deal of new material which seems to have no origin except the 1 Some of this material has been presented previously in a paper as yet unpublished given at the Warburg Institute in Nov. 2008. Here it has been substantially revised and augmented. 2 See p. 9. 101 102 experience (and possibly theorizing) of individual astrological authors. As the tradition was transmitted from author to author I find that the changes can be grouped into two major categories both of which in turn have two subdivisions. The two major categories consist of material which evolved little if at all and those that show evolution in various and significant ways. The first category, as stated above, may be subdivided into two subdivisions, material that did not evolve at all, and material that did change somewhat but not in a way that fundamentally altered either methods or doctrine. The second major category, material which did clearly evolve, likewise as stated, has two divisions. The first involves changes in methods and doctrine but do not alter the fundamental, medieval tradition. The second subdivision involves radical change that did lead to alteration of the medieval tradition. Each of these is described below. Starting with my first major category, that of astrological doctrines that evolve very little if at all, the first, most conservative subdivision shows the highest degree of constancy from author to author. It is clear that some, if not many, authors copied material from earlier authors, often without attribution, simply to fill in the gaps in areas which were outside the range of the authors’ own experience. This is especially found in the “encyclopedic” texts of the kind described earlier. Given the range of topics and applications in the astrological tradition no one could ever possibly have practiced every aspect of the astrological art. So to fill in the gaps in personal knowledge an author would take whole passages from previous authors. In Johannes Schoener’s De iudiciis nativitatum, Book II3 (1545) we find an example of this type of transmission in which not only the words were faithfully copied but even an error in the edition of original text from which the material came: 3 Schoener, De iudiciis, fol. 84r. See Chapter 2, p. 57. 103 In secunda, victus eius erit ratione servorum, aut pro dando bestias ad victoriam, et quod inde lucrabitur, modicum erit… [The ruler of the sixth house]4 …in the second house, his livelihood will be in the manner of servants, or from providing beasts for victory, and what profit he makes from this will be modest. From an edition of Haly Abenragel the same passage.5 …in secunda: victus nati erit ratione servorum: aut pro dando bestias ad victuram: et quod inde lucrabitur modicum erit… The two passages are nearly identical except for the underlined words, eius – nati and ad victoriam – ad victuram. However, the phrase in Schoener, “ad victoriam” where Haly has “ad victuram” makes no sense. The Haly passage also makes little sense, however, because there is no documented root word for victuram which works in this context.6 However, there are two possible solutions for this. Another, later, edition of the Haly text7 has ad vecturam which does makes sense as vectura means ‘hauling’. So while the Schoener passage reads “dando bestias ad victoriam”, “providing beasts for victory,” with the correction from the later edition of Haly we 4 The ruler of a house is a planet that has a strong relationship to the sign in the house. When a planet is in such a sign, it benefits from that placement and is said to be “essentially dignified.” When it is not in such a sign, it still has an influence on the affairs represented by the house occupied by that sign in which it is dignified. Houses in turn are a twelve-fold division of the chart, usually distinct from the signs, which enable the astrologer to assign particular areas of the chart to particular areas of life. See the section in the Introduction to Medieval Astrology in the appendix and the Glossary under DIGNITY, RULERSHIP, and ESSENTIAL DIGNITY. 5 Ali ibn abi +r-Rijal [Haly Aben Ragel], Preclarissimus liber completus in iudiciis astrorum quem edidit albohazen haly filius abenragel (Venice: Erhardt Ratdolt, 1485), f77v. Hereafter this will be referred to as Haly Abenragel, Ratdolt ed. 6 This is based on my having consulted Du Cange, Latham, and Lewis and Short. See Charles Du Fresne sieur du Cange, Glossarium mediae et infimae Latinitatis, 10 vols. (Niort: L. Favre, 1883); R. E. Latham, Revised Medieval Latin Word-List from British and Irish Sources (London: Oxford University Press, 1980); Charlton T Lewis, and Charles Short Harper’s Latin Dictionary. A New Latin Dictionary Founded on the Translation of Freund’s Latin-German Lexicon (New York: American Book Company, 1907). I have also used the computer implementations of Lewis and Short on Perseus and a stand-alone software implementation, Diogenes. 7 Haly Abenragel, Albohazen Haly filii Abenragel libri de iudiciis astrorum (Basel: Henrichus Petrus, 1551), 205. This edition was substantially edited so as to bring the Latin into closer accord with the standards of humanistic Latin. This often damaged the meaning of the original Latin translation but in this case the editing may have improved the text. I have referred to this edition throughout this work because sometimes the editors, who were a bit closer to the medieval astrological tradition than I, may have understood obscurities in the original text. At other times they “improved” the Latin where they could to no effect and transmitted many serious obscurities unchanged. 104 have “dando bestias ad vecturam”, “providing beasts for haulage.” The second solution is to suggest that original text in Haly had “dando bestias ad victuriam” where victuriam could have easily been read as victoriam simply by reading a ‘u’ as an ‘o’ in a manuscript. This would translate as “providing beasts for food.”8 Both readings, ad vecturam and ad victuriam, fit the astrological symbolism which Schoener’s does not.9 Since much of this portion of Book II in Schoener is lifted verbatim from the Latin translation of Haly’s work, not always accurately, the “correction” in the Schoener of victuram, vecturam, or victuriam to victoriam does at least result in a proper Latin noun even if the wrong one. It also seems that the copying or editing in Schoener was done deliberately but unintelligently. While such wholesale copying, as we see in Schoener, is considered unacceptable in modern scholarship (it is plagiarism), in its day it was merely an instance of passing on the tradition. And we see here how it has the additional bonus of enabling the historian to repair damaged transmissions of text from one author to another. The above example involved a technique which was clearly employed by medieval astrologers, namely the analysis of what it means when the ruler of one house is found in another house. This kind of material is found in most, if not all, textbooks of medieval astrology and often the material is original. I have no clear evidence as to why Schoener only copied earlier material but it is probably a sign that he was personally not an active practitioner, merely a compiler. As such this is a simple example of how one can judge what an astrologer actually did in practice from internal evidence in a text. Then there are the “fossils,” once living parts of the astrological tradition that had by the 8 See entry under victuria in Du Cange. My thanks to Dr. Katherine Jansen for this possible reading of the text. The point of the text here is to show a blending of the significations of the second house, source of income, with the sixth house which has a range of meanings. According to Al-biruni and many other sources, the sixth house denotes, among other things cattle and slaves. See Al-Biruni, Book of Instruction, 275. 9 105 medieval Latin period fallen out of use. Two examples of these are subdivisions of zodiacal signs faithfully described in most medieval textbooks, both Arabic and Latin, but hardly, if ever, used either in actual examples of charts, or in descriptions of more advanced methods that might have employed them. These are the divisions of the signs of 30Einto nine equal parts of 3E20', and into twelve equal parts of 2E30'. In the form in which they appear in medieval astrology they appear to come from Hindu astrology where they are to found to this day as basic tools of Hindu astrological practice.10 They are known as navamsas and dwadasamsas respectively in the Hindu texts, and as novenaria or novenae for the ninefold division and dodecatemoria,11 duodenaria12 or duodecimae13 for the twelve-fold division in medieval Latin astrology. In the sixteenth century the duodenaria do make a come back in an older form as found in Greek texts where they are designated in Latin by the name dodecathemoria (the plural form of the Greek) with an additional ‘h’.14 This reappearance of the technique in the early modern period in Schoener may be due to the influx of Greek texts from Byzantium which might have made the technique again briefly fashionable. However, the usage in Schoener is the only instance I have found.15 Now let us turn to our second category of conservative transmissions, text that contains 10 Varaha Mihira, The Brihat Jataka of Varaha Mihira, N. Chisambaram Aiyar trans. (Madras, India: Minerva Press, 1905), 5-6. The descriptions given here can be found in any basic text of Hindu astrology. 11 This is simply a latinization of the Greek word δωδεκατημόρια (dōdekatēmoria). The additional ‘h’ after the ‘t’ was no doubt to force the reader to give a hard ‘t’ pronunciation rather than the ‘tz’ pronunciation common to the letter ‘t’ preceding an ‘e’ or an ‘i’. 12 Used by Hermann of Karinthia in his translation into Latin of Abu Ma‘shar’s Greater Introduction. See Abu Ma‘shar, Liber Introductorii maioris, vol. 8, 88. 13 Found in John of Seville, Epitome Totius Astrologiae (Nuremberg: Ioannis Montanus and Ulric Neuber, 1548), fols. Br- C2r. It is used throughout the descriptions of the signs here. 14 See O. Neugebauer and H.B. van Hoesen, Greek Horoscopes (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1959), 6. There is a description of what appears to be the older form of the dodecatemoria in the introductory glossary of terms provided by the authors. 15 In Schoener’s, De Iudiciis Nativitatum, fols. 4v-5r there is an introduction to the method which closely parallels the kind of material found in earlier medieval Latin texts. However, scattered through the text are aphorisms which actually employ this method. This is what is unusual in Schoener’s presentation. No other author of which I am aware gives any indication of its use. There are two examples from Book I, fol. 14v. There are other examples in Schoener as well. 106 material that is so much a part of basic astrological method as used in this period that it is also transmitted faithfully from author to author but not verbatim and not unintelligently. The original source material is often amplified with commentary and explanation. There are frequent examples of chart interpretations which employ these methods to demonstrate their use (especially in early modern texts) and these examples are often from the authors’ own times. However, little or none of the material is genuinely new. There is some change, however, that may have occurred due to shifts in theory that occurred as the result of the influence of Abu Ma‘shar’s reforms. Abu Ma‘shar (according to Richard LeMay)16 made astrology systematically Aristotelian. Prior to his time, insofar as astrology had a coherent philosophical basis, it was based on a mixture of Pythagorean, Stoic, Platonic, Hermetic and Aristotelian principles derived from late classical philosophy. Ptolemy himself, although he is often characterized as an Aristotelian, exhibited exactly that kind of mixture.17 So Ptolemaic methods that depended on particular non-Aristotelian principles were modified somewhat to bring them into accord with Abu Ma‘shar’s Aristotelian “reform.” The following is an example in a technique derived from Ptolemy in the one area of natal astrology which attempts to deal with an individual’s psychological makeup and personality, as opposed to his or her “destiny.” Antonius de Montulmo (d. c.1400) in his discussion of the medieval version of this technique refers to it in the title of his chapter, “De natura, intellectu, sensu, ac moribus nati.”18 Here he describes the traditional method for deriving the basic character traits of an individual from the birth chart. In Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos, Book III the 16 Lemay, Abu Ma‘shar and Latin Aristotelianism. See especially the first part of the book. This is well described in Taub, Ptolemy’s Universe. See especially the early chapters. 18 Antonius de Montulmo, De iudiciis nativitatum (Nuremberg: Johannes Petreius, 1540) chapter 9. 17 107 equivalent chapter is entitled in the Robbins translation as “Of the Quality of the Soul.”19 ‘Soul’ as used here means something more like what we would call ‘mind.’ The Latin reflects this. Montulmo’s Latin title translates as “On the Nature, Intellect, Understanding and Character of a Native.” A close comparison of the two texts reveals that Montulmo’s material is based on, and in fact is closely derived from Ptolemy. Here is an example of the soul-type dominated by Saturn in combination with Mars, one of the most dramatic descriptions in this entire category. First from Ptolemy. Ptolemy: Saturn, allied with Mars, in honourable positions makes his subjects neither good nor bad, industrious, outspoken, nuisances, cowardly braggarts, harsh in conduct, without pity, contemptuous, rough, contentious, rash, disorderly, deceitful, layers of ambushes, tenacious of anger, unmoved by pleading, courting the mob, tyrannical, grasping, haters of the citizenry, fond of strife, malignant, evil through and through, active, impatient, blustering, vulgar, boastful, injurious, unjust, not to be despised, haters of mankind, inflexible, unchangeable, busybodies, but at the same time adroit and practical, not to be overborne by rivals, and in general successful in achieving their ends. In the opposite positions he makes his subjects robbers, pirates, adulterators, submissive to disgraceful treatment, takers of base profits, godless, without affection, insulting, crafty, thieves, perjurers, murderers, eaters of forbidden foods, evildoers, homicides, poisoners, impious, robbers of temples and of tombs, and utterly depraved.20 Montulmo: But if Saturn signifies about the native’s spirit,21 and Saturn is well-disposed, as has been described, and he is joined especially bodily, or by aspect, with Mars, or sharing in rulership with Mars well-disposed, or bodily joined to some fixed star of a nature similar [to Mars] of the first or second magnitude within the terms as described previously, this signifies that the native’s soul22 will possess gross intelligence; he will be daring, desiring to obtain victory quickly in everything; he will hold on to hostilities, and never be obedient to anyone, nor will he ever absolve himself of any sin which he has committed so that he will be tenacious in his malice, crude without any piety, and will throw himself into everything, and wherever fear is 19 Περ ποιότητος ψυχ ς (Peri poiotêtos psuchês). Ptolemy, Robbins trans., 332-333. Ptolemy, Robbins trans., 343. 21 Usually the word anima, translated as ‘soul’, was used. But here the author uses spiritus, translated as ‘spirit’. There is no obvious reason for the change in terminology. 22 Here Montulmo reverts anima as his term for ‘soul’. 20 108 intense; he despises everything; he will be a sower of discord, will love strife and put it forth, and he will be a traitor; he will freely perform barbaric acts, be full of lies, and he will bear the worst kind of envy; he will regard kings, princes, and nobles with hatred; he will be a completely rustic boor, completely iniquitous, and he will do harm to mankind, nor will he fear on any account; he will involve himself with many things and will commit nothing to completion; [he will be] hasty and sudden in his own actions, and not able to sustain anything, and he will prosper in all things of the sort [that do not require persistence]; he will delight in hypocrisy, and will wish to seem to be good. But if they are both badly disposed, and in contrary and unsuitable places, it signifies that the native will be desirous of things belonging to others, a plunderer, a brigand, a robber on the highways, and wishes to live entirely by evil gain; nor will he fear God, nor anything holy; he will be a blasphemer, nor will he love any of his own friends, and will be a deceiver of all persons, a betrayer, and thief and robber; he will be an assassin and a bloody murderer; he will steal things which are in churches; he will even go to tombs and drag out the bodies of the dead so that he may have their clothes; he will adore demons, and on this account he will delight in necromancy; he will commit incest and adultery, and he will not dream or think of anything except harming people; every evil and every iniquity will seem a comfort to him; he makes sport of, in fact he will rejoice in, every iniquity, every malicious act which can be thought of so that such a native will be obstinately the worst. And if one of these planets should be well-disposed, and the other planet unfortunate, it increases the malice of the first signification, and remits the malice of the second signification, and in this way you will judge correspondingly.23 Montulmo is the more wordy of the two, but the two passages clearly describe the same general kind of character (or lack thereof). 23 Quod si Saturnus significabitur spiritus eius, et fuerit bene dispositus, ut dictum est, et fuerit coniunctus corporaliter maxime, vel per aspectum Marti, vel secum particeps in dominio bene disposito, consimili vel alicui stellae primae vel secundae magnitudinis corporaliter sit coniunctus, infra terminos superius dictos, significat quod anima nati erit grossae intelligentiae, erit audax, subita volens in omnibus victoriam obtinere, retinebit inimicitias, et nunquam alicui obediet, nec unquam excusabit se peccato quod fecit, ita erit pertinax in malicia, rudus absque aliqua pietate, et mittet se ad omne, et ubicunque fuerit intensus timor omnia vilipendet, erit seminator discordiarum, et rixas amabit ac rixas ponit, erit proditor, et libenter faciet baratarias, plenus mendacris, et portabit unam pessimam invidiam, habebit odio Reges et Principes ac nobiles, erit totus rusticus, totusque iniquus, et nocebit hominibus, nec timebit de aliquo casu, de multis se intromittet, et nihil ad executionem mandabit, festinus et subitus in factis suis, nec aliquid poterit tollerare, et his omnibus talibus prosperabitur, delectabitus in hypocrisi, et volet videri bonus. Sed si ambo fuerint male dispositi, et in locis contrariis et disconvenientibus, significat quod natus erit homo desiderativus rerum alienarum, depraedator, malendrinus, et spoliator in viis, et vult vivere ex omni lucro malo, non timebit Deum, nec aliquem sanctum, erit blashemator, nec amabit aliquem amicorum suorum, et omnium personarum, deceptor, proditor, fur, atque latro, erit siccarius et humani sanguinis interfector, depraedit res quae sunt in ecclesiis, imo ibit ad sepulturas, et extrahit corpora mortuorum ut habet vestes, adorabit daemones, et hac de causa se in Nigromantia delectabit, committet incestus et adulteria, nec aliquid somniabit nec cogitabit nisi hominibus nocere, et omne malum et omnis iniquitas solatia sibi videbuntur, et ludit, imo gaudebit omni iniquitate, omni malicia quae excogitari posset, ita quod talis natus erit pessimus inobstinate. Et si unus eorum fuerit bene dispositus, et alter infortunatus, augebit maliciam primi significati, et remittit maliciam secundi significati, et sic proportionaliter iudicabis. — Montulmo, De iudiciis, fol. Kr 109 The difference lies in the model of the soul itself. Here is the beginning of Ptolemy’s passage on the quality of the soul. Of the qualities of the soul, those which concern the reason and the mind are apprehended by means of the condition of Mercury observed on the particular occasion; and the qualities of the sensory and irrational part are discovered from the one of the luminaries which is the more corporeal, that is, the moon, and from the planets which are configurated with her in her separations and applications.24 Here is the parallel passage from Montulmo. It is much more complex and contains an important difference: Regarding a native’s nature, understanding and character, the astrologer is obliged to investigate by means of an exact method because many factors come together here for consideration. Where should you look first? First you should look at this according to the three powers of the soul, because one is a vegetative power, the second is a sensitive power, and the last an intellective power. In the second book of De anima, the Philosopher explains what each one of these three powers is. First, the principal significators25 of the vegetative power are the ascendant, the Moon, and the almuten26 of the ascendant, also [any] planet which is in the ascendant (especially if has any dignity in that place), the lords of the triplicity27 of the ascendant, and the place that has been chosen as the Hyleg.28 However, the principal significators of the sensitive power are the Moon, the almuten of the ascendant,29 also a planet that is in the ascendant, and that luminary which has authority.30 Finally, the principal significators of the intellective power are Mercury, the Almuten of the ascendant, and the Moon. [All of this is so] even though Ptolemy (and others) have principally considered the places of Mercury and the Moon. They consider the place of Mercury for the native’s reason and intellect. They consider the Moon in so far as it concerns the complexion and harmony which the body has with regard to the soul, because the soul, when it possesses the proper dispositions and instrumentality operates properly within the body and within the reason. 24 Ptolemy, Robbins trans., 333. ‘Significator’ is the astrological term of art in both Latin and English for a planet with a special ability to signify something in a chart. See SIGNIFICATOR in the Glossary. 26 A kind of ruler. It is that planet which has the most dignity in the position of the ascendant. See ALMUTEN in the Glossary. 27 See TRIPLICITY in the Glossary. 28 A point in the chart that is supposed to have the strongest effect in determining the basic vitality of the chart. See HYLEG in the Glossary. 29 The original text had sunt ascendens Lunae in Almuten ascendentis. I have amended it as it appears above. In medieval manuscripts Lunae would have been written Lune which is not very different in poor lettering from Luna. The word ‘in’ in medieval manuscripts can be written as in ‘i’ with a long-mark over it as ī. The tironian symbol for et looks like a 7. Again it would be easy to confuse the two symbols given poor lettering. 30 The Sun in a daytime chart, the Moon in a nighttime chart. 25 110 Whence it was Ptolemy’s intention that the Moon signify these passions of the body, that it should signify merriment, agility, so that the body would be obedient to the soul. Whence it will be necessary to consider the soul in causing the operations of the sensitive power, because without sensation being directly or indirectly involved, understanding could not occur in created beings.31 On that account Ptolemy considered the place of the Moon, and of Mercury when one had to understand the operative power of the intellect. According to his intention, it [also] seemed that one should consider the ascendant, because it signifies the native’s body, and also the Almuten of the ascendant because it signifies the native’s body and the disposition of the native’s soul. According to the disposition of the aforesaid factors, and their places, the astrologer can make a judgement of the matter [of the native’s soul, etc.] from the powers just described. All of these have been connected because the intellective power presupposes the sensitive power, and the sensitive power presupposes the vegetative.32 At this point it should be noted that it is not necessary here to understand the complexities of the process and the astrological technical language used. The differences between Ptolemy and Montulmo are contained in the ordinary language portions of the material. Putting aside for the moment the fact that Montulmo’s description of the method of deriving information about an individual’s character is much more detailed, there are, as I have stated above, two different models of the soul here as well. Ptolemy’s model has two levels, “reason 31 Many thanks to Dr. Timothy Noone of The Catholic University of America for his assistance in this passage. Subtili via debet Astrologus investigare, de natura, sensu, ac moribus nati, quoniam multa conveniunt hic considerando unde debes primo scire, quod hoc debes primo videre secundum tres potentias animae. Quia quaedam est potentia vegetativa, quaedam sensitiva, quaedam intellectiva, et quae sit unaquaeque patet a Philosopho secundo de anima. Principales significatores primo vegetativae, sunt ascendens, Luna et Almuten ascendentis, et planeta qui fuit in ascendente, maxime si hic dignitatem aliqua habuerit, ac domini triplicitatis ascendentis, et locus qui fuerit electus Hyleg. Principales vero significatores potentiae sensitivae, sunt Luna Almuten ascendentis, et planeta qui fuerit in ascendente, et luminare cuius fuerit auctoritas. Potentiae vero intellectivae principales significatores sunt Mercurii Almuten ascendentis, et Luna. Et licet Ptolemaeus et alii principaliter consideraverunt locum Mercurii et locum Lunae. Considerant locum Mercurii pro ratione et intellectu nati, et Lunam considerant quantum ad complexionem et harmoniam, quam habet corpus ad animam, quoniam anima habendo debitas dispositiones et instrumenta in corpore debite operatur, et in ratione. Unde ex intentione Ptolemaei fuit, quod Luna significaret has passiones corporis, et significaret hilaritatem et agi-litatem, ut id sit obediens animae, unde necessarium erit considerare ipsam ad faciendum operationes potentiae sensitivae, quia absque sensu mediate vel immediate, non poterit fieri intellectio in creatis. Ideo Ptolemaeus considerabat locum Lunae et Mercurii cum sciendi operativam intellectus nati. Videtur iuxta eius intentionem, quod debes considerare ascendens, quod significat corpus nati, et etiam Almuten ascendentis, quod significat corpus et dispositionem animae nati, et secundum dispositionem praedictarum, et eorum locorum de hoc potest Astrologus de praedictis potentiis nati iudicare. Ista quidem omnia sunt annexa, quia potentia intellectiva praesupponit sensitiva, et potentia sensitiva praesupponit vegetativa. – Montulmo, De iudiciis, fol. Kv. 32 111 and the mind” which he relates to Mercury, and the “sensory and irrational part” which he relates to the Moon. Montulmo has a tripartite division which is clearly derived from Aristotle’s De anima, the division of the soul into the vegetative, animal or sensory, and the intellective. These three divisions, or “powers” as they are referred to in Montulmo, are signified by groups of astrological symbols including the ascendant (completely ignored by Ptolemy), the almuten of the ascendant, planets in the ascendant (both of which were also ignored by Ptolemy), the Moon, and Mercury. The source of the twofold model of the soul found in Ptolemy is not easy to find in Hellenistic sources. An examination of Julia Annas’ Hellenistic Philosophy of Mind 33 revealed no major tradition which held such a view, neither Aristotle, nor the Stoics, nor the Epicureans. However, one can find such a model of the soul in the Corpus Hermeticum specifically in Book XII, “Discourse of Hermes Trismegistus: On the mind shared in common, to Tat.”34 That this doctrine of the twofold soul may stem from this source is supported in Iamblichus, On the Mysteries. The true situation in this regard must be explained to you at some length, on the basis of Hermetic concepts. For as these writings tell us, the human has two souls: one derives from the primary intelligible, partaking also of the power of the demiurge, while the other is contributed to us from the circuit of the heavenly bodies, and into this there slips the soul that sees god. This being the case, the soul which descends to us from the (celestial) realms accommodates itself to the circuits of those realms, but that which is present to us in an intelligible mode from the intelligible transcends the cycle of generation, and it is in virtue of it that we may attain to emancipation from fate and ascent to the intelligible gods.35 33 Julia E. Annas, Hellenistic Philosophy of Mind (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1992). 34 Brian P. Copenhaver, Hermetica: The Greek Corpus Hermeticum and the Latin Asclepius in a New English Translation, with Notes and Introduction (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992). 35 Iamblichus, Iamblichus: De Mysteriis, trans. John M. Dillon, Emma C. Clark, and Jackson P. Hershbell (Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 2003), 319-321. Further explanation of sources of this doctrine in Iamblichus is contained in n. 440 at the bottom of the p. 319 in this edition. Inge in his Philosophy of Plotinus also cites an attribution of the doctrine of the two-level soul to Numenius. However, he also acknowledges that this was a 112 It is impossible to say exactly from whom Ptolemy derived this model, but it does appear to have been current in his time. The Aristotelian tripartite model described in Book II of De anima was also definitely known in Ptolemy’s time but Aristotle’s philosophy was not yet the dominant force that it became in the middle ages at the hands of Arab and later Latin philosophers. However, after the end of classical antiquity his system was the most complete and comprehensive system of philosophy of any that had survived from the classical era; it became the tool for the synthesis of all knowledge and understanding in the middle ages. This also happened in astrology as Lemay has shown. After Abu Ma‘shar all astrology in the Middle East and Latin West came to be reformulated in terms of Aristotle’s philosophy. This includes the physics, the astronomy (mediated by Ptolemy) and even the psychology. The shift between Ptolemy and Montulmo shows this change. I will not deny that Montulmo exhibited considerable originality. I have found no other author who gives such a coherent argument as to why Ptolemy’s model was incomplete and needed to be modified along Aristotelian lines but the fact remains Montulmo’s teaching on the soul was not new doctrine. It was the adaptation of a Ptolemaic model to Aristotelian psychology. And in the end even within the Aristotelian astrology of Montulmo’s day, there were other astrologers who continued to adhere to a Ptolemaic model quite unchanged from Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos.36 Now we come to the first of our two modes in which the texts did truly evolve, changes and additions to traditions without fundamentally changing the outline of the material. Here we see evolution of such a kind that leads us to suspect that the individual astrologers involved must wide-spread doctrine in later Greek philosophy. See William Ralph Inge, The Philosophy of Plotinus, vol. 1 (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1918), 94. 36 For example, see Johannes Schoener, De iudiciis nativitatum, fols. 32r-35r. 113 have engaged the material quite seriously and found it necessary to modify and augment what the tradition had handed down to them. They did this even while maintaining the basic structure of their sources. It is this kind of textual evolution that I am most concerned with in this work because, I believe, it tells something about which parts of astrology were those with which any particular astrologer worked. Otherwise, Bonatti and others received a tradition which they respected but did not see fit to alter in its fundamentals. But change did have to occur for the following reason. No written text, not even “encyclopedic” texts, can completely encompass all of anyone’s experience in the application of a complex craft such as astrology; direct personal transmission through long apprenticeship was, and is, the only way that a practitioner can pass on personal experience in the execution of such a craft with any completeness. The main difference between astrology and other medieval professions is that the academic training in astrology was more basic and introductory than that of law or medicine and the apprenticeship was likely to be with a single practitioner rather than a institution such as a law firm or hospital.37 However, in the transmission of medieval astrology from the Arabs to the Latins there is little evidence that any Latin astrologer actually studied with an Arabic master of the art. It is clear that the Latins learned astrology completely from books translated from Arabic into Latin38 which included even texts originally in Greek (mostly Ptolemy). There were two Latin texts in the middle ages that had survived from the Roman period, Julius Firmicus Maternus’ Matheseos 37 The matter of how astrologers received their training is an area that awaits further research. The lives of medieval astrologers are poorly documented which presents difficulties for the modern researcher. 38 The literature in this area is quite large but one can get a good start with the following works. Thorndike, H.O.M.E.S., vol. 2; Haskins, Studies; Campion, History, vol.2, 29-43. 114 libri VIII and the astrological poem of Manilius, the Astronomica.39 These were not unknown to the Latins of the middle ages but (as I have previously pointed out)40 were not sufficiently complete to provide a foundation for a continuous transmission of the ancient astrological tradition especially in view of the fact that the astronomical texts necessary to do astrology were all in Greek and literacy in Greek was not widespread in the early middle ages. The direct, personal transmission of the astrological tradition in the West was broken in the early middle ages. Therefore, anything that we find in Bonatti and others that either differs from, or is added to, what is contained in the translations from Arabic must be derived either from their own experience or the experience of their immediate teachers, also Latins. Again, from the evidence of surviving curricula in the universities, it does not seem likely that any astrologer would have gained new information about the practical applications of astrology from a university education with the possible exception of applications to medicine, a subject not widely covered in the major texts surviving from the period. There were, however, specialist texts in this area. These have already been noted in Chap. 2. Therefore, it is likely that, in the case of Bonatti at least, his new material was the result of two factors. The first was his own personal experience which he could not have had unless there was in turn a demand for the specific applications in which he felt the need to make changes and additions to the tradition. The second arises out of the first. I have already spoken of Bonatti’s search for the underlying rationale of the material he received as demonstrating a tendency of European thinkers to systematize and rationalize. I remind the reader again that Latin astrologers received their material from Arab authors almost if not 39 See Julius Firmicus Maternus, Matheseos and Manilius, Astronomica, trans. G. P. Goold (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977). 40 See Chap. 3, p. 62, n. 9. 115 entirely from the written word as translated into Latin. Bonatti and all other astrological authors who followed him and actually practiced the art did not have the kind of detailed knowledge that they might have gotten in the Hindu manner from sitting at the feet of a master in long apprenticeships. Bonatti and those who followed him had to derive this knowledge by a rational extension of the necessarily somewhat fragmentary information they received from translations. And they were likely to do this only in subject areas within astrology that they, personally, explored. Finally we come to the last category, that is, completely new material that involved fundamental change in the medieval tradition. However, we do not find such material until the early modern period, specifically from the mid-sixteenth century on. By this time the decline of astrology and its influence in western thought had already begun. We see it in authors such as Brahe, Kepler, Placidus de Titis, Morinus, and Maginus and Dee. The new material came about as astrologers attempted to deal with the criticisms of astrology leveled by critics. It is arguably not the result of astrologers having to develop new material to deal with the demands of patrons. It is the result of the breakdown of the tradition coming about from increasing attacks on the validity of astrology. However, this is a discussion best left to another time and place.41 The Firdaria – a Study in the Transmission of a Complex Astrological System. The previous part of this chapter has studied the various ways in which astrological doctrines were transmitted and often evolved as a result, and sometimes did not. In the last portion of this chapter I present an example of a technique which did not evolve, at least not in the Latin 41 Thorndike’s H.O.M.E.S. volumes 7 and 8 deal with this issue very comprehensively. For a more recent treatment see Broecke, The Limits of Influence. 116 tradition. Furthermore, the particular way in which the method was introduced may have led to its rapidly becoming a “fossil” technique in the way in I have used that term earlier in this chapter. This is a predictive system based on what were known as fardār (pl. fardārāt) or in one its many Latinized forms firdaria.42 Prediction by firdaria is an instance of a predictive technique not well represented in the astrology of the Middle East and West, at least not after the Greek astrologers of antiquity most notably Vettius Valens.43 It is a technique in which planets are assigned rulerships over periods of time rather than over objects, persons, patterns of events and so forth which are the more usual objects of planetary rulership. Generally these periods are known as planetary periods, and the planets that govern each of these periods has no one name in the Arabic-Latin tradition. The only name we have for such planetary lords over periods of time in western astrology (outside of “time-lords” which is a modern term) is one derived from the Greek, chronocrator (χρονοκράτωρ).44 Chronocrator systems are found prominently in Vettius Valens Book IV, where in chapter 745 the word chronocrator is used in the Greek text. In Valens taking account of all of the variations there are many dozens of such systems; however, in the Indian astrological literature there may be hundreds of such systems.46 The periods of time assigned to the several planets vary in the extent to which they can be derived from genuine astronomical cycles with 42 Other forms include fridaria, alfridaria (anglicized as alfridary, pl. alfridaries), alphardaria, and alfardaria. The ‘al’ prefix, of course, is simply the article in Arabic. 43 See reference just below. 44 See Ptolemy, Robbins trans., 452-3. Also in a Latin setting, Julius Firmicus Maternus, ed. Kroll, Book II, 75. Chonocratorem dixerunt Graeci temporum dominum. The term is also found in an early modern source, Junctinus, Speculum, 1573, 164, where he describes the same system that is found in Maternus and in fact quotes firmicus verbatim. Ptolemy’s system of chronocrators is quite different from Maternus which tells us that the word chonocrator was not intended to be limited to one system. 45 Valens, Anthology, Pingree, ed., volume 1, 156. 46 No one to my knowledge has ever tallied all of the systems in Indian astrology. For a description of the most important of these see Varaha Mihira, Brihat Jataka of Varaha Mihira, N. Chisambaram Aiyar, trans. (Madras, India: Minerva Press, 1905), 80-90. 117 some such systems having no apparent basis in planetary astronomy.47 According to Pingree and others the firdaria come from a complex body of Sassanian Persian lore involving planetary rulerships assigned to long periods of historical time in which cycles of many years are divided up and given to the rulership of individual planets and signs of the zodiac.48 These were a part of the same tradition that produced the theory of the great conjunctions described by Abu Ma‘shar and others. However, whereas the method of the great conjunctions is based on a somewhat idealized form of genuine astronomical cycles, the periods of which the firdaria are an example were not strongly anchored in astronomy even though they were used along with other cycles to account for very long periods of history. They were a part of historical astrology.49 However, the system of firdaria that we are concerned with here was employed not in the theory of revolutiones as applied to history but was actually a part of the doctrine of nativities.50 The system of fardārāt (to use the original term) that gave rise to the firdaria consisted of a family of cycles. The largest of these is the “mighty fardār”of 360.0 solar years and also the smaller “big”, “middle” and “small” fardār. The last is the one that is of interest here because it was brought into the study of nativities. It seems to have two forms. The one employed in historical study assigned rulerships and periods to the planets and the two nodes in the order of their exaltations, Sun, Aries, 19 years; Moon, Taurus, 9; Dragon’s Head, Gemini, 3; Jupiter, 47 This is especially true of the system mentioned previously which is found in Varaha Mihira. For the principal reference on this subject see Pingree, Thousands. 49 For a summary of these see Pingree, Thousands, 59-68. 50 In fact in all of the works that I am aware of the complete system of firdaria are described only in texts and sections of texts that deal with nativities, specifically the portions of such texts that deal with the revolutiones annorum nati. See Ali ibn abi +r-Rijal [Haly Aben Ragel], Preclarissimus liber completus in iudiciis astrorum quem edidit Albohazen Haly filius Abenragel (Venice: Erhardt Ratdolt, 1485), fols 99r-102v; Schoener, De iudiciis, fols. 124r-127v. 48 118 Cancer, 12; Mercury, Virgo,13; Dragon’s Tail, Sagittarius, 2; Mars Capricorn, 7; and Venus, Pisces, 8. These terms of years are listed in many introductoria in the sections in which the significations, qualities and periods of the planets are introduced. Among these is the Isagoga of Alcabitius in its second chapter (or differentia as the section is termed in the Latin version of the text). However, in the transition from historical astrology to nativities a change is introduced. Instead of the rulerships of the planets allocated according in the order of their exaltation signs, in nativities they are allocated according to the order of the circles of the planets starting with the Sun in daytime births and the Moon in nighttime births. (For the purpose of convenience I will refer to this variant of the fardārāt as firdaria even though technically the terms are equivalent.) The problem that I present here is the matter of the order of the firdaria in day births as opposed to night births. It is not until much later in the medieval period that we find the complete sequence of planetary rulerships spelled out for both day and night births. This has actually led to some confusion among modern astrologers and historians of astrology trying to determine what is the proper sequence of rulerships for both day and night births.51 The source of the use of firdaria in nativities appears to be a work from the Arabic astrological tradition but one which did not come into the Latin tradition until relatively late in the middle ages.52 It was not among the works translated into Latin in the twelfth century. I refer to Abu Ma‘shar’s treatise on solar revolutions known in Latin as De revolutionibus. It is a treatise on revolutiones annorum nati. It was first translated into Byzantine Greek, then from the Greek into Latin but in the Latin translation it was attributed to Hermes Tresmegistes rather than 51 See Steven Birchfield, The Firdar, http://www.astrologiamedieval.com/firdaria.htm (accessed Nov. 7, 2012). According to Carmody, the Arabic text was originally translated into Greek in the thirteenth century and then into Latin presumably a bit later in that century. The oldest surviving Latin manuscript is Bibliothèque National MS 73202. See Francis J. Carmody, Arabic Astronomical and Astrological Sciences in Latin Translation, 95. 52 119 Abu Ma‘shar. The Latin version is not complete but it does contain all of Abu Ma‘shar’s material on the firdaria. A complete presentation of the firdaria as Abu Ma‘shar had them in De revolutionibus is also to be found Haly Abenragel. In fact it is clear that the Latin translation of Abenragel is a Latin translation of exactly the same work as the De revolutionibus of “Hermes.” Abenragel’s text is either Abu Ma‘shar verbatim or an extremely close paraphrase. However, the complete text of Abenragel did not become available in Latin until after Bonatti. Bonatti’s source is clearly Alcabitius and here is the problem. In the Latin version of De revolutionibus and in the Greek original53 the Abu Ma‘shar begins as follows: Each of the seven wandering stars and also the Head and Tail of the Dragon have certain years whose limits are fixed, and each planet disposes of the native according to its own firdaria. The firdaria of the Sun is ten years, however, of Venus eight, of Mercury thirteen, of the Moon nine, of Saturn eleven, of the Jupiter twelve, of Mars seven, of the Head [of the Dragon] three, and of the Tail [of the Dragon] two, which are altogether seventy-five years. For diurnal54 nativities, whenever that may be, the Sun has the disposition of the first firdaria, then Venus, the Mercury, then the Moon, then Saturn, then the others according to the order of their circles. However, in nocturnal nativities the Moon has the first firdaria, then Saturn, then Jupiter, then Mars according to the previous order. Yet when the disposition of this kind comes to any planet, that planet by itself only disposes of the first seventh part of the years of its firdaria, then the rest of the planets participate with it in the signification of good or bad things according to the seventh part of the years of the firdaria of each planet. And the beginning [of each firdaria] will be from the planet which possesses the firdaria but [then] the planet which is the next after it55 shares first, then the next one after that one, and so must it be understood regarding the rest in sequence. The reason for the associations of the rest of the planets with the one is because the years of firdaria of each planet were derived from the dignities which the planets have in the signs. The Head and the Tail dispose alone according to their disposition, not sharing with any of the planets, after the 53 See Steven Birchfeld who quotes a translation from the Byzantine Greek version done by Robert Schmidt. See Abu Ma‘shar, On Solar Revolutions, Robert Schmidt trans. and ed., (Cumberland MD: Golden Hind Press, 1999). Birchfield does not give page citations. 54 Reading diurnis for diurna. 55 In the order of the circles. 120 completion of the years [of the other planets] because they do not have domiciles…56 So clearly the firdaria of the Dragon’s Head and the Tail go after all of the true planets have completed their firdaria their periods constituting the last five years of a seventy-five-year cycle in the diurnal sequence. What about the sequence in nocturnal births? The text here does not completely enumerate the nocturnal sequence. While there is a definite clue in this text that the firdaria of the Dragon’s Head and Tail also take the last five years in a night birth, Abu Ma‘shar does not explicitly state this until later in the Latin edition.57 When Abu Ma‘shar does get to an explicit description of the nocturnal sequence, it is eight pages later of double-column Latin text. Here he mentions once again the firdaria of the Dragon’s Head and Tail and then states the following: And in diurnal nativities the aforementioned nodes58 dispose after Mars, but in nocturnal nativities they dispose after Mercury.59 56 Unusquisque septem erraticorum caput etiam et cauda draconis habent quosdam annos determinatos, et quilibet planeta disponit natum secundum suam Ferdariam. Solis quidem Ferdaria sunt anni decem. Veneris autem octo, Mercurii tredecim, Lunae novem, Saturni, undecim, Iovis duodecim, Martis septem, capitis tres, et caudae duo, qui simul sunt omnes anni septuaginta quinque. In diurna quidem nativitatibus habet dispositionem primae Ferdariae, sol quandocunque fuerit, deinde Venus, deinde Mercurius, deinde Luna, deinde Saturnus, deinde alii secundum ordinem circulorum suorum. In nocturnis autem nativitatibus habet primam Ferdariam Luna, deinde Saturnus, deinde Iupiter, deinde Mars secundum priorem ordinem. Veruntamen quando huiusmodi dispositio pervenerit ad aliquam planetarum, planeta ipse disponit septimam partem tantum annorum suae ferdariae, deinde reliqui planetae communicant ei, in significatione bonorum sive malorum secundum septimam partem annorum uniuscuiusque ferdariae. Et initium quidem erit a planeta habente ferdariam, communicat autem sibi primo qui est post ipsum propinquior, deinde alius qui post illum, et sic erit intelligendum subsequenter de aliis. Causa vero societatibus reliquorum planetarum cum uno est, pro eo quod anni ferdariae uniuscuiusque planetae extracti fuerint a dignitatibus, quas habent planetae ipsi in signis. Caput vero et cauda soli secundum propriam dispositionem disponunt, non communicantibus eis aliquibus planetis, post complementum videlicet annorum pro eo quod domos non habent… — Pseudo-Hermes, “De Revolutionibus Nativitatum Libri Duo,” in In Claudii Ptolemaei quadripartitum enaratio ignoti nominis, quem tamen proclus fuisse quidam existimans. Item Porphyrii philosophi introductio in Ptolemaei opus de effectibus astrorum. Praeterea Hermetis philosophi de revolutionibus nativitatum libri duo, incerto interprete, ed. Hieronymus Wolf (Basel, 1559), 264. 57 The Greek text does the same. See Abu Ma‘shar, De revolutionibus, Pingree ed. The general introduction to the firdaria are on pp. 181-2, but the placement of the nodal period at the end of the planetary firdaria is not until p. 206. 58 The Head and Tail of the Dragon. 59 Et in diurnis quidem nativitatibus disponunt praedicti noti, post Martem: in nocturnis vero post Mercurii. De revolutionibus, 272. 121 In the order of the circles of the planets, if we begin with the Moon, the last planetary period would be Mercury. So in nocturnal charts the periods belonging to the Dragon’s Head and Tail come again after all of the planets at seventy years making up the last five of the seventy-five. The following tables illustrate the complete system of Abu Ma‘shar. Table I — Major Periods Diurnal Charts 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. q r e w u y t l L 10 8 13 9 11 12 7 3 2 years years years years years years years years years Nocturnal Charts 10 18 31 40 51 63 70 73 75 w u y t q r e l L 9 11 12 7 10 8 13 3 2 years years years years years years years years years 9 20 32 39 49 57 70 73 75 Table II — Lengths of the Minor Periods u Total Period y t q r e w 11 yrs. 1/7th 12 yrs. 7 yrs. 10 yrs. 8 yrs. 13 yrs. 9 yrs. = = = = = = = 1 yr. 6 mos. 26 days 1 yr. 8 mos. 17 days 1 yr. 0 mos. 0 days 1 yr. 5 mos. 4 days 1 yr. 1 mo. 22 days 1 yr. 10 mos. 9 days 1 yr. 3 mos. 13 days Note the major periods of the Caput (l) and Cauda (L) take up the last five years in both the nocturnal and diurnal sequence. Now here is Alcabitius’s description of the technique. And the disposition of the firdaria is according to this, that is, if the nativity is diurnal the Sun will command its disposition in the beginning of life according to the quantity of his years which are ten. After this, the planet which succeeds the Sun,60 which is Venus, the years of whose firdaria are eight. After Venus [comes] the planet which succeeds her, which is Mercury and the years of his firdaria are thirteen, then the Moon and the years of her firdaria are eight, then Saturn and the years of his firdaria are eleven, then Jupiter and the 60 In the order of the circles. 122 years of his firdaria are twelve, then Mars, the years of whose firdaria are seven, then the Head, the years of whose firdaria are three, and after this the Tail and the years of its firdaria are two. The years gathered together become seventy-five years. After this the disposition reverts to the Sun and [it proceeds] similarly up to the last of the planets. If, however, the nativity is nocturnal, the disposition begins from the Moon and she disposes of the years of her firdaria which are eight, in a like manner planet after planet just as we said previously in [the case of] the Sun. And when a planet disposes of the years of his firdaria, he disposes of the first seventh part alone by himself, that is, of a seventh part of his own firdaria, then the planet which succeeds him participates with him in the second seventh. After this the third planet which succeeds the second participates with him in the third seventh part. [This continues] until the planet which is before him participates with him in the last seventh part of the years of his firdaria. There is a judgement about the nativity for each planet as it participates with another.61 Just as we saw with Abu Ma‘shar’s text, the nocturnal sequence is not explicitly given. However, unlike the Abu Ma‘shar’s text, the nocturnal sequence is never given. Nor is there an explanation as to why the periods of the Dragon’s Head and Tail come last. A comparison of the Latin with the English translation from the Arabic indicates that the Latin translation is quite faithful to the Arabic original.62 Here is Bonatti’s version of the same material from Tractatus IX. Chapter Three. On the Years of Firdaria and Their Dispositors. The ancient sages considered certain [periods of] years in nativities which are note called Major, Middle, nor even Minor;63 they called them the years of the firdaria, that is, years 61 Et ex hoc dispositio alfirdariet. Hoc est, cum fuerit nativitas diurna, preerit in initio vite dispositioni eius firdarie Sol secundum quantitatem annorum firdarie eius, qui sunt decem; post hec planeta qui succedit Solem, qui est Venus, cuius firdarie anni sunt octo.; et post Venerem, planeta qui eam succedit, qui est Mercurius, et anni eius firdarie sunt tredecim; deinde Luna, et anni eius firdarie sunt novem; deinde Saturnus, et anni eius firdarie sunt unde undecim; deinde Iupiter, et anni eius firdarie sunt duodecim; deinde Mars cuius anni firdarie sunt septem; deinde Caput, cuius anni firdarie sunt tres; et post hec Cauda, et anni eius firdarie sunt duo. Fiunt anni collecti simul quique et septuginta anni. Post hec revertitur dispositio ad Solem, et similiter usque ad ultimum planetarum. Si autem nativitas nocturna, incipiet dispositio a Luna, disponetque annos firdarie eius, qui sunt octo, similiter planeta post planetam, sicut prediximus in Sole. Cumque disposuerit planeta annos firdarie sue, disponet proprie primam septimam solus, id est, septimam partem firdarie sue, deinde participatur ei in septima secunda planeta qui eum succedit; post hec participatur ei in dispositione in septima tertia tertius planeta, qui succedit secundum; et donec participetur ei qui est ante eum in ultima septima ex annis eius firdarie. Et est unicuique, cum participatur alteri, iudicium super nativitatem.— Al-Qabisi, Warburg ed., 343-4. 62 Ibid., 133-5. 63 This is a reference to another and more ancient system of periods of time allocated to the planets. See Glossary under PLANETARY PERIODS and CHRONOCRATOR. 123 which are disposed. For each planet disposes his own part of a native’s life in this manner, namely, that of whatever kind a nativity may be, the disposition of the firdaria will begin from the luminary which possesses authority,64 and that luminary will dispose of a native’s life according to the quantity of the years of its firdaria, but not without the participation of the other planets. If the nativity is diurnal, it will begin from the Sun (which is the diurnal luminary) which disposes of a native’s life according the quantity of the years of his firdaria which are ten, but with the participation of all of the other planets. However, the Sun himself will have sovereignty and especially in the first seventh part of those years. In the second [seventh] part Venus, which succeeds the Sun in the order of the circles,65 will participate with the Sun in the disposition of the native’s life. In the third seventh part Mercury, which succeeds Venus in the order of the circles, will participate with the Sun. In the fourth seventh part the Moon, which succeeds Mercury in the order of the circles, will participate with the Sun. In the fifth seventh part Saturn, which succeeds the Moon going around the circle [to the beginning again] in the order of the circles, will participate with the Sun. In the sixth seventh part Jupiter, which succeeds Saturn in the order of the circles, will participate with the Sun. In the seventh and last seventh part Mars, which succeeds Jupiter in the order of the circles, will participate with the Sun and Mars is the seventh planet from the Sun.66 After this Venus, who succeeds the Sun in the order of the circles, will dispose of the life of the native according to the quantity of the years of her firdaria, which are eight, and all of the other planets will participate with her in the disposition of those years, namely, each planet according to its own seventh part as had been described regarding their participation with the Sun. Then Mercury will dispose according to the quantity of the years of his firdaria, which are thirty, and the other planets will participate with him, namely, each of them according to his seventh part of those years. Then the Moon will dispose according to the quantity of the years of her firdaria, which are nine, and each of the other planets will participate according to his seventh part of those years. Then Saturn will dispose according to the quantity of the years of his firdaria, which are eleven, with the participation of the other planets as had been described regarding to the Sun. Then Jupiter will dispose according to the quantity of the years of his firdaria, which are twelve, with the participation of the other planets as had been described regarding the others. Then Mars will dispose according to the quantity of the years of his firdaria, which are seven, with the participation of the other planets as had been described above. Then Dragon’s Head will dispose according to the quantity of the years of its firdaria which are three. Then the Dragon’s Tail will dispose according to the quantity of the years of its firdar which are three. After this the disposition reverts back to the Sun doing [again] just as has been described successively up to the end of the native’s life. 64 See Glossary under LUMINARY OF THE TIME. See Glossary under ORDER OF THE CIRCLES OF THE SEVEN PLANETS. 66 Again going around to the beginning of the circle by way of Saturn. 65 124 On the Nocturnal Nativity. But if the nativity is nocturnal, the disposition will begin from the Moon which is the nocturnal luminary, and it will be done in all ways and throughout everything just as has been described when the disposition begins from the Sun both as regards the participation of the planets with her and their succession in the order of the circles.67 In the exposition of the years of the firdaria we find four main topics, the last of which is found only in the original account of Abu Ma‘shar They are as follows. 67 Capitulum tercium de anni firdarie et ipsorum dispositoribus. Consideraverunt sapientes antiqui quosdam annos in nativitatibus qui non dicuntur maiores neque medii nec etiam minores, verum vocaverunt eos annos firdarie id est annos dispositos. Nam quilibet planeta disponit suam partem vite nati secundum suam partem annorum firdarie in hunc modum, videlicet quoniam qualiscunque fuerit nativitas, incipiet dispositio annorum firdarie a luminari cuius fuerit auctoritas et illud disponet vitam nati secundum quantitatem annorum sue firdarie, non tamen sine aliorum planetarum participatione. Nam si nativitas fuerit diurna, incipiet a Sole quod est luminare diurnum qui disponet vitam nati secundum quantitatem annorum sue firdarie, qui sunt decem, cum participatione tamen aliorum planetarum omnium sed ipse obtinebit principatum et maxime in prima septima parte illorum annorum. In secunda parte participabit cum eo Venus in dispositione vite nati qui ipsi succedit in ordine circulorum. In tercia septima parte participabit cum eo Mercurius qui succedit Veneri in ordine circulorum. In quarta septima parte participabit cum eo Luna que succedit Mercurio in ordine circulorum. In quinta septima parte participabit cum eo Saturnus qui succedit Lune circulariter in ordine circulorum. In sexta septima parte participabit cum eo Iupiter qui succedit Saturno in ordine circulorum. In septima vero septima parte atque ultima participabit cum eo Mars qui succedit Iovi in ordine circulorum et est planeta septimus a Sole. Post hec disponet Venus que succedit Soli in ordine circulorum vitam nati secundum quantitatem annorum sue firdarie qui sunt octo et omnes alii planete participabunt cum ea in dispositione illorum annorum scilicet quilibet secundum suam septimam partem ut dictum est de participatione ipsorum cum Sole. Deinde disponet Mercurius secundum quantitatem annorum sue firdarie qui sunt tredecim et participabunt cum eo alii scilicet quilibet eorum secundum suam septimam partem illorum annorum. Deinde disponet Luna secundum quantitatem annorum sue firdarie qui sunt novem et participabit scilicet quilibet eorum secundum suam septimam partem eorum annorum. Deinde disponet Saturnus secundum quantitatem annorum sue firdarie qui sunt undecim cum participatione aliorum sicut dictum est de Sole. Deinde disponet Iupiter secundum quantitatem annorum sue firdarie qui sunt duodecim cum partipatione aliorum planetarum ut dictum est de aliis. Deinde disponet Mars secundum quantitatem annorum sue firdarie qui sunt septem cum participatione aliorum planetarum ut dictum est supra. Deinde disponet Caput Draconis secundum quantitatem annorum sue firdarie qui sunt tres. Deinde disponet eius Cauda secundum quantitatem annorum sui firdarie qui sunt duo. Post hec revertitur dispositio ad Solem sic faciendo ut dictum est successive usque in finem vite nati. De nativitate nocturna. Quod si nativitas fuerit nocturna, incipiet dispositio a Luna que est luminare nocturnum, et fiet in omnibus et per omnia ut dictum est quando incipit dispositio a Sole tam de participatione planetarum cum ea quam de ipsorum successione in ordine circulorum. . . . — Bonatti, Ratdolt ed., fol. 391v. 125 First, all three authors give the lengths of the firdaria of each planet. These are in accord with the “small” fardār described above. Second, each author describes the sequence of principal rulers in both diurnal and nocturnal births. However, only Abu Ma‘shar gives us any information about the complete sequence in nocturnal births as well as the logic for placing the periods of the Dragon’s Head and Tails at the end. They do not have the same kind of relationship with the signs of the zodiac that the planets have, and, implicitly as well, they are not part of the sequence of the order of the circles. Abu Ma‘shar does not give the complete nocturnal anywhere in his text, but he is the only one who gives the reader the necessary information to deduce the complete nocturnal sequence correctly. Third, each author describes the principle of subdividing the firdaria of each planet (but not the Dragon’s Head and Tail) into seven equal divisions each of which are ruled by the planet having the principal rulership succeeded by each of the other planets (not including the Dragon’s Head and Tail) in the sequence of the order of the circles going from the sub-period of the Moon back to the sub-period of Saturn when necessary. Fourth, only Abu Ma‘shar among these three authors gives several pages of interpretations for life-events in every one of the sub-periods of every one of the firdaria, at the end of which he finally described what happens with periods of Dragon’s Head and Tail in a nocturnal chart. It seems evident either that Abu Ma‘shar or, if he is not the actual source of this method, the original source intended that the system of firdaria was to be used and probably employed them himself. We have no idea whether Alcabitius actually used this technique. We do not have a complete text by him on the subject of nativities; we have only his introductorium. His account of the system is very close to Abu Ma‘shar except for the missing explanation as to why the periods of 126 the Dragon’s Head and Tail go at the end of the seventy years made up from the planetary firdaria and why their periods alone are not subdivided. We cannot say for certain that Alcabitius completely understood the method although I suspect that he did. We know that the method was known in the Arabic tradition. We have a complete and correct account of the method in AlBiruni Book of Instruction68 and the complete account in Haly Abenragel. Bonatti’s exposition of the method is certainly longer in words than that of Alcabitius, but if one examines carefully, all Bonatti has done is to state explicitly what Alcabitius clearly implies. It is characteristic of Bonatti to leave as little to the imagination of the reader as possible so it is interesting to speculate as to why Bonatti never filled out the nocturnal sequence. Most of the extra verbiage in Bonatti is taken up by stating much more explicitly how each of the firdaria are subdivided into sevenths and the sequence of the sub-rulers. When he finally gets to the nocturnal sequence, he only states that one should begin with the Moon and then do just as one does in the diurnal sequence. The only hint that Bonatti actually knew the correct sequence is his reference as follows: “just as has been described when the disposition begins from the Sun both as regards the participation of the planets with her and their succession in the order of the circles.” Anyone who understands the “order of the circles” would know that the Dragon’s Head and Tail are not part of that sequence. However, it would still be unclear as to where they would go in the sequence. All of this suggests that the method of firdaria had become a fossil technique for the astrological traditions that had come into the Latin West. There is only one other account of the firdaria that came into the West and that is the one contained in the compilation of Hugh of 68 This work was never translated into Latin. See Al-Biruni, Book of Instruction, 255-6. There is no interpretative information in this work but the technique is described completely. 127 Santalla (fl. early twelfth century) known as the Liber Aristotelis.69 Unlike Alcabitius and Bonatti, Hugo’s account contains a complete set of interpretations but it does not include Abu Ma‘shar’s account of the placement of the periods of the Dragon’s Head and Tail at the end of the sequence for firdaria in nocturnal charts. As with Alcabitius and Bonatti, Hugo’s text is mute on the subject. The interpretations in Hugo’s text, unlike those of Haly Abenragel, do not appear to be taken directly from Abu Ma‘shar. Not surprisingly they are similar but Hugo’s text is clearly not merely a different translation of the Arabic original. These interpretations appear to have come from a different source. There is no evidence that any astrological author in Bonatti’s time was aware of Hugo’s compilation. In conclusion, first, there is the peculiar coincidence that in what appears to be the original text describing the material, that of Abu Ma‘shar, namely, the placement of material regarding the nocturnal sequence of firdaria is in a location in the text far removed from the introductory material on the firdaria. This made it likely that another author skimming the text for material to be used in an introduction (Alcabitius) would overlook it and leave it out even he did understand the complete system. However, it is not clear that Bonatti completely understood the method. However, given his tendency to amplify the descriptions of his sources, which is evident in this instance, it seems strange that Bonatti would have not made the difference between the diurnal and nocturnal sequence complete, correct and explicit unless he did not know the correct nocturnal sequence. It is my sense that he simply included the firdaria for the sake of completeness, not necessarily expecting anyone to actually use it (the hallmark of a fossil technique). 69 Hugo of Santalla, Liber Aristotelis, 113-121. 128 Second, in the one author of this period who did describe the entire system, Haly Abenragel, the text, as I have stated above, is so obviously taken directly from Abu Ma‘shar, that one is justified in believing that for him, too, firdaria were a fossil technique but that he included more of the “fossil.” Recall from Chapter 4 that techniques that do not evolve from author to author are either techniques that are so foundational that no one dares to innovate or deviate (not common), or are fossil techniques handed down and preserved for the sake of completeness. Bonatti's treatment of firdaria suggest that for him, unlike the material on military astrology, firdaria were a fossil technique. Chapter 5. The Astrology of Conflict and Warfare Before Bonatti and the Life of Guido Bonatti. In this chapter I perform two tasks. First, I describe the astrologers who preceded Bonatti concentrating both on those who established the framework of practice in which he worked and those who wrote about the application of astrology to military purposes.1 Second, I present a biographical study of Bonatti, concentrating on incidents in his career that demonstrate his involvement in military astrology, and in at least one instance, astrology as applied to political intelligence. However innovative Bonatti may have been, he came from a well-established tradition both with respect to astrology in general and military applications in particular. The individuals whom I describe below are all persons who wrote on military astrology or closely related subjects. All of them also wrote on the subject of interrogations and elections, although one of these, Abu Ma‘shar, was not known in Bonatti’s day primarily for his work in these two areas of astrology.2 It is important to note that all of these authors were available in Latin translations except for Theophilus of Edessa whose influence upon Latin astrology was indirect. There is no evidence that Bonatti had any knowledge of Arabic. 1 This is whether or not it can be established that all of these actually were a direct influence upon Bonatti. Carmody lists four treatises on elections none of which were ever printed and which exist only in a small number of manuscripts. – Carmody, Arabic Astronomical and Astrological Sciences in Latin Translation, 92-106. 2 129 130 Bonatti’s Predecessors and Sources. Dorotheus of Sidon (fl. between 25 and 75 C.E.) — As stated in previous chapters, two of the principal components of military astrology are the methods of interrogations and of elections.3 Therefore, it would seem reasonable to look for the earliest applications of astrology to warfare and conflict in works on these divisions of astrology. Such is indeed the case. There is mention of predicting warfare in Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos, Book II, a text which forms the foundation of the medieval method of revolutions.4 However, as stated in Chap. 2,5 this method is mostly used to predict the likelihood of war during a period of time governed by a particular revolution, not, for the most part, to derive information that could be used in military intelligence and strategic planning. These functions within military astrology are almost completely peculiar to interrogations and elections.6 The earliest work in which we see elections and interrogations discussed is that of Dorotheus of Sidon. This is contained in a poetic treatise originally written in Greek consisting of five books. For this reason it is often referred to as the Pentateuch. Pingree in his edition of the Arabic version of the Pentateuch refers to it as the Carmen astrologicum.7 Little is known about Dorotheus’ life, and his dates have not been definitely established, but Pingree in the preface to his edition of the Arabic translation of the text states that from the internal evidence of astrological charts contained in the text his probable floruit is between 25 and 75 CE.8 I have 3 See especially Chap. 2, pp. 44 and 47 respectively. Revolutiones annorum mundi. 5 See p. 51. 6 I have, however, mentioned in Chap. 2, p. 56 the relatively minor role of the astrology of nativities in this regard. 7 Dorotheus, Pingree ed. Pingree’s preface, introduction and commentary are all written in Latin. 8 Ibid., x. “E quibus omnibus apparet Dorotheus ab anno fere 25 usque ad annum 75 floruisse.” The phrase “e quibus omnibus” refers to the astrological charts just mentioned. 4 131 discussed the difficulties that this text presents in a previous chapter.9 However, anyone who is familiar with the methods and apparatus of medieval astrology will immediately recognize that it owes as much or more to the method of Dorotheus of Sidon than it does to the more well-known Claudius Ptolemy. Arabic authors cite him frequently, often under a variant of his name, as “Doronius.” In Book V, the book of the Pentateuch, which contains all of the electional and interrogational material (the rest of the work being on nativities), a chapter which Pingree designates as V33 is entitled in his translation of the Arabic “A chapter in which is the clarification of the matter of two adversaries, if they argue and plead before a judge, which of the two will be successful and which of the two will be defeated.”10 This is one of the passages in Book V which is clearly interrogational rather than electional. It begins, “Look if you want to know this at the hour in which you are asked [italics mine] to the ascendent as the ascendent indicates the matter of incitements and the commencements of quarrels.” The phrase in italics contains the signature of a passage which concerns an interrogation. The chapter is not on warfare as such but, as we have seen in Chap. 2 and will see again in Chap. 7, the logic and methodology of civil suits and other nonmilitary conflicts are identical with the logic of answering the question “who will win the battle?” As I will show in Chap. 7 and thereafter, Dorotheus’s method is very similar to the method employed by Bonatti and his predecessors. There are of course many differences in detail and a few somewhat more important differences in method, but the general approach clearly belongs in the same tradition as the later medieval works on the same subject and of course that of Bonatti. This passage from Dorotheus is, as far 9 Chap. 2, p. 49. Dorotheus, Pingree ed., 292-295. 10 132 as anyone knows, the earliest of any on this subject. At the very least we may conclude that it represents a very early stage in the evolution of the tradition. The Pentateuch in the Greek version is one of the oldest surviving books on horoscopic astrology. Only the poem by Manilius is older and probably only by a generation or two. Of the two texts Dorotheus has had the much greater impact on the evolution of later horoscopic astrology. It is also worth pointing out that there is much more material attributed to Dorotheus of Sidon than what is contained in the Arabic version of the Pentateuch. Much of it is contained in a Latin translation of material compiled from Arabic sources known as the Liber novem iudicum.11 This text is quite important to this study because it contains a good deal of material on the astrology of conflict and warfare, much of it from Dorotheus, one of the nine “judges.” The Liber novem iudicum was the sole direct source of Dorotheus available to the West. The Arabic version of the Pentateuch was never translated into Latin. Pingree’s translation into English is the first translation of that work into any European language.12 Theophilus of Edessa (c.695 - 785 C.E.) – Theophilus is important in this discussion because he is the only author that we know of who wrote an entire treatise devoted to military astrology. The full title of this work is entitled Θοφίλου φιλοσόφου πόνοι πρ καταρχäν πολμικäν κα ¦πιστρατίας κα τυραννίδος (Theophilou philosophou ponoi peri katarchôn polemikôn kai epistrateias kai turannidos), or The Works of the Philosopher Theophilos on Inceptions of Conflicts, Expeditions and Reigns, The surviving portion of this work is to be found in the CCAG Vol. 5, part 113, and CCAG Vol. 11, part 1.14 Most of this work has not been translated 11 See below for further discussion of this work. Outside of the original Greek of course. 13 pp. 233-37. 14 pp. 204–66. 12 133 with the exception of the very beginning contained in Vol. V, part 1.15 The work also does not seem to have been translated into Arabic. Theophilus’ material appears to have been derived from a number of sources including Indian, Sassanian, and Greek. Not having access to this work, it is not clear what the proportion of each tradition is to the final result but it does seem evident that most of the Sassanian material is derived ultimately from the Greek tradition. It is not so clear whether the Indian material originates from Indians themselves or the Greeks. Greek sources that seem more or less evident in his work as a whole include Dorotheus, Hephaistion (whose material seems to be largely derived from Dorotheus), and Rhetorius who appears to have lived in the sixth or seventh century.16 Pingree in his article “Classical and Byzantine Astrology in Sassanian Persia” states that Theophilus “depended heavily on the Sanskrit Brihadyātrā of Virahamira …written in about 550.”17 Theophilus became closely associated with the caliphs Al-Mansur (714 - 775 C.E.) and his successor Al-Mahdi (744 or 745 - 785 C.E.). 18 In particular he appears to have become the chief astrologer to Al-Mahdi.19 Prior to that we find that he was learned in Greek and Syriac to the 15 James H. Holden, History of Horoscopic Astrology: From the Babylonian Period to the Modern Age (Tempe, AZ: American Federation of Astrologers, 1996), 105-7. Holden has been translating Greek and Latin astrological texts for years and has only recently begun having the bulk of them published. This particular book contains many interesting fragments of ancient astrological texts in English. See Chap. 1, p. 22, n. 57. 16 For a discussion of this issue, see Rhetorius, Rhetorius the Egyptian, trans. Holden (Tempe, AZ: American Federation of Astrologers, 2009), ix-x. 17 Pingree, “Classical and Byzantine Astrology”. The material on Theophilus is contained on pp. 236-37. This article is the best source we have on Theophilus’ sources. The Hindu source mentioned here has been edited by Pingree but never translated into a Western language. However, given the doubts about Pingree’s ascription of the method of interrogations to Hindu sources in the Yavanjataka, I am a bit skeptical that persons more familiar with the technical methods of Hindu versus Hellenistic astrology will agree with his evaluation. 18 A useful source for those seeking information about Theophilus life and influence is contained in the Latin preface to the CCAG entry in Vol. 5, part 1. 19 astrologorum . . . Al-mahdii principem, CCAG, Vol. 5, part 1, 230. These words are taken from a Latin translation of Bar Hebraeus cited in this preface. See Gregory Bar Hebaeus, Historia Compendiosa Dynastiarum (Oxford, 1663), 147-148. 134 extent that he translated “most elegantly” Homer from Greek to Syriac. Theophilus’ work was definitely known but he is seldom referred to by later astrologers. I know of only two references. One is in Sahl ibn Bishr (whom hereafter I will refer to by one form of his Latin name Zahel) and the other is Haly Abenragel. The Zahel reference is in the De significatione temporum, in the chapter on the seventh house, Capitulum signi septimi ad tempora sue horas belli ex dictis Theophili.20 However, the passage in question seems to be more about predicting whether war was imminent than seeing the outcome, or picking a time. In Haly Abenragel’s In iudiciis stellarum, chapter 42, Pro muliere si est pregnans vel non (“On women, whether or not she is pregant”) there is a also a reference to Theophilus on that subject.21 Omar of Tiberias (d. c. 815 CE) – Full name Abū Hafs ‘Umar ibn al-Farrukhān al Tabarī, known in Latin as Omar or Aomar. He is significant historically for two reasons. First, he translated an existing Pahlavi translation of the Greek text of Dorotheus Pentateuch into Arabic and contributed to Dorotheus becoming a major part of the Greek, Sassanian synthesis that was medieval Arabic astrology. (See Dorotheus above.) Second, according to Pingree, he was one of the “masters of calculation” who was present at the computation of the electional chart for the founding of Baghdad mentioned below under Masha’allah.22 Only one complete work has come to us in Latin, his De nativitatibus et interrogationibus sometimes with and sometimes without the interrogations portion.23 However, additional 20 Zahel, Omnibus ed. of 1493, fol. 142r. Haly Abenragel, Ratdolt, fol. 15v. 22 See note 28 below. 23 Omar of Tiberias, Omar Tiberiadis astronomi preclarrissimi liber de nativitatibus et interrogationibus, trans. John of Seville (Venice: Ioannes Baptista Sessa, 1503). According to Carmody this is the editio princeps and as such leaves much to be desired. A better text of the Latin is needed. Later editions are worse either adding more mistakes and faithfully preserving the existing ones, or as in the case of the 1515 edition, edited until the Latin made sense even if that meant omitting sections and changing the sense of the original. 21 135 material attributed to Omar that is not found in De nativitatibus is to be found in the Liber novem iudicum which is discussed below. Masha. allah. (c.762 - 815 C.E.) – (Messehalla with many variants in Latin). The Fihrist records the following. Ibn Athrā, whose name Mā Shā’ Allāh, [sic] was Misha, which means yithro. He was a Jew, and lived from the time of al-Mansūr to the time of al-Ma’mūn. He was a man of distinction and during his [sic] period the leading person for the science of judgments of the stars.24 Masha’allah was one of the many important astrologers at the court of al-Mansūr (714 - 775 C.E.), and assisted the astrologer Newbakht25 in establishing the astrological chart of the founding of Baghdad. This is described in Al-Biruni’s work known in English as the The Chronology of Ancient Nations.26 Pingree writes that according to one Al-Ya‘qūbī “the work was done ‘in the presence of Nawbakht, Ibrahīm ibn Muhammad al-Fazārī (sic!),27 and (‘Umar ibn al-Farrukhān) al-Tabarī, the munajjimīn, the masters of calculation.’”28 Masha.allah was an important influence on Bonatti’s astrology, although not especially on its military applications. He was one of the major astrologers of the early Islamic period of astrology. His list of known works is extremely extensive although, strangely enough, most have not survived in Arabic but survive mainly in medieval Latin translations.29 What made him important to Bonatti in all respects regarding interrogations is that his work, variously entitled variously De receptione, De receptionibus planetarum, and De interrogationibus in Latin 24 al-Nadim, The Fihrist of Al-Nadim, Bayard Dodge trans. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), 650- 1. 25 Also spelled Naubakht. Al-Biruni, The Chronology of Ancient Nations, Dr. C. Edward Sachau trans. (London: William H. Allen and Co., 1879), 262-3. 27 “(Sic)” is from Pingree not myself. 28 Pingree, Al-Fazari : 104. 29 See Pingree, “Masha’allah.” 26 136 translation, is one of the oldest and most influential works devoted entirely to interrogations.30 Masha’allah is also important for another reason. As an astrologer associated with the Abbasid dynasty, a dynasty with strong Iranian cultural roots, Masha’allah31 was one of the astrologers responsible for bringing Sassanian methods into what had been a mostly Hellenisticbased astrology. The result, which came into being in its mature form over the next couple of generations, was the form of medieval astrology that was transmitted to the West beginning in the twelfth century. The “Sassanian” methods included some of the following: the method of revolutiones annorum mundi involving the great conjunctions (see Chap. 2); the emphasis on the applications and separations of the planets known at least in Bonatti’s Latin as alitisal; and a much greater emphasis on house rulership (as opposed to house occupancy).32 However, his text on nativities does not show any Sassanian influence at all. Its style is such that it could have been written by a Greek astrologer from the late antiquity.33 It shows little influence of Sassanian astrological methods. Masha’allah was one of the most frequently cited authors from the Arab period in later Latin astrology. Abu `Ali al-Khayyat (c.770 - c. 835 C.E.) – Known in Latin as Alboali and as Albenait, both names with many variations. We know very little about him except for what it says in the Fihrist. 30 I have worked with two editions Masha’allah, De receptione, John of Seville trans. (Nuremberg: Joachim Heller, 1549) and “De Receptionibus Planetarum,” John of Seville trans, in an untitled collection of various works, fols. 143r-148r (Venice: Bonetus Locatellus, 1493). 31 He was himself a Persian Jew. 32 Pingree himself mentioned this aspect of Masha’allah’s contribution in the Dictionary of Scientific Biography article although he did not describe what it consisted of. My comments are based on my own studies. 33 The only edition of the Latin text is Kennedy and Pingree, Astrological History, Appendix 3. There are two English translations: Masha’allah, On Reception trans. Robert Hand. (Reston VA: Arhat Publications, 1994). This is a complete translation. There is also a partial translation in an appendix to James Holden’s translation of Abu ‘Ali alKhayyat. See Abu ‘Ali al-Khayyat, The Judgements of Nativities, trans. James Holden (Tempe AZ: American Federation of Astrologers, 1988), 86-91. 137 He was Abū ‘Alī Yahyā ibn Ghālib, also called Ismā‘īl ibn Muhammad, a pupil of Mā Shā Allāh and one of the most excellent of the astrologers.34 Aside from many references to him in Bonatti and elsewhere, he was known in the Latin west for his book on nativities, and through portions attributed to him in the Liber novem iudicum (see below) in which he is designated as Albenait. His work on nativities is very closely based on the one by Masha’allah although it is either more complete or has survived in better condition.35 In Bonatti Albenait and Alboali seem to be regarded as different individuals. It is only in recent scholarship that we have come to know them as a single individual.36 Carmody, for example, has an entry for Abu ‘Ali al-Khayyat but mentions Albenait only in conjunction with the Liber novem iudicum. Sahl ibn Bishr (fl. first half ninth century C.E.) – Known in Latin as Zahel or Zael. Like Masha’allah, Sahl Ibn Bishr was a Jew. The Fihrist has the following: Sahl ibn Bishr. He was Abū `Uthmān Sahl ibn Bishr ibn Hānī, also called Hāyā al-Yahūdī. He served Tāhir ibn al-Husayn, the one-eyed, and later al-Hasan ibn Sahl,68 being both learned and distinguished. A corpus of five works survives in Latin in a translation by John of Seville, and portions in the Liber novem iudicum. The five works, which are frequently found together are as follows: Introductorius ad scienciam iudiciorum astrorum in interrogationibus, which is an introduction to the basic astrological concepts needed to do either interrogations or elections (despite the use of only the word interrogationibus in the title); the Quinquaginta praecepta, which is a collection of further information needed for the above; De interrogationibus, his work on 34 Fihrist, 655. For his work on nativities in Latin see Abu ‘Ali al-Khayyat, Albohali Arabis astrologi antiquissime, ac clarissimi de ivdicijs natiuitatum liber unus, antehac non editus, Joachim Heller ed., John of Seville,trans. (Nuremburg: Impressum in officina Ioannis Montani, & Ulrici Neuber, 1546). 36 From personal communications with David Juste. 35 138 interrogations proper, the Liber electionum, his main work on elections; and finally De significatore temporis, a short work which is a miscellany on interrogations, elections and revolutiones annorum mundi. Of these the works on interrogations and elections are the most complete and systematic. His influence was larger than the small amount of information we have about him might suggest. He may have been the first author on interrogations and elections to classify questions and elections according to the house of the quesited, that is, that entity or person about whom a question is asked or with regard to which or whom an action is taken (in the case of elections). After him this became the standard manner of writing about both subjects. By contrast Masha’allah’s work on interrogations, De receptione (to use one of its common titles in Latin) gives different types of questions in no particular order and intermixed. In the area of interrogations Zahel (to use the Latin form) was Bonatti’s single greatest influence not only as to content but also organization. In many of Bonatti’s chapters on interrogations the outline of the material is identical or nearly so to Zahel’s. The main difference between them is that Bonatti worked out the details much more completely and in the case of military questions added a good deal of his own material and thought. Zahel influenced Bonatti but Bonatti did not follow him slavishly. Al-Kindī (d. after 870) – His full Arabic name was Abū Yūsuf Ya‘qūb ibn Ishāq al-Kindī and was known in Latin as Alkindius or similar form. Of all of Bonatti’s precursors al-Kindī is the most eminent in the history of ideas in general, possessing the greatest reputation in the history of medieval Islamic culture of any of these astrologers. Unlike all of the others, his greatest renown is outside of astrology, although his work within astrology was hardly superficial. In fact it was al-Kindī who persuaded Abu Ma‘shar to drop his initial opposition to the study of Greek 139 thought and to see what it might do for the understanding of Islam.37 The Fihrist states his name and then the following: He was the distinguished man of his time and unique during his period because of his knowledge of the ancient sciences as a whole. He was called "the Philosopher of the Arabs." His books were about a variety of sciences, such as logic, philosophy, geometry, calculation, arithmetic, music, astronomy, and other things. He was miserly. We are mentioning him with the natural philosophers so as to indicate his preeminent position in science. We shall mention everything that he compiled about all of the sciences if Allah Almighty so wills.38 This is followed by a lengthy list of works. Gutas refers to al-Kindī as a polymath, a title he certainly deserves as the list above also shows.39 A complete account of his importance to medieval Islamic culture is beyond the scope of this brief introduction.40 However in brief, he and a circle of scholars around him were prominent in the court of Al-Ma’mūn (813 - 833 C.E.). In particular he and his associates were charged with both improving the Arabic of earlier translations of Greek philosophical works and in making certain that the new translations were made in proper Arabic style. He, himself, does not appear to have done any of the translations, serving rather as an editor and commentator on translations made by others both within and without his circle.41 His importance here is in regard to his astrological work. Al-Kindī’s astrological work fell into the three following categories. First there are works of a philosophical nature that pertain to astrology of which the most important in the later evolution of philosophy is De radiis 37 See below under Abu Ma‘shar Fihrist, 615. 39 Dimitri Gutas, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture (New York: Routledge, 1998), 120. 40 For a survey of his life and work at length see Peter Adamson, Al-Kindi (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007). For a shorter introduction see J. Jolivet and R. Rashed, “Al-Kindī” in Dictionary of Scientific Biography,vol. 15, Supplement I, 261-66. 41 Al-Kindī’s circle and its work is described in Gutas, Greek Thought, 120, 145-7, 149-50. 38 140 stellarum.42 Second we have works on weather forecasting and meteorology,43 and finally a work on interrogations and elections known in its only edition as The Forty Chapters.44 However, virtually all of that work as it pertains to military applications is also to be found in the Liber novem iudicum. (See below). Al-Kindī’s writings on military astrology are the largest component of the material on military astrology in the Liber novem iudicum. In fact his writings on the subject constitute the largest body of material on that subject from any source with the possible exception of Theophilus of Edessa. Bonatti’s material on the subject is extensive but not so much as alKindī’s. Yet it does not seem that al-Kindī was much of an influence on Bonatti. This is true even though there is an area in which one might expect al-Kindī to have been particularly influential on Bonatti, the astrology of siege craft. It is an area where al-Kindī is especially strong but Bonatti does not mention him and in fact follows a method which he clearly developed himself owing little to any of his predecessors. This will be explored further in Chap. 10. However, even though al-Kindī does not seem to have been much of an influence on Bonatti in the astrology of warfare, al-Kindī’s writings in this area will have to be reckoned with in any further exploration of the subject by whomever may be interested in the subject of military astrology for whatever reason. Abu Ma‘shar (787 - 886) (Albumasar in Latin) Full name in Arabic Abū Ma‘shar Ja‘far ibn Muhammad al-Balkhī — Abu Ma‘shar was brought to the study of astrology by al-Kindī. The 42 A complete edition of the Latin text with critical apparatus is to be found in Al-Kindī, “De Radiis” Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du moyen âge, eds. M. -T. d’Alverny and F. Hudry (1974): 215-259. 43 See Bos and Burnett, Scientific Weather Forecasting. An early modern edition of some of al-Kindī’s weather forecasting material is in al-Kindī and Gaphar, Astrorum iudices Alkindus Gaphar de Pluviis imbribus et ventis: ac aeris mutatione (Venice: Petrus Liechtenstein, 1507). 44 The only edition of this work by itself has been prepared in a preliminary edition. See Al-Kindī, Iudicia. 141 Fihrist has the following description. He [Abu Ma‘shar] was at first a scholar of the Hadīth. His house was on the West Side by Bāb Khurasan. As he was antagonistic to al-Kindī, he stirred up the populace against him, accusing him because of his philosophical sciences. But al-Kindī played a trick on him by means of a man who interested him in the sciences of arithmetic and geometry. Although he entered into this study, he did not perfect himself in it, turning instead to the science of the judgments of the stars. Then he ended his ill will for al-Kindī because of his interest in this science, which was of the same type as the sciences studied by al-Kindī himself. It is said that he learned about the stars after he was forty-seven years old. He was a man of a superior type, with good judgment. Abu Ma‘shar was possibly the most important of the Arabic astrologers for a number of reasons, first for his thorough restructuring of the philosophical foundations of astrology on Aristotelian lines.45 Bonatti in the Liber astronomicus makes a lengthy philosophical defense of astrology, most of it closely derived from Abu Ma‘shar’s Introductorium maius, possibly the most comprehensive introductorium of them all.46 Second, Abu Ma‘shar wrote the definitive work on the revolutiones annorum mundi usually referred to as the Great Conjunctions.47 This was not merely another astrological work. It had great impact on the medieval view of history in the Latin west. We find his methods applied, for example in Giovanni Villani’s chronicle of Florence, the Cronica,48 where in Book XIII, chap. 45 In addition to Lemay’s work, Abu Ma‘shar and Latin Aristotelianism cited earlier in this work, see a critiques of this work that does not completely alter Lemay’s central thesis. See Pingree, “Abū Ma‘shar.” Another analysis of Abu Ma‘shar’s philosophical reworking of astrology, see Peter Adamson, “Abū Ma'šar, Al-Kindī and the Philosophical Defense of Astrology,” Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie Médiévales 69, no. 2 (2002): 245-270. 46 There were two Latin translations made of the Introductorium maius, one by John of Seville and one by Hermann of Carinthia. The first of these is very literal and translates everything in the original Arabic. The second one is a much looser translation and almost a paraphrase of the Arabic but in much more elegant Latin. The John of Seville translation was copied many times but never printed until the Lemay edition cited here. For a complete critical edition of the original Arabic and the two Latin translations see Abu Ma‘shar, Liber introductorii maioris. However a completely new version of this work is in preparation at the Warburg under the aegis of Charles Burnett and his associates. 47 The modern edition entitled On Historical Astrology has been cited previously. The editio princeps is Abu Ma‘shar. De Magnis Coniunctionibus (Venice: Erhard Ratdolt, 1489). 48 Villani, Nuova cronica, 392. 142 41 entitled “Della congiunzione di Saturno e di Giove e di Marti49 nel segno d'Aquario” (“On the Conjunction of Saturn, Jupiter, and Mars in the Sign of Aquarius”) we find a treatment of the astrology of the conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn of 1345 that is clearly based on the methodology of Abu Ma‘shar’s Great Conjunctions. Not only is Villani’s treatment derived from that work, his treatment is a quite complete implementation of Abu Ma‘shar’s methods. In a later part of that same chapter he poses the question of why one should study astrology in connection with the past and he answers thus: …for him who will be discreet and provident, and will wish to investigate the major changes that we have just been through in these times in this country of ours and elsewhere, that in reading this chronicle it will be possible to understand what is predicted for the future, with the consent of God, by comparison with what has just passed.50 For Villani the astrology of the revolutiones annorum mundi was a technique for making sense out of the past and extrapolating into the future. Abu Ma‘shar is also the author of another work on revolutiones annorum mundi that came into the Latin tradition as the Flores.51 Bonatti’s material on revolutiones annorum mundi is very much derived from both works. Finally, although this is not what Abu Ma‘shar is mainly known for, he did write on the text on revolutiones annorum nati described in Chapter 4 in the material on firdaria.52 Liber novem iudicum (mid-twelfth century) – This is not a work by a single author. It is an 49 The form is ‘di Marti’ in the newest edition which was used in this work. Earlier editions had ‘di Marte’. The cause of discrepancies here and elsewhere between the newest edition and older ones is that the new edition makes no effort to modernize the Italian. Earlier editions made Villani’s Italian more modern. 50 “Ora potrà dire chi questo capitolo leggerà, che utole porta di sapere questa strolomia al presente trattato? Rispondiamo che a chi fia discreto e proveduto, e vorrà investigare delle mutazioni che sono state per li tempi adietro in questo nostro paese e altrove, leggendo questa cronica assai potrà comprendere per comparazione di quelle sono passate pronosticate delle future, aconsentiente Idio, . . .” – Cronica, p. 395. 51 The editio princeps of this work is Abu Ma‘shar, Flores Albumasaris (Venice: Erhard Ratdolt, 1488). 52 See pp. 115 to 128. 143 anthology although one which clearly attempted to include most or all of what each author wrote on each subject. The format is not unique. There is more than one work with a similar title and format.53 However, this work is the most complete and inclusive of the lot. In Carmody it is designated as the Liber novem iudicum II, hereafter simply referred to the Liber novem iudicum. It is a compilation of a number of Arabic sources on interrogations and elections and as such this work is not to be found in Arabic at all. The sources were gathered, translated and assembled in their Latin translations and the title is derived from the fact that the works of nine authors were supposedly assembled into the collection. However, the Liber novem iudicum is not simply an anthology. The entire work is broken down into the houses of the astrological chart and then further into topics based on the questions that pertain to that house. This provides the basic organization of the work. Under each topic are grouped the writings of each author that pertain to that topic. In this way the reader is able to look up a house and its associated questions and then see, one after another, what each author has to say on that topic thereby obtaining a variety of viewpoints. According to Burnett,54 the principal translator and compiler of this work was Hugh (or Hugo) of Santalla who was also responsible for a translation of what appears to have been an otherwise unknown work of Masha’allah which has come to us as the Liber Aristotelis.55 He appears to have been assisted in this by Hermann of Carinthia, the same Hermann who produced one of the two translations of Abu Ma‘shar’s Greater Introduction. Burnett seems not to be certain about Hermann’s participation but there are some peculiarities of translation style in 53 Carmody, Arabic Astronomical and Astrological Sciences in Latin Translation, 7. Burnett, “Hugh of Santalla.” 55 Mentioned previously in Chap. 4, p. 127. 54 144 some of the sections which suggest that he was involved.56 The nine “judges” are as follows: Masha’allah (Mesehella), Omar (Aomar), al-Kindī (Alkindus), Sahl ibn Bishr (Zael or Zahel as I have been spelling the name), Abu `Ali al-Khayyat (Albenait), Dorotheus, Jergis, and Aristotle (Aristoteles). That makes eight “judges”. The 1509 Liechtenstein edition and its 1571 reprint list “Ptholemeus” (Ptolemy) as the ninth judge but there is no material explicitly from Ptolemy in the work. Dykes in the introduction to his English translation of the work mentions Abu Ma‘shar as the ninth judge but there is nothing explicitly by him either.57 Apparently our nine judges are actually eight. And since none of Masha’allah’s interrogational material (aside from introductory material) is included in the main body of the text, in most of the Liber novem iudicum there are only septem iudices. In two cases material from the Liber novem iudicum can be found elsewhere. The Zahel material is simply another translation from the Arabic by Hugh or Hermann of material that is also found in the translation done by John of Seville. Al-Kindī’s material is also found by itself in the separate translation of the Forty Chapters by Robert of Ketton.58 As far as the material on warfare is concerned Liber novem iudicum has all of what is in the Forty Chapters,59 in addition to material that is not found anywhere else. Jergis has not been identified for certain but Carmody believes that he might have been “Georgius Antiochenus [11th c.], or Jirjis ibn al-‘Amid.” In any case we have little else from his work. Aristotle, of course, is not the philosopher. The work is pseudo-Aristotelian. The 56 In several of the sections of the Liber novem iudicum forms of the word dux are used where in other passages significator or dominus are used. This usage may also be found in Hermann of Carinthia’s Abu Ma‘shar. I do not claim this to be definitive but it does at least suggest Hermann’s involvement in translating some of the passages of Liber novem iudicum. 57 Book of Nine Judges, trans. Dykes (Minneapolis: Cazini Press, 2011), 7. 58 Burnett, “Al-Kindi on Judicial Astrology”, 78. 59 In his “Al-Kindi on Judicial Astrology” Burnett gives both the version from the Liber novem iudicum and Robert of Ketton in parallel columns. There are a few paragraphs in which the two versions do not quite match but for the most part they do. The Latin of the Robert of Ketton version is in much poorer condition. 145 material from Omar, Abu ‘Ali al-Khayyat, Dorotheus, Jergis, and Aristotle are not known in Latin from any other sources. I discuss the Liber novem iudicum again in Chapter 6. Haly Abenragel (d. after 1040). Known in Arabic as Abū l-Hasan Alî ibn abi’r-Rijâl – From the first part of the Arabic name is derived his other most common Latin name Albohazen Haly. Unlike our other authors, Abenragel was a native of the Maghreb in what is now Tunisia. Despite the fact that his work was highly esteemed by later medieval astrologers, not much is known about his life. His major and perhaps only work was the Kitāb al-barī fi ahkām an-nujūm, the complete version in Latin of which is known as the Liber completus in iudiciis astrorum. The original Arabic was translated at the order of Alfonso X into old Castilian by a Jew named Yehūdā ben Mōshē and from that into Latin by Aegidius Tebaldis with the assistance of one Petrus de Regio.60 The Castilian version was completed in 1256.61 This last date is significant because it is directly in the middle of Bonatti’s projected lifetime. It is not known exactly when the Latin version was completed, but even if it were completed very quickly thereafter, it is quite conceivable that Bonatti would not have known about him.62 Nevertheless, I have included him in my analysis of Bonatti’s predecessors in hopes that what I have found may make some contribution to answering the question of Abenragel’s influence upon Bonatti. His work is extensive and comprehensive but for the most part seems to be a compilation without much originality (even of the limited kind that I do find in Bonatti) and at times not even 60 Carmody, Arabic Astronomical and Astrological Sciences in Latin Translation, 150. A. R. Nykl, “Libro conplido en los juizios de las estrellas,” Speculum 29, no. 1 (1954), 88. 62 This would contradict Holden’s claim that Abenragel was a major influence on Bonatti. In Tractatus VI (on interrogations), at least in questions of war, no “Haly” is mentioned. In Tractatus VII (on elections), there are references to a “Haly” but this appears to be the author known in Latin as Haly Emrani who wrote a treatise on elections which was quite influential, yet was never issued in a printed edition until a partial edition in the early twentieth century. See José María Millás Vallicrosa, Las Traducciones Orientales En Los Manuscritos De La Biblioteca Catedral de Toledo. (Madrid, 1942), 328-339. My own comparisons between Bonatti and Haly Emrani suggest that Emrani was indeed Bonatti’s source. Jean-Patrice Boudet made a similar point in a presentation at the Warburg in February 2008. 61 146 a very well ordered compilation. As I show in Chap. 8, for example, in the midst of his material on interrogations involving warfare there is a chapter that more properly belongs in a discussion of revolutiones annorum mundi since most of the material in it refers to revolutions not interrogations and elections. The work is divided into eight parts. Of these the first part consists of a bit of introductory matter and then interrogations involving the first through fifth houses. The second part consists of interrogations involving the sixth and seventh houses. The third part is about interrogations for houses eight through twelve. Given the fact the parts are roughly the same length, it seems that a good deal of weight given to these houses six and seven. In fact, in most works on interrogations there are more kinds of questions involving the seventh house than there are for any other house, and interrogations involving illness and recovery (sixth house) is the other large category due to their use in medical astrology. Parts four and five are devoted to nativities, and in this application of astrology, the organization of Abenragel’s material is different from most other sources including Bonatti. Most astrologers in the middle ages organized their presentation of nativities along Ptolemaic lines, that is, issue by issue.63 Abenragel organized his discussion of nativities house by house just as he does with interrogations and elections. Part six is the predictive portion of the doctrine of nativities, especially the study of revolutiones annorum nati. This is the portion that contains the material that is clearly derived from Abu Ma‘shar.64 Part seven is devoted to elections. Finally, part eight is devoted to revolutiones annorum mundi and again we see material largely derived from Abu Ma‘shar. In the end Haly Abenragel’s text covers all of the main divisions of medieval astrology except that there is no comprehensive introductorium. Although there is a little of this in part 63 64 See Chap. 2, p. 56. See Chap. 4, p. 29. 147 one, and more bits are scattered about the text, there is nothing systematic such as one finds in introductoria of Abu Ma‘shar, Ibn Ezra, Alcabitius, al-Biruni and of course Bonatti. All these astrologers may have influenced Bonatti, directly or indirectly, both within military astrology as well as outside of it. Let us now turn to a discussion of Bonatti himself and various issues that are relevant to an understanding of his work. Guido Bonatti’s Life and Its Relationship to the Astrology of Warfare It is not my intention in this section to discuss all aspects of Bonatti’s life. A definitive study of his life is needed but this is not the place. Lynn Thorndike has devoted the better part of chapter 67 of volume 2 of H.O.M.E.S to a discussion of the life and works of Guido Bonatti.65 More recently Benjamin Dykes has presented a biography of Bonatti in the introduction to his English translation of the Liber Astronomicus.66 However, the main source of information for any serious research into the life of Guido Bonatti is to be found in an Italian work Della vita e delle opere di Guido Bonatti astrologo ed astronomo del secolo decimoterzo by Baldassarre Boncompagni.67 It was written in 1851 but it remains invaluable as a source in part because of its having assembled much of the primary source material.68 It is not a biography in the usual sense. It is a compilation of primary sources with minimal commentary by Boncompagni. Not much is known about the details of Bonatti's life. Neither his birth nor death dates can be 65 H.O.M.E.S., volume2, 825-35. Guido Bonatti, Book of Astronomy, Benjamin Dykes trans., 2 vols. (Golden Valley, MN: The Cazimi Press, 2007), xxxiv-xliv. 67 Baldassarre Boncompagni, Della vita e delle opere di Guido Bonatti astrologo ed astronomo del secolo decimoterzo (Rome: Tipografia delle Belle Arti, 1851). This work is currently available on Google Books (Feb. 2013) hereafter referred to as Boncompagni, Bonatti. 68 Boncompagni’s Della vita has been used as a source by both Thorndike and Dykes. 66 148 established with certainty. Thorndike69 mentions a reference in Boncampagni70 which traces back to the Liber Astronomicus Tractatus V, Consideration 141. In the midst of a discussion as to why the fixed stars usually have a bad influence upon life, he pauses to discuss certain possible exceptions such as persons who have lived a very long time. …it happens sometimes that some persons have lived according to the greatest years of the Alcocoden.71 I have not seen any such persons except one who was called Richard. He said that he had been at the court of Charlemagne the King of France and that he [Richard] had lived for four hundred years… and I saw Richard at Ravenna in the [year of] the era of Christ 1233.72 We have no idea how old he was in 1233 but he was most likely not a child. Bonatti himself refers to the battle of Valbona73 in 1277, and the Annales Forolivienses refer to a siege of Forlì in May 1282 when French troops in support of Pope Martin IV laid siege to Forlì,74 discussed in more detail below. Dante’s visit to the Inferno was supposed to have happened in the year 1300. There are no unambiguous references to Bonatti between these two years, therefore his death occurred between 1282 and 1300. It is also not known whether he was born in Florence, Forlì or in the small Umbrian town of Cascia.75 The problem need not detain us here. He may or may not have been a student or a member of the faculty of the University of Bologna, but he certainly spent some time there 69 H.O.M.E.S., vol. 2, 826. Boncompagni, Bonatti, 21. 71 See ALCOCODEN in the Glossary. 72 …accidit aliquando quod aliqui vixerunt secundum annos maximos alcocoden de qui/bus tempore meo non vidi nisi unum qui vocebatur Ricardus qui dicebat sefuisse in curia Karoli Magni regis Francie et vixisse quadringenti annis… et vidi Ricardum Ravenne era Christi 1233…– Bonatti, Ratdolt ed., fol. 99v. 73 See below, p. 155. 74 For a description of the siege as well as the citation from the Annales Forolivenses see p. 156 and n. 108 on that page. 75 Boncompagni, Bonatti, 1-20. Also see Cesare Vasoli, “Bonatti, Guido” in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, volume 11. Accessed Oct. 29, 2013, http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/ guido-bonatti_%28Dizionario-Biografico%29/ and Augusto Vasina, “Bonatti, Guido” in Enciclopedia Dantesca. Accessed Oct. 29, 2013, http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/guido-bonatti_%28Enciclopedia-Dantesca%29/. These two latter sources give additional bibliography from more recent sources to supplement Boncompagni. 70 149 apparently encountering John of Vicenza in 1233.76 Bonatti himself refers to John in the Liber astronomicus.77 Vasoli concludes in his article on Bonatti that the evidence suggests the possibility that Bonatti at least studied with the medical faculty at Bologna.78 Our next event for which a date may be given is 1245 when he foresaw a conspiracy in the annual revolution of the emperor Frederick II.79 The passage that mentions this is a discussion of just how far past an angle80 a planet may be and still be regarded as conjoined with the angle. I have, however, proved that a planet is in the angle nearly up to the full five degrees beyond the cusp of any angle. For in a certain year in investigating the revolution of that year I found Mars in the fifth degree beyond the cusp of the angle of the earth. It was in Capricorn and his latitude was southern; that signified the murder of the Emperor of the Romans81 and at that time I made it known to him, for he was then in Grosseto and I was in Forlì. Pandulfo de Fasanella and Tibaldo Francesco and several other of his secretaries had formed a conspiracy to kill him and none of his astrologers found this out because they did not believe that Mars was in an angle. Mars had gone beyond the cusp of the angle by four degrees and 59 minutes 76 This second reference to 1233 established that Bonatti was at least a young adult by this time. Boncompagni provides documentation concerning Bonatti’s stay in Bologna and this encounter. See Boncompagni, Bonatti, 22-24. 77 Bonatti, Ratdolt ed., Tractatus I, chapter 13,fol. 8v; Tractatus V, Consideration 141, fol. 100 r-v. 78 Cesare Vasoli, “Bonatti”. Benvenuto da Imola, nel suo Comentum alla Divina Commedia, lo dice fisiologo insigne e medico rinomato, oltreché astrologo: “Mirabilissimus astrologus, magnus phisicus, medicus excellens”, il che presupporrebbe evidentemente studi giovanili di medicina, e non di leggi. Non siamo in grado di valutare l'attendibilità di quest'ultima affermazione, dato che ignoriamo le fonti su cui si basava il commentatore della Commedia; la notizia non appare tuttavia inverosimile, meglio adattandosi, in effetti, alla figura e all'opera del B[onatti] come astrologo l'idea di un suo noviziato medico-scientifico, piuttosto che quella di studioso di leggi. However, in a personal conversation with Kenneth Pennington, professor of Canon Law of the Catholic University of America, mentioned that Bonatti’s discussion of lawsuits shows a good technical knowledge of Latin legal vocabulary. This would seem to contradict Vasoli’s conclusion. However, for the present the matter will have to remain undecided. 79 Frederick II Hohenstaufen is often listed as one of those who employed Bonatti as an astrologer. While there was apparently contact between them, it is not clear to what extent he was in Frederick’s employ. That Bonatti erected an annual revolution for Frederick implies that the relationship was something more than a fleeting encounter. 80 When a planet rises, culminates, sets or anti-culminates, at the exact moment of any of these events the planet is said to be on the ascendant, the midheaven, the descendant or imum coeli respectively, all of which are angles. Then it is carried beyond the angle by the earth’s rotation so that the angle has a greater degree of longitude than the planet. Bonatti argues here, based on a common interpretation of a passage in Book III of Ptolemy, that the planet is still to be considered on the angle until it is more than fives degrees away from the angle. See ANGLE in the Glossary. 81 Frederick II. 150 according to their opinion. However, [only] after a planet is distant from the cusp or arc82 of any angle by five degrees is it called cadent from the angle.83 Of course, Bonatti was cutting it rather fine with his 4E59' out of 5E00', but I believe that most astrologers even in his time would have regarded Mars as close enough to the angle to be dangerous.84 Another person who is mentioned as an employer of Bonatti is Ezzelino III da Romano, the tyrant. Bonatti makes a number of references to him, mostly unfavorable, but he does appear to have worked for him. Judging from the comment below, it is not entirely clear that he or the other astrologers who worked for him had much choice in the matter. The reference is imbedded in a discussion of a peculiar mode of application.85 This mode of application is called a “return of virtue.”86 Apparently some astrologers did not take it seriously enough for Bonatti. However, I myself have found some who seemed to me divergent from other astrologers and had their own opinion. They did not believe that the return of virtue or disposition was anything [worthwhile]. Such a one was the tyrant Ezzelino da Romano and also a certain astrologer of his named Salio. I believe that Salio agreed with Ezzelino more out of fear rather than because he believed it was true. I believe this because Ezzelino was holding a brother of Salio’s in leg shackles whom Salio was fearful that Ezzelino would have him 82 linea. This actually means ‘line’ but not in the sense of a straight line. Since the actual cusp on the sphere is an arc, I have translated linea as arc. 83 Ego tamen probavi quod planeta esset in angulo usque prope complementum quinque graduum ultra cuspidem cuiusvis anguli: nam dum quodam anno ego investigare revolutionem ipsius anni inveni martem in quinto gradu ultra cuspidem anguli terre et erat in capricorno et erat eius latitude meridiana et illus significabat interfectionem imperatoris romanorum: et significavi tunc illud ei: erat enim ipse tunc grosseti et ego in forlivii: fueruntque inventi pandulfus de fasanella et thebaldus franciscus et plures alii de suis secretariis fecisse coniurationem ut interficerent eum: et nullus suorum astrologorum invenit hoc quia non credebant quod mars esset in angulo: transiverat enim cuspidem anguli per quatuor gradus et .58. minuta secundum eorum opinionem, postquam vero planeta fuerit elongatus a cuspide sive a linea alicuius anguli per quinque gradus dicitur cadens ab angulo. – Bonatti, Ratdolt ed., fol. 85r 84 In Dykes’ discussion of this incident he argues that this did not prove that Bonatti was in the employ of Frederick II because “although Bonatti claims to have foreseen the plot, he never actually says he warned Frederick, or was in a position to do so.”– Dykes, Bonatti, xxxvii. Unfortunately, Dykes misread the Latin because it is clear that Bonatti did inform the emperor. Apparently Dykes misread et significavi tunc illud ei as et significavit tunc illud ei. 85 An application occurs when one planet moves into an aspect (significant angular relationship) with another. See ASPECT and APPLICATION in the Glossary. 86 See RETURN OF VIRTUE in the Glossary. 151 killed. He said that the Moon and any swift planet received the nature of that planet to which it was being joined, and that each slow planet gave its virtue to the swift planet whether it received the slow planet or not. He had many other erroneous opinions as well.87 The Salio referred to here is one Master Salio, Canon of Padua, who was not a minor figure in medieval astrology.88 Ezzelino’s coercion of astrologers for their advice may have backfired in the way Ezzelino met his in end. The life and times of Ezzelino, especially as it pertains to astrology, is chronicled by at least three sources. The first is from the anonymous monk of Padua,89 the second is Rolandinus Patavinus90 and the third is from a work of the fifteenth century by Iacopo Malvezzi.91 The Monk of Padua and Rolandino both described Ezzelino’s involvement with astrology; of the two sources Rolandino has considerably more material on Ezzelino’s lifelong involvement with it. But it is the events leading up to Ezzelino’s death that are most interesting for our purposes. Ezzelino clearly used astrology to gain an edge militarily. But, as I have just shown, he seems to have terrorized his astrologers. His mother, according to 87 Ego tamen inveni aliquos qui videbantur mihi diversi ab aliis et erant in quadam sua opinione quod non credebant quod redditus virtutis seu dispositionis esset aliquid sicut fuit tyrannus ycilinus de romano et erat quidam eius astrologus nomine salionus quem credo assensisse sibi potius ex timore quam quod crederet ita esse. Et hoc credo propterea quia ycilinus habebat quendam eius fratrem in compedibus de quo ipse timebat ne occideret eum. Et dicebat quod luna et quilibet planeta levis accipiebat naturam illius cui iungebatur: et quilibet ponderosus dabat virtutem suam levi sive reciperet eum sive non: et multas alias opiniones erroneas habebat. – Bonatti, Ratdolt ed, fols. 68r, 68v. This passage in fact is part of Bonatti’s exposition on the subject of the return of virtue. 88 This appears to be the same Salio of Padua who was one of those who translated Albubatir (Arabic Abu Bakr) from Arabic into Latin, and also a pseudo-Hermetic treatise on the fixed stars. Siraisi, Arts and Sciences at Padua, 79; Thorndike, H.O.M.E.S., vol. 2, 221n. For a modern edition of the treatise on the fixed stars see Hermes Tresmegistes, “De Stellis Beibeniis,” in Hermes Latinus, vol. IV, part IV, ed. Paul Kunitzsch (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001),11-81. For an edition of the Albubatir or Albubater see Abu Bakr, Liber genethliacus, sive De nativitatibus (Nuremberg: Johannes Petreius, 1540). 89 There are two modern scholarly editions of this work. The one more commonly cited is Luigi Alfredo Botteghi, ed., Chronicon Marchiae Tarvisinae et Lombardiae, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (RIS), vol. 8, pt. 3 (Città di Castello: Tipi della casa editrice S. Lapi, 1914-1916). The other is from the Monumenta Germaniae Historica (MGH). Anonymous, “Annales Sanctae Iustinae Patavini A. 1207-1270,” in MGH, Philip Jaffe ed., SS XIX (Hannover: Impensis Bibliopolii Aulici Hahniani, 1866). In general the Latin editing appears to have been done somewhat more carefully in the MGH version. I have therefore chosen to use the latter. 90 Rolandinus, Rolandini Patavini cronica in factis et circa facta Marchie Trivixane, vol. 8, pt. 1, RIS.(Citta` di Castello: S. Lapi, 1903-1907). 91 Iacopo Malvezzi, Chronicon brixianorum ab origine urbis ad annum usque 1332 cited in Boncompagni, Bonatti, 29-30. 152 Rolandino, was highly skilled in the subject and perhaps he also fancied himself to be skilled in the subject as Bonatti implies. The year 1259 proved to be Ezzelino’s last. In February of that year, according to Iacopo Malvezzi,92 Ezzelino had a dream which concerned him greatly . He called forth his astrologers, “nigromancers” and magicians to interpret the dream. Among the astrologers were Bonatti, Canon Salio, Riprandino of Verona, Paul of Brescia and a certain “Saracen.” According to Malvezzo they all agreed that Ezzelino’s forthcoming military expedition into Lombardy would be successful and the beginning of a long period of great success. This of course is not what happened. Malvezzi did allow, however, that Bonatti and the other astrologers may have withheld the truth out of fear or hatred of Ezzelino, again as Bonatti implies. This may have had a bitter consequence for Ezzelino. In his entry for late August 1259 Rolandino describes the chart for the time that Ezzelino chose, based on advice from his astrologers, to begin to move his troops out for the subsequent campaign. Rolandino describes it in some detail enabling us to reproduce the planetary positions for the date in question.93 It is enough to say that Rolandino’s information on the locations of the planets was incorrect. Here is what he reports. … the ascendant at that time was the sign of Sagittarius. The Sun was in Virgo, the Moon in Scorpio, Saturn in Aquarius and Jupiter was the rearguard94 in Libra direct, [and] Mars [was] in Leo and likewise direct, Venus in Cancer direct, Mercury in Leo direct, [and] the Head and Tail of the Dragon in fixed signs.95 92 Cited in Boncompagni, Bonatti, 29-30. I checked the computations for this date using a program described in detail in Chap. 10, p. 306, n. 31. 94 retroguardus. It is not clear what this term means. It resembles retrogradus, ‘backwards’, or ‘retrograde’, but Jupiter was not retrograde on this date. I interpret it to mean something like “bringing up the rear”, “rearguard.” 95 …tunc fuit ascendens Sagittarii signum. Sol erat in Virgine, Luna in Scorpione, Saturnus in Aquario eratque retroguardus Iupiter in Libra directus, Mars in Leone similiter et directus, Venus in Cancro directa, Mercurius in Leone directus, capud autem et cauda Draconis in signis fixis. 93 153 Rolandino gives his own commentary on the astrology but there is one thing that he did not know; the chart he describes was astronomically incorrect. Jupiter, Saturn and Mercury are in the wrong signs and substantially so. Was this simply poor astronomy? I would argue not. We do not have any charts computed by any of the astrologers present (unless Bonatti was present at this time which is not reported by Rolandino): however we do have charts for other occasions computed by Bonatti. His positions, at least for the planets, are in substantial agreement with modern calculations within a degree or two for the Moon, Mars and Mercury,96 the rest within a degree. It is not possible that highly trained medieval astrologers could have been so far off in their calculations. However, an amateur could have easily made such errors. Rolandino states that Ezzelino acted “according to the advice of his astrologers and wise men, with his own [Ezzelino’s] foresight also confirmed.” 97 Ezzelino began his march, was wounded in the subsequent campaign, captured and died in prison. One has to ask whether it was possible that Ezzelino’s astrologers did not give him their best work out of fear of contradicting him? Whether that would have had something to do with the failure of the campaign, I leave to others to decide. We have four more instances of Bonatti’s personal involvement with military astrology. Two come from sources other than Bonatti. Two come from Bonatti himself. I take these up in chronological order. The first of these is reported by Bonatti himself. His first major patron after the death of 96 All three planets were especially difficult to compute using medieval methods. sua eciam provisione firmata. This phrase is ambiguous. It could refer either to provision in the sense of planning which was made firm or it could refer to his foresight that this timing would work which Ezzelino which was confirmed by the astrologers. Given the context of the astrology in the section I prefer the latter reading against Berrigan’s English transltion “his plans were settled.” See Rolandino, The Chronicles of the Trevisan March, translated by Joseph R. Berrigan (Lawrence, KS: Coronado Press, 1980), 180. 97 154 Ezzelino, was Count Guido Novello.98 Novello was a leader of the Ghibelline faction in the period of strife between the Guelphs and the Ghibellines. As such Bonatti aided him, it is alleged, in the battle of Montaperti on September 4, 1260. Bonatti himself refers to this battle in which he claims to have assisted in Novello’s victory against overwhelming odds. Here is his description. It is true that I myself once made an election for the Count Guido Novello of Tuscany against the Florentines who had expelled him from Florence and leveled all of the castles which he held in Tuscany and despoiled him of all of his goods. The Florentines had on their side 3,200 knights, and perhaps 13,000 foot soldiers, 5000 or more of men working the balistas,99 and yet we overcame and vanquished them completely. This was in the valley of Arbia near Montaperti. However, I had first asked a question as to whether we should obtain victory and afterward we had a very strong election for going to the battle. I knew the end result of these charts by means of private messengers sent to the battle that the outcome was bad,100 indeed, the very worst.101 Whether Bonatti’s interrogation and election made a difference or not, what he describes here is standard procedure in determining the outcome of a battle by astrology. As a result of the battle of Montaperti, Guido Novello came back to power in Florence. But many of the people who fled Florence after the battle of Montaperti went to Lucca where not long afterward Novello moved to attack the city. This resulted in two astrological charts which appear in Tractatus VI , chapters §VI.7.28 and §VI.7.29.102 The first of these addresses the question as to whether there will be a battle or not outside the city, and the second whether there 98 For Novello and his involvement with Bonatti see Boncompagni, Bonatti, 34-6. A type of catapult. 100 Presumably for the other side. 101 Verum est tamen quod ego elegi quadam vice comiti Guidone Novello de Tuscia contra Florentinos qui expulerunt eum de Florencia et straverunt ei omnia sua castra que habebat in Tuscia et expoliaverunt eum omnibus suis bonis. Qui habebat ex parte sua .3200. milites et forte .13000. pedites et .5000. balisterios et ultra; et tamen debellavimus eos et vicimus ex toto. Et fuit hoc in valle Arbie apud Montem Apertum. Verumtamen ego habebam primo per questionem quod debebamus obtinere et post habuimus electionem fortissimam in eundo ad prelium, et sciebam exitum eorum per privatos nuncios missos ad illud qui erat malus imo pessimus. – Bonatti, Ratdolt ed., fol. 183r. 102 See Chap. 6 for more about my notation of the chapters in Bonatti’s and the others’ works. For the present, the notation §VI.7.28 and §VI.7.29 means Tractatus VI, part 2, seventh house, chapters 28 and 29. 99 155 will be victory in a siege for the besieging party. The first of these is in the Introduction to Medieval Astrology in the appendix103 and the second chart is described in Chapter 10, page 305. Bonatti’s second reference is to what he and other practitioners of the art of interrogations believed to have been a particularly powerful indication in warfare. When at the beginning of a battle the planet which rules the degree setting in the west (the descendant) is located in the first or ascending house in the east, or when this happens in an interrogation about which side will win, the attacking side (in an election) or the side of the querent (in an interrogation) will win. He writes: It is clear that the same thing can be said in elections. It happened to us in just this way when we rode forth at Valbona. [At the time] the Ascendant was Taurus and Mars was in the Ascendant;104 we conquered everyone who desired to resist us. However, [on the other hand] if the lord of the first is in the seventh, that is the greatest [possible] debility for the querent, and the greatest [possible] strength for the enemy because it signifies that the enemy will overcome the querent.105 On another occasion we see a different way in which Bonatti could work to make certain that a battle would be conducted under the proper conditions. This concerns a battle outside of the walls of Forlì when Bonatti was working with Guido da Montefeltro, his last patron and the one with whom Bonatti was mostly closely associated.106 The following is from Filippo Villani: Futhermore it has been related in an old story that whenever Count Guido [da Montefeltro] had made himself ready for the purpose of making war, Guido Bonatti would sit in the bell 103 See p. 384. If the ascendant is Taurus then Mars rules the seventh house, Scorpio, the opposite sign. 105 Idem in electionibus videtur posse dici sicut accidit nobis quando equitavimus Valbonam. Fuit enim Ascendens Taurus et Mars in Ascendente, vicimus enim omnes volentes nobis resistere. Si autem dominus prime fuerit in septima quod est ei maxima debilitas et inimico maxima fortitudo significat quod inimicus vincet interrogantem. – Bonatti §VI.7.21, lines 150-155. 106 Guido da Montefeltro (1223 – September 29, 1298) is a well documented figure whose exploits and association with astrology can be found in most of the major chronicles of northern Italy during the thirteenth century. He shares with Bonatti the dubious distinction of being a personage depicted in Dante’s Inferno, Canto XXVII. 104 156 tower of Saint Mercurialis ready to examine the stars and forewarn the Count so that in that moment in which he first heard the ringing of a little bell, [the Count] along with his men would put on their arms, at the second ringing, they would ascend their horses, [and] at the third bell, once they taken hold of their standards, they would ride forth.107 The final incident that can be related about Bonatti’s life shows how an astrologer might take a difficult indication concerning the outcome of a war, in this case a siege, and turn it to advantage. The story is related in the Annales Forolivienses.108 Bonatti and Guido da Montefeltro were in Forlì besieged by a French army fighting on behalf of Pope Martin IV in an attempt to put down revolts in northern Italy against the Pope’s authority over his domains. Montefeltro saw that the situation was not good and that there was no hope of the siege being lifted. Bonatti also apparently saw astrologically that the city would fall but found a way of turning matters to their advantage. Everyone was told to leave the city and to take nothing except their arms. Only the elderly, and at least some of the women, were to be left behind. This was done at the appointed hour. Meanwhile the gate that the enemy faced was left open so that the French troops could come in without difficulty. When they did, they were greeted by the women and offered food, drink and refreshment as well as rest. So the city “fell.” However, scouts later reported back to Montefeltro that the enemy was either asleep or full of food and drink. At this point the armed citizenry re-entered the city and took the enemy completely by surprise. The result was complete victory. The chronicle concludes the matter thus: Wherefore it was done, so that, after a victory gloriously won by the Forlivians, the Gallic 107 Amplius relatum vetere fama est quandocunque ad quancunque rem bellicam se Guido comes destinatione preparasset, tunc Guidonem Bonacti in campanili Sancti Mercurialis consideratur<um> sydera consedisse atque premonuisse comitem ut, illo in momento quo tynnitum nole primitus audiret, una cum suis indueret arma, ad secundum equos ascenderent, ad tertium raptis signis velociter equitarent. – Filippo Villani, Philippi Villani De Origine Civitatis Florentie et de eiusdem famosis civibus, ed. Giuliano Tanturli (Padua: In ædibus Antenoreis, 1997), 405. Also recounted in Boncompagni, Bonatti, 7 with some different editing. 108 L.A. Muratori, ed., Annales Forolivienses, vol. XXII, part II, RIS (Citta di Castello: Giuseppe Mazzatinti, 1903), 36-8. 157 troops, once fair and great, were reduced to nothing by the courage and cleverness of the brave captain of the people of Forlì and the counsel of lord Guido Bonatti, who was wounded in the battle while carrying medicines. He foresaw it and described it all beforehand.109 This is the last certain recorded act of Bonatti’s life. Guido da Montefeltro joined the Franciscan Order and Bonatti may have done so as well.110 The purpose of this chapter has been twofold. First, I have introduced the principal persons who contributed to the tradition of military astrology of which Bonatti was a part. Second, I have introduced Guido Bonatti, described evidence of his life and activity, and shown something of his involvement with military astrology. I remind the reader that purpose of this work is not to prove that Bonatti used astrology for military purposes. I have shown here that he did. The goal is to show how his active application of astrology to military purposes caused him to consider, to reflect, where necessary to alter, and where necessary to fill in the tradition as he received it. Here again, let me state that this had to be done by any astrologer who actually endeavored to apply material received from the Arab astrologer. Showing how this happened in practice is the task of Chapters 7 through 10. In the next chapter, I return to Bonatti and to the authors from whom his work may have been derived and discuss what texts I have used, as well the editions, and manuscripts employed. The next chapter also includes other materials which are preparatory for the later chapters of this work. There I also introduce a more detailed description of the kinds of changes that Bonatti made in the material of his predecessors and the significance of these changes. 109 Quo factum est ut post victoriam sic gloriose a Liviensibus peractam, gens gallica, iam pulchra et magna, ad nichilum sit redacta, virtute et caliditate magnanimi capitani populi Liviensis et consilio domini Guidonis Bonatti, qui vulneratus fuit in prelio, ferenda medicanda; et omnia previdit et ante dixit. – Annales Forolivienses, 38. 110 Thorndike, H.O.M.E.S., vol. 2, 828. Chapter 6. Texts and Methods. The Authors and the Texts. This chapter lays out preliminary material necessary for the understanding of the textual comparisons of Bonatti’s materials on warfare with that of his predecessors that follow in the subsequent chapters. First, it is a discussion of authors who works have been employed in this study: how they were selected, which works have been employed, and which editions and manuscripts were consulted. I then follow up with a discussion of the textual methods, editing procedures, spelling and punctuation conventions and such I employed in creating the versions of the Latin texts which form the foundation of this study. Finally, I build on the discussion sketched out in Chapter 4 to demonstrate the evolution of Bonatti’s material on warfare with respect to his predecessors. To do this, I construct categories of change that are employed in the final chapters of this study. In Chapter 5 I introduced astrological authors whose work was important to Bonatti and the traditions from which he came. Not all of the authors that I mentioned in that chapter, however, were his direct predecessors. Of those mentioned the following are important to this discussion: Dorotheus of Sidon, Omar of Tiberias, Abu ‘Ali al-Khayyat otherwise known as Albenait, Sahl ibn Bishr or Zahel, al-Kindī and Haly Abenragel.1 In addition we have the two otherwise unknown authors from the Liber novem iudicum, Jergis, and pseudo-Aristotle. For Zahel I look at his material on interrogations pertaining to the seventh house, to be found in any manuscript or edition that contains his De iudiciis or De interrogationibus, the two most 1 See chap. 5 for their biographies. 158 159 common Latin titles of his work in interrogations. The same material in a different translation is found scattered throughout the Liber novem iudicum discussed below. The edition that I have consulted is in the Liber quadripartiti Ptholemei, fols. 127r-138r (Venice: Per Bonetum Locatellum: Octaviani Scoti, 1493), hereafter referred to (following Carmody)2 as the “Omnibus edition 1493.” This edition contains quite a number of astrological works, most printed for the first time. I have also consulted two manuscripts which contain the same work. The first is from the Vienna State Library, 5414 ( fifteenth century), fols. 106v-132v, hereafter cited as Vienna 5414. The second is from the British Library, Harley 5402 (dated between 1160-1340), cited as Harley 5402. For Haly Abenragel I have used three early printed editions: Haly Aben Ragel, Preclarissimus liber completus in iudiciis astrorum quem edidit Albohazen Haly filius Abenragel (Venice: Erhardt Ratdolt, 1485) which is the editio princeps, and two later versions. These are Haly Abenragel, Preclarissimus in iudiciis astrorum albohazen haly filius abenragel noviter impressum et fideliter emendatum etc. (Venice: Ioannes Baptista Sessa, 1503), and De iudiciis astrorum (Basel: Henrichus Petrus, 1551),The last of these editions is based on the 1485 edition but the Latin has been “improved” to a “better” standard of humanist neo-Latin. It is somewhat useful where the 1485 edition may have an obscure reading but with its “improvements” it may in fact have created more obscurity than it removed. As much as possible I have relied on the 1485 edition with a few corrections from the 1503 edition. Still, however, serious textual work needs to be done on Abenragel’s work incorporating the Arabic original, the old Castilian version, and the various Latin manuscripts. 2 Carmody, Arabic Astronomical and Astrological Sciences in Latin Translation, 13. 160 For the remainder of the sources on astrology and warfare the source is the Liber novem iudicum. From this comes all of the work on warfare and conflict attributed to Dorotheus,3 Omar, Abu ‘Ali al-Khayyat, Jergis, pseudo-Aristotle and al-Kindī. The only complete version of the work that I have been able to locate is again from the Vienna State Library, 2428 (twelfth century), hereafter referred to as Vienna 2428. There are two printed editions, the later being a reprint of the first. The older one is Liber novem iudicum, (Venice: Petrus Liechtenstein, 1509) in the possession of the Bavarian State Library and the later one is a resetting of that first edition and was printed along with the 1571 edition of Haly Abenragel mentioned above.4 Both of these omitted a number of sections which are found only in Vienna 2428. For Bonatti I have used the edition of 1491, printed in Augsburg by Erhardt Ratdolt, also in the possession of the Bavarian State Library, cited previously, and another manuscript from the Vienna State Library, 2359. I have corrected the Ratdolt edition where Vienna 2359 had a better reading.5 The Ratdolt Edition and the Divisions of the Liber astronomicus. I have mentioned in a number of places the division of the Liber astronomicus into ten treatises. Other editions such as the 1550 edition have the work divided into six parts and the manuscripts often have a different ordering of the sections. This ambiguity derives directly from Bonatti himself. Here is his description of the content of Liber astronomicus from the introduction 3 Except for the one chapter from the Arabic version of the Carmen astrologicum cited in Chap. 2, p. 49. Here the work is given a different title, Compendium duodecim domorum coelestium, ex clarissimis et vetustissimis authoribus, 411-586, but it is exactly the same work 5 The above sources contain all of the material that survives from the medieval period on the astrology of warfare except Theophilus of Edessa whose work survives only in Greek fragments. It is clear from my research that he had no direct influence on Bonatti. 4 161 placed before first chapter of Tractatus I. I have divided this work into six parts. Of these parts the first is a general introduction.6 Interrogations are the second part, elections the third part. Revolutions of the years of the world are the third part and I have also included the conjunctions. The fifth part is about nativities, and the sixth part is about rains and showers. And in the introductorium I proceed in this manner. In the first treatise I treat of the profit that we can obtain from astronomy and the judgements of the stars, and regarding the confirmation of these, I will speak of the nobility of astronomy, and I will refute those who wish to contradict the [value of] the judgements of the stars or elections, and about [other] matters which pertain to this topic. In the second part I discuss the division of the circle of the signs7 and in what manner they are so ordered and that there are none but the twelve, and why their denomination has come to be what it is and about the accidents which [pertain] to this. In the third part I will say what happens to the seven planets in and of themselves and what happens to [each] one of them because of another and about those matters which pertain to the eighth sphere. In the fourth part I will give intimations concerning certain conjunctions and give an exposition of certain topics. In the fifth [I will speak] about certain considerations which befall judgements. Afterward in the sixth part I present the part about judgements;8 in the seventh elections; in the eighth revolutions;9 the ninth nativities and the tenth and last treatise the changing of the seasons or rains and showers.10 Although I have consistently referred to Bonatti’s opus as the Liber astronomicus, the full title of the Ratdolt edition of 1491 is Tractatus astronomie decem continens tractatus astronomie. I do not know whether that edition is the first rendition of the work to treat it as a work of ten sections but this has become the standard way of dividing the work,11 and the division is 6 introductorium generale. orbis signorum, the ecliptic. 8 Interrogations. 9 These are the revolutiones annorum mundi. 10 Et divisi hoc opus in sex partes. Quarum prima est introductorium generale. Secunda sunt interrogationes. Tercia electiones. Quarta annorum et mundi revolutiones et includuntur etiam coniunctiones. Quinta de nativitatibus. Sexta de pluviis et ymbribus. Et in introductorio sic incedam quia primo tractabo de utilitate quam possumus consequi de astronomia et de iudiciis astrorum, et de ipsius confirmatione dicam similiter de eius nobilitate et obviabo quibusdam volentibus iudiciis astrorum vel electionibus contradicere et de pertinentibus ad hoc. Secundo tractabo de divisione orbis signorum et quomodo sic sunt ordinata et quod non sunt nisi duodecim et quare sic fiat eorum denominationem et de accidentibus ad hoc. Tercio dicam quod accidit septem planetis in semet ipsis et quid accidit uni eorum ab altero et de his que ad octavam speram spectant. Quarto innuam de quibusdam coniunctionibus et expositionem quorundam capitulorum. Quinto de quibusdam considerationibus que cadunt in iudiciis. Sexto postea ponam partem iudiciorum. Septimo electiones. Octavo revolutiones. Nono nativitates. Decimo et ultimo temporum revolutiones sive pluvias et imbres. — Bonatti, Ratdolt ed., fol. 1v. 11 The Venice edition of 1506 has the same title and mode of division but it appears to be nothing but a resetting of the Ratdolt edition. 7 162 certainly justified by the introduction. It is interesting, however, that the 1550 edition, which divides the work differently, omits the introduction which might raise the question as to whether the introduction is part of the original. However, the question is easily answered for two reasons. The first is that the introduction is written in the first person, and in it Bonatti refers to his own nephew. Second, the introduction, albeit omitting some of the material of the introduction to the Ratdolt edition, is to be found in manuscript Vienna 2359 complete with the section dividing up the treatises. I do have to acknowledge, however, that if one were to take the text of the entire Liber astronomicus and create anew the divisions into major subject areas and chapters, one could easily derive more divisions than ten. For example Tractatus VIII consists of a treatment of two unrelated areas of astrology, revolutiones annorum mundi and an enumeration of all of the synthetic points known as lots or parts,12 a subject normally found in an introductorium rather than as a separate subject in is own right.13 In this study I have chosen to adhere to the division into ten for one reason; the Ratdolt edition of 1491 has been used more than any other version as a reference by scholars, most notably Thorndike, although Boncompagni used the 1550 edition. Finally a comment on the quality of the Ratdolt edition of 1491 is in order. Many of the early modern editions of astrological works either were based on poor manuscripts or were the result of extremely inaccurate typesetting. I mentioned a few extreme examples of this in Chapter 1.14 Fortunately the Ratdolt edition of Bonatti is not among these. There are very few passages where the Latin does not make sense or where the Latin has something that is astrologically incorrect. I 12 See LOTS in the Glossary. Abu Ma‘shar and Alcabitius both have separate portions of their introductoria devoted to lots. 14 See p. 21, n. 56. 13 163 have made some changes and additions to the Ratdolt text based on Vienna 2359 as mentioned above but for the purposes of this work, the Ratdolt edition would have been sufficiently accurate as the basis for this study without any emendation. This is not to say that there would have been no textual difficulties but none severe enough to make this study impossible. By contrast this would not have been the case if one only had the editions of the Liber novem iudicum. In the two printed editions (which appear to be identical, flaws and all) there are portions of the text that are completely corrupt and the Latin untranslatable, quite aside from the considerable omissions. The editor of the Ratdolt edition is known. He is named in the work itself. The explicit of the edition begins as follows: Liber astronomicus Guidonis Bonati de Forlivio explicit feliciter magistri Johannis Angeli viri peritissimi diligenti correctione.15 The Book of Astronomy of Guido Bonatti of Forlì has ended auspiciously with the careful correction of that most expert man, Johannes Angelus. Angelus himself was an astrologer of some reputation and knowledge. He would have had the knowledge to ensure that the text rendered the astrology with reasonable accuracy. Dykes in the introduction to his English translation raises a distinct possibility that only a critical edition of Bonatti would resolve16 the question as to what extent Angelus’ “corrections” modified the original intent of the Latin? This is not a question that can be answered at present. All that is needed is to know that the Ratdolt edition of 1491 is sufficient for my purposes, amended with corrections that I have made from Vienna 2359. 15 16 Bonatti, Ratdolt edition, fol. 406v. Bonatti, Dykes trans., xxxiii. 164 The Preparation and Editing of the Texts. My intention for this project has been to create useable texts not critical editions. In each case I began with one of the early modern editions mentioned above and then checked these against manuscripts. If the manuscript copies generally agreed with the printed edition, I used the edition as the basic text which I then corrected where necessary from manuscripts. In one instance I had only a partial modern edition and several manuscripts.17 In another instance, the Liber novem iudicum, the printed editions were seriously defective in two respects; as mentioned above they were incomplete and significantly corrupt. The manuscript cited above, Vienna 2428, was used instead as the basis for my rendering of the text rather than either of the two editions. Occasionally with the Liber novem iudicum the editions had better readings but not often. Variations between the manuscript and the printed edition are noted. When the editions appeared to be reasonably accurate, I used manuscripts to judge how much agreement there was on the content, different paragraphs, different ordering and such. Therefore, the Ratdolt edition 1491 was the source of the basic text for Bonatti. For Haly Abenragel the Ratdolt edition of 1485 was used as the source for the basic text. For Zahel the omnibus edition of 1493 was used, and for the Liber novem iudicum the manuscript Vienna 2428.18 In each case the chapters are designated using a system based on one that Charles Burnett has employed. All chapter and section headings are numbered even where they are not in the original as in the case of Zahel. Each section number begins with a ‘§’. Bonatti requires the most elaborate numbering system because of his tendency to have many levels of division. In the 17 This was the work of Haly Emrani (as he is known in Latin) on elections which turned out not to be an important source for my work here. While he was a major influence on Bonatti on elections, his work contains almost nothing on military astrology. See p. 145, n. 62. 18 In addition to being complete, Vienna 2428 also was one of the most readable manuscripts I have seen, written in a clear hand and in good condition. 165 last chapter I gave an example, §VI.2.7.29. This means tractatus VI, part 2, seventh house, chapter 29. Not all of the tractates have “parts”. So the Roman numeral is always the tractatus number and the last two digits are always a section of some kind and a chapter number. So the complete scheme is Tractatus, [part], [section], and chapter, the brackets indicating a division which is sometimes present and sometimes not. Always, however, the roman numeral indicates a tractatus and the last number a chapter. It is important to recognize my use of the Ratdolt 1491 edition as a standard for the numbering because of the differences in arrangement between this edition, other editions, and the manuscripts mentioned earlier in this chapter. In Zahel a typical number will be something like this §7.9 which means seventh house, ninth chapter. It is much simpler because Zahel’s text is divided only into sections pertaining to each house and then chapters on particular questions within that house. However, in the editions and manuscripts of Zahel there are no section or chapter numbers only headings. Sections of chapters sometimes have their own headings so that in Zahel a third number may indicate a titled portion of a larger chapter. So in Zahel following the pattern a complete scheme is house number, chapter, and [subsection]. In the Liber novem iudicum the same numbering convention is followed as in Zahel. In Haly Abenragel the chapters are numbered in the editions according to each section number which is always a Roman numeral. Therefore, §II.39 means part 2, chapter 39. The lines are numbered within chapters (rather than by page or folio) as these are found in the editions mentioned or in the case of the Liber novem iudicum, the manuscript Vienna 2428, with the line breaks indicated as in the original with the following exception. When a word is broken at the end of a line in the edition or manuscript, I include the entire word as part of the line on which the first portion was located. Each line number in my transcriptions begins at the 166 first whole word of the relevant line of the edition or manuscript. This was done to render the Latin of my transcriptions more readable for, rather than reproduce the line breaks as in the original, each line break is designated by the ‘/’ character and every fifth line numbered as follows, /10/, meaning line 10 of the section in question. There will of course be other differences between my transcriptions and the originals used as the basis for numbering the lines because of changes suggested or required from other editions or manuscripts. These differences are noted. Also, of course, the line lengths have changed because of expanding the original paleographic abbreviations. The folio numbers of the printed editions (and sometimes of manuscript folios as well) are indicated in the Latin texts.19 The purpose of all of this is to make reference back to the Latin editions or manuscripts as easy as possible in the absence of critical editions which would normally serve as a reference.20 All cross-referencing between authors will be accomplished by using the notation described and the line number of the Latin texts as they have been edited here in this work. When conflicting readings occur among the texts, I have employed the following methods. If the texts contradict each other in some significant manner, I have used the reading that is most consistent with what I understand to be the logic of the astrology involved and, where possible, is also supported by other authors discussing the same material.21 If two texts have materials that 19 In the case of the Ratdolt 1491 edition of Bonatti, the folios were numbered according to their position in a signature and not all of them at that. Fortunately, someone numbered the folios on the top center of each recto of each folio in the Bavarian State Library copy and I have used those rather than the signature-based folio numbering system printed on bottom left of the recto folios. For this reason I strongly urge anyone following my work to use that copy which is available in digital form Bonatti, Ratdolt ed. Accessed February 2013, http://www.digitale-sammlungen.de/index.html?c=autoren_index&l=de&ab=Guido+%26lt%3BBonatus%26gt%3B. 20 All of the editions that I have used and Vienna 2428 are readily available in digital form. 21 Basing the correctness of a reading on its astrological sense is often a better way to select the best reading from multiple conflicting sources than is the use of the reading found in the most manuscripts. However, it requires a knowledge of the subject. I have found several times in critical editions of Latin texts in astrology and in other related subjects readings based on the latter criterion that were clearly incorrect from the point of practitioners. I make this point only to stress that critical texts in these or any other highly technical subject areas require manuscript 167 complement each other, i.e., one text adds something to another which does not cause a contradiction, I use both readings and add a note to that effect. I have not attempted to “correct” seriously ambiguous portions of the texts where there is no clue either from other printed editions, manuscripts, or from my knowledge of medieval astrology22 on which to base such corrections. In such cases I let the texts stand and have simply noted the ambiguities. Fortunately, in most cases this has not been a major problem. Usually where the manuscripts give readings that differ from the printed texts, or from each other, the readings differ only in the exact language, i.e., grammar, exact words used, and in differing but equivalent idioms, not in the overall meaning of the material. Aside from removing ambiguities from the text as much as is possible, the main task of my editing has been as follows. First of all, as mentioned above, I have expanded the medieval paleographic abbreviations (which are just as abundant in the earliest printed editions as they are in the manuscripts). Second, I have altered the punctuation to conform to modern standards and, where desirable, have broken up long sentences with periods where the Latin clearly indicated that one could do so, not however, otherwise altering the text. Third, I have brought the usage of the letters ‘u’ and ‘v’, and ‘i’ and ‘j’ into conformity with the following standard. I use ‘u’ for the vowel, ‘v’ for the consonant, and I have replaced all j’s with i’s.23 Regarding the classical æ and œ, if the original simply has ‘e’ where classical Latin would have either of those, I retain the ‘e’. If the text either has ‘ae’, ‘æ’ or ‘ę’, I use ‘ae’ as appropriate. I have treated ‘œ’ similarly. Otherwise, I retain the spelling as employed in the original. There is no effort to make the skills plus considerable knowledge of the subject matter. 22 I have been extremely careful in using my own knowledge to “correct” the texts. 23 I am aware, however, that many modern editors of Latin texts have a different standard for the usage of the u and v. 168 spelling of the original text conform to classical Latin standards except where the original text has already been so treated (which seldom happens in the earliest printed editions). Fourth, I have capitalized all proper names of individuals and places and the names of months when they occur. Some texts followed this practice, others did not. I have also capitalized the names of the planets (including the Sun and Moon when referred to as planets), other miscellaneous astrological points, and the signs of the zodiac. I have not capitalized the words ascendens, descendens, imum coeli, and medium coeli (and its variants). In this I have followed the practice of the Warburg Alcabitius edition. Fifth I have replaced Roman and Arabic numerals with the Latin words when they are used either to designate ordinal numbers, replacing, for example, .5a. or .va. with quinta, or to designate cardinal numbers where modern editing of English would also use words rather than numerals, i.e., small numbers are rendered with words, large numbers with numerals. Where positions of planets and houses are given I have retained the numerals. The chapters that follow analyze and compare the material on warfare and present the material of Bonatti’s texts in the same sequence as in the original even though one might feel that Bonatti’s logic in the division of chapter topics is not always clear. Although the chapters on interrogations are grouped according to the houses of the chart to which they are related (in which respect Bonatti follows Zahel and the Liber novem iudicum), Bonatti seems to have made little attempt to group the questions in any particular order within the sections nor do his chapters represent mutually exclusive topic presentations. There is a considerable quantity of repeated material. In Zahel most of the chapter topics in Bonatti on warfare are compressed into one chapter. Only the chapter on the size of the two contending armies (see table below) is separated out in Zahel. Other texts, some of which may not be direct sources for Bonatti, break the topics out into more or fewer chapters than Bonatti. The following list presents Bonatti’s 169 chapters in the order of the presentation of the questions along with indications of what other kinds of questions are contained this section on seventh house interrogations. I have indicated the chapters that relate to the question of conflict and warfare with an asterisk. Table I – A Listing of the Contents and Order of the Section on the Seventh House in Bonatti. Tractatus VI – Seventh House Interrogations. §VI.2.7.1-8: Chapters 1- 8: Introduction to seventh house questions, and questions relating to marriage, marital relations and the possibility of children. * §VI.2.7.9: Chapter 9: Concerning a Lawsuit or Dispute Between Parties: Which Side Will Win or Lose, or Whether or Not They Settle Before the Dispute Begins. [Personal conflicts rather than war.] §VI.2.7.10: Chapter 10: On Buying and Selling. §VI.2.7.11-18: Chapters 11-18: Chapters on finding lost objects, and dealing with thieves and theft. §VI.2.7.19: Chapter 19: On Contracting an Association Among Persons and <the Nature of> Their Participation. §VI.2.7.20: Chapter 20: If Someone Were To Go [to See] Some Man, Will He Be There or Not. The beginning of the main group of questions concerning warfare. * §VI.2.7..21: Chapter 21. Concerning Anyone Who Wishes to Muster an Army or to Begin a Battle or War, Whether He Is a Commander or Any Other Person Whatever, Will He Be Victorious or Not. * §VI.2.7.22: Chapter 22. Which Side Has More Support. * §VI.2.7.23: Chapter 23. Concerning Knowing Victory in War, Who Will Win. * §VI.2.7.24: Chapter 24. What Is the Cause for Which War Has Arisen, and Whether or Not the Cause Is Just. * §VI.2.7.25: Chapter 25. Concerning whether Armies Are Large or Small. * §VI.2.7.26:Chapter 26. How to Have Knowledge of All of the Implements and Other Things That Pertain to War. 170 * §VI.2.7.27: Chapter 27. How You Should Look At the Significations of the Twelve Houses. * §VI.2.7.28: Chapter 28. Whether or Not There Will Be a Battle Between Armies. * §VI.2.7.29: Chapter 29. Whether or Not a City or Castle Which Has Been, or Is to Be Besieged, Will Be Taken. The end of the section on warfare is followed by Chapters 30-33 on hunting and fishing. The Relationship Between Interrogations and Elections. As mentioned in Chapter 2, Pingree maintained that the method of interrogations was imported into medieval Arabic astrology from Indian sources. I do not need to repeat that discussion here. However, in that same part of Chapter 2 I gave an example of a text from a Greek source which addressed both applications at the same time: that is, the method of analyzing the chart is to be used whether the chart is an interrogation or an election.24 The texts refer both to one asking a question, a ‘querent’, and one who is taking an action that leads to the beginning of something, the initiator of the action.25 This can be found in both texts on interrogations and texts on elections. Here is an example from Haly Emrani’s text on elections. Ascendens itaque et dominus eius et pars fortune sunt significatores incipientis vel querentis Planeta autem naturaliter signatus rem incipiendam vel quesitam, et domus rei incipiende vel quesite et eius dominus sunt significatores illius rei incipiende vel quesite.26 The Latin terms which designate the two different roles are in italics. I have done the same in the English translation which follows: The Ascendant, therefore, and its lord and the Part of Fortune are the significators of the one 24 See p. 49. I use the term ‘initiator’ or inceptor throughout the following chapters as the analog in elections and inceptions of ‘querent’ in interrogations. 26 Haly Emrani, Vatican City, BAV, Barb. lat. 182, s. XV, fol. 126v, col. 1. 25 171 who is making a beginning or of the querent.27 Moreover the planet which is assigned according to its nature to the matter which is to be initiated or to the quesited, and the house of the matter which is to be initiated or to the quesited, and the lord of that house, are the significators of the matter which is to be initiated or of the quesited. Here are more examples from Bonatti, the first from §VI.2.7.21. In addition you ought to know that the significators, to wit, the lord of the first and the lord of the seventh, can have [different] relative strengths and weaknesses in the same house position.28 And these strengths and weaknesses are [such] that if the lord of the seventh is in the first, it is the greatest [possible] debility and for the lord of the first the greatest [possible] strength. It signifies that the querent will overcome his enemy and there will be no defense for that enemy against the querent. It is clear that the same thing can be said in elections. It happened to us in just this way when we rode forth at Valbona. [At the time] the Ascendant was Taurus and Mars was in the Ascendant; we conquered everyone who desired to resist us. However if the lord of the first is in the seventh that is the greatest [possible] debility for the querent, and the greatest [possible] strength for the enemy because it signifies that the enemy will overcome the querent.29 Immediately after the italicized line in the text, we have an example drawn from Bonatti’s own experience30 which involves either an electional or event chart31 which demonstrates his point rather than an interrogation. All of the astrological information in the section surrounding this passage can be applied equally to interrogations or elections. For example in lines 159-163 of the same passages he states, “Likewise, see that the lord of the first does not fall in the eighth house, because if that happens…” This makes no sense in an interrogation where one does not “see that the lord … does not …” In an interrogation one would note that a dangerous circumstance was present. The phrase “see that the lord does not…” implies choice, i.e., election. 27 The term ‘quesited’ is the English word corresponding to quesitus. We have previously introduced the term ‘querent’ as a translation of querens. It is much less clumsy to write ‘quesited’ than “the matter about which a question is asked.” See also QUERENT and QUESITED in the Glossary. Unfortunately, there is no correspondingly simple English term which translates res incipienda although in some later texts ‘quesited’ is used in elections as well. 28 eodem … positione loci. 29 Lines 146-155 from “Preterea scire debes quod significatores …” to “…vincet interrogantem.” 30 See p. 155. 31 We do not know whether the attack at Valbona was intentionally elected or that Bonatti looked at the chart afterward. Given the difficulties involved in casting charts in medieval times, it is quite likely that Bonatti elected the time for the attack. However, we have no other evidence either way. 172 Another example, from the same chapter. For this reason if you see him [Saturn] in any one of the angles at the time of a question or the beginning of a battle, proclaim that the battle will be intense, cruel and of long duration.32 Again in lines 220-226. Say the same thing if Mars is in Capricorn or Aries at the time of a question or at the beginning of a battle but the battle will not be so completely terrible. In addition see whether Mars is the significator of either of the sides; if he is himself the significator of the querent, or the one who begins [the battle], or of those who help him, and Mars is also direct, it signifies that those [who fight] on the side of the querent will be good fighters and ones who have no intention of flight in their hearts.33 And finally in this chapter lines 235-238. And if at the time either of a question or of the beginning of a battle, Mars is in the tenth, the war will be one of renown and last so long that its renown will be spread abroad through many lands both diverse and distant.34 I could continue to multiply the examples but the point has been made: wherever the logic of a question could be applied to the choice of a time for taking action, the logic was to be applied to an appropriate election just as much as to an interrogation. We have so many examples of this in Bonatti that we can say with confidence that wherever the logic of the situation made the analysis of a chart suitable either for an interrogation or an election, Bonatti did both, and most of his original material is to be found in the chapters in Tractatus VI on interrogations where he mixes both modes of analysis in the formulating of what can be either an interrogation or the election of the beginning of an action. This application of the same method of interpretation to both interrogations and elections has this consequence for the thesis of this work. It shows that when we evaluate Bonatti or any other author for originality 32 Lines 214-215 from “Unde si tu videris eum…” to “…crudelitatem atque prolixitatem belli.” Lines from “Illud idem dicas si fuerit Mars…” to “…et qui non proponunt in corde suo fugere.” 34 Lines from “Et si fuerit tunc Mars in decima…” to “…per plures regiones et diversas et longinquas.” 33 173 in the treatment of interrogations and elections, we cannot afford to treat the two categories as fully separate. The very fusion of the two techniques that I have illustrated in the passage above is absolutely typical of his material on interrogation; the two techniques are taught in conjunction. There is material in Tractatus VII, the part of the work on elections, which is genuinely different from the material in Tractatus VI: however, it is mainly in the introductory material, that is, material that must be followed in all elections regardless of the topic. Just as there are general considerations one must observe in asking a question, so there are general considerations that one must observe in choosing a time. However, the material specific to the issues of each house is very similar in interrogations and elections except that in Bonatti everything is much more thoroughly worked out in his material on interrogations in Tractatus VI. The principle is very simple. If a chart answers an interrogation as to the success or failure of a pending action, then the chart of the time of an election with similar characteristics will indicate success. In Chapter 5 I mentioned an incident from Bonatti’s own life history concerning the Battle of Montaperti about which he writes, “I had first asked a question as to whether we should obtain victory and afterward we had a very strong election for going to the battle.” The two techniques were used in tandem. Neither Bonatti nor any of the other authors who wrote on interrogations seemed to see the great distinction between the two applications that Pingree sees. The Objective of the Remaining Chapters. Since this chapter is a general introduction to the texts and the analyses that follow, this is the place to identify more completely what I look for in the textual comparisons. I have made it clear in Chapter 1 that I am looking for innovations and change in Bonatti vis-a-vis the tradition 174 and his sources. I have discussed in that chapter the reasons why that change was likely to take place, namely, the need to fill in the gaps on material received from the Arab authors necessary to apply the methods in practice. In Chapter 4 I described the general kinds of changes that occur in the evolution of astrology. And in that same section I placed Bonatti in the context of changes that occur within a tradition, as opposed to revolutionary changes that fundamentally challenged the astrological “paradigm” if I may use that word in this context. I again refer the reader to Thorndike’s observations about Bonatti and innovation quoted in Chapter 135 which I repeat here for the reader’s convenience. Guido employs such classical authorities as Ptolemy, Hermes, and Dorotheus, but still more such Arabian astrologers as Alcabitius, Albumasar, Messahala, and Thebit ben Corat. He also states that he has made additions of his own, and many passages demonstrate that he has made detailed practical application to the present problems of medieval life of the principles of his art established in the past. My thesis stated in Chapter 1 is that this occurs in those parts of astrological practice which he personally utilized. In Chapter 4 I mentioned one method, the firdaria, where there is ample evidence that he did not use the method and transmitted it solely to complete his encyclopedic work.36 His discussion of the firdaria is merely a wordy paraphrase of Alcabitius, who, in turn paraphrased Abu Ma‘shar somewhat incompletely. Warfare, as I have demonstrated in Chapter 5 is an area in which Bonatti did practice, did gain experience of his own, clearly contemplated what he had from his predecessors, rearranged it, altered it and added to it as dictated by the needs of practice and also, apparently, a desire to pass his experience and understanding on. Again, however, he did this in the context of a well-established tradition, albeit one that he and his contemporaries had acquired from the middle east entirely in written form, which I submit, is 35 36 See p. 6. See p. 115. 175 the problem. I have previously stated that it was unlikely that any European astrologer, whose texts we have today,37 ever had the chance to study directly with one of the masters of the Arabic astrological tradition. We cannot rule out the possibility that the translators who worked in Spain and Sicily did have the assistance of local persons who had a practical knowledge of the art but we have no definite knowledge of this. So let me summarize the kinds of change that do underlie divergences between Bonatti and his predecessors and/or sources and how these illustrate the manner in which Bonatti attempted to fill out what he received in order to transmit a more complete doctrine to his successors. One way in which Bonatti introduced change was by way of clarification. For example, the retrogradation38 of a significator was universally agreed to be an impediment to the success of whatever the significator signified. In a close examination of the original texts one can see hints of why this might be so. However, his sources were unclear as to the nature of the impediment. A completely practical need to find the underlying principle behind whatever a retrograde planet might signify in particular cases appears to have driven him to find one. As a result Bonatti made a considerable advance over his predecessors in formulating an hypothesis that suggested what the behavior of anything signified by retrograde planet might be. Thereby he was able to offer more precise descriptions as to how retrogradation impeded a significator, what kinds of events it would signify and what outcome would result.39 A second way in which Bonatti introduces change in the tradition as he received it is to take a technique used by his predecessors in an unsystematic manner and to structure its use 37 Adelard of Bath may be an exception and we also have a original text by John of Seville who almost certainly studied with Arabic practitioners. See John of Seville, Epitome totius astrologiae (Nuremberg: Ioannis Montanus and Ulric Neuber, 1548). 38 See RETROGRADATION in the Glossary. 39 See p. 247. 176 according to the system implied in practice. For example, in his sources we are generally informed that for an aspect40 to involve “reception” improves its effects.41 Exactly how there is improvement is not clear in his sources. That a combination may be more “beneficial” does tell us exactly how it is beneficial. Bonatti takes the idea of aspect and reception and creates a hierarchy of “goodness” and “badness,” or effectiveness, that depends on the presence or absence of reception in an aspect or conjunction. Specifically, according to Bonatti, it affects how easily or with how much difficulty, a combination of planets in an aspect or conjunction will bring about a desired result.42 Third, Bonatti takes material which his predecessors have placed in one context and uses that same material in other contexts where it makes sense to do so. Any recorder of an astrological method who takes something received from predecessors uncritically and does nothing with it (something that happens in texts which merely copy their sources) simply transmits without alteration, or amendment. This is characteristic of astrological compilations by those who do not apply a particular method. However, any practitioner is likely to see ways in which a method can be applied differently from the applications provided by his sources. For example, a description of judges according to planetary types given in §VI.2.7.9 is very similar to descriptions given of mediators employed in settling disputes in wars and battles in later chapters making the appropriate changes in such descriptions according to the application. Bonatti does this. Such descriptions are based on those found in his predecessors but differing in the details. Bonatti simply extended the logic of a general system of planetary types to any situation where it could 40 A combination of two planets or signs making a significant angle to each other in the zodiac. See ASPECT in the glossary. 41 See RECEPTION in the glossary. 42 See pp. 188 and 192. 177 be applied and does not limit application of these planetary types specifically to the instances presented in his sources.43 This is something only a practitioner would be likely to do and report the result if he found that it was useful.44 Fourth, Bonatti also expanded and added detail to principles that his predecessors mentioned quickly in passing. An example of this (among many) is to be found in Chapter 8 of this work. Where the other authors make a simple mention of a retrograde significator, Bonatti presents an elaborate discourse on each possible house placement of said retrograde significator.45 I have mentioned above how Bonatti fleshed out the idea of what retrogradation indicates for a planet and what it signifies. In this instance he built on that idea by explicitly stating how the house placement of a retrograde significator might affect how a planet “manifests” differently according to each house placement. In some cases the details in Bonatti’s descriptions may be due to his own experience; in others he may be generalizing from a principle that he has discovered. It is not always clear which. An important point needs to be made here. In the course of expanding and working out the details of principles, Bonatti also avoided or at least minimized the use of an aphoristic style commonly found in all periods of astrology, the “If-Then” statement composed of a protasis (if) followed by an apodosis (then). While it is not inherent in the logic of the protasis-apodosis statement, as employed in astrology, conditional aphorisms of this type are frequently quoted by astrologers as received from an authority (whether or not the authority is identified) with little or 43 See p. 198. One may question the effectiveness of astrological practice but it is true that in such practice practitioners do have the experience of finding that practices do or do not “work” however one may define that word. 45 See p. 247. 44 178 no further explanation. Unfortunately many aphorisms of this kind make no sense theoretically46 and seem to report findings based on actual astrological experiences but apparently based on very few such experiences, possibly only one example. Here is an example from Johannes Schoener(1477-1547). Saturn, the Sun, the Moon, and the Dragon’s Head in the same degree in the Ascendant, the native will be a hermaphrodite.47 This requires that there be an eclipse of the Sun exactly conjunct Saturn and the rising degree in a nativity. Of course this astrological event must happen at sometime but one would be very unlikely ever to see an example of it in practice. It is an extremely rare event and there is no logical or theoretical principle that suggests that such a combination should have such a result. In general early Islamic astrology did not have many such aphorisms, although Hellenistic astrology did. Ptolemy’s Centiloquy (which was actually written by an Arabic author)48 was composed almost entirely of such statements. They are also frequent in the real Ptolemy in the Tetrabiblos.49 Haly Abenragel abounds with them as do later Latin authors. Also, this type of aphoristic statement is the basis of most “yogas” or aphorisms about combinations found in Hindu astrology. Bonatti’s search for principles does not entirely prevent the aphoristic style and its rigid, non-systematic way of presenting astrological doctrine, but he does it less. Even when 46 Some might wonder if the words ‘theory’ and ‘theoretical’ are appropriate with respect to something as apparently unscientific (by modern standards) as astrology. If one means by a theory something that is implied reasoning from previously established principles, then astrology does have a body of theory although clearly the ‘theory’ is based on symbolic relationships rather than mathematical ones. Astrological theory more closely resembles the principles of grammar in natural languages which enable one to state something that has never been said before that can still be understood by others. 47 Saturnus, Sol, Luna, et Caput draconis Lunae, in eodem gradu in ascendente, natus erit hermaphrodius. – Schoener, De iudiciis, fol. 19v. Capitalization and punctuation as in the original. 48 See p. 88. 49 “For if Saturn is quartile to the sun [sic] from a sign of the opposite sect, or or is in opposition, in the solid [fixed] signs he causes death by trampling by a mob…” Ptolemy, Robbins trans., 433. Even though Ptolemy was the exemplar of a theoretically consistent formulation of astrology, there is no theoretical basis for this interpretation. Yet Ptolemy’s aphorisms have been handed down from age to age by generations of astrologers. 179 Bonatti does use this style of presentation, he generally makes it clear by context how the aphorism could be derived from principle. This is one of Bonatti’s most important innovations over his predecessors. He treats astrology as a set of techniques based on principles, not as received wisdom that cannot be altered, amended or extended. Fifth, we have substantial innovations within the tradition, i.e., developing new techniques based on the tradition or changing a commonly applied method in an important way. I mention an example of each: first, the elaborate lot computation at the end of §VI.2.7.9, a technique which to my knowledge and according to Bonatti’s own words is not to be found elsewhere. Second, he significantly alters the method of assigning significators in siege warfare in §VI.2.7.29.50 This second change in the tradition is clearly derived from his experience. The first may be as well or is based on some obscure theoretical notion that Bonatti evolved himself. We do not know which. To summarize here I tabulate the ways in which Bonatti introduces change and the kind of change that goes with them. I refer to these throughout the remainder of this work as “modes of change.” I recognize, and the texts will show, considerable overlap among the modes of change that we find in Bonatti. 1) Revise and clarify earlier material. 2) Organize and systematize. 3) Integrate and also expand applications by taking methods or interpretative schema from one application that could logically be applied to another application, making appropriate changes, and doing so explicitly. 4) Augment the tradition by working out on a practical level the theoretical implications of principles which have been stated only as principles in his sources. These modifications 50 See Chap. 10. 180 are quite possibly based on his own experience and he avoided aphoristic statements based on authority which have not clear basis in principle. 5) Innovation by making genuine changes within the tradition or applying a traditional method in a new way. All of this I believe is because Bonatti, as a practitioner of the astrology of warfare, had to confront the existing literature of the astrology of warfare on a practical level. In addition he also wanted to transmit the “doctrine” of astrology very clearly and completely. This quality in Bonatti’s work is what inspired the comment by Benvenuto da Imola, that he transmitted “the doctrine of astrology so clearly that he seemed to want to teach astrology to women.”51 In the chapters that follow I point out the changes and innovations that Bonatti made in what he received from his predecessors. I will place these in the contexts of the kinds of changes described above, sometimes referring to each category by number as in the table above, but as much as possible making explicit exactly how these changes exemplify the needs of a practitioner as described above. As I make clear in these later chapters, many of the changes made by Bonatti do overlap the categories described above, so the reader should not consider these categories as hard-and-fast or mutually exclusive. But they do, I believe, cover quite completely the changes and innovations that Bonatti made in the astrology of warfare as he saw them required both by his desire to create a more comprehensive order in the astrology that he received, and the manner in which he perceived the underlying principles in practice. One thing must be understood. In Bonatti we do not have a proto-scientist. We have an intelligent user of a technology, a technology based to some degree on the interaction of hypothesis and experience 51 p. 10, n. 24. 181 but not in the very systematic way that one finds in the modern physical sciences.52 A Particular Facet of the Interrogations and Inceptions Covered in the Remaining Chapters. In Bonatti and all of his sources matters of conflict are considered to be related to the seventh house: that is, the question is to be resolved by an analysis of the relations between astrological factors related to the first house, the querent (or the one asking the question)53 or the initiator of the action, and those related to the seventh house which signifies the opponent in the conflict, the quesited.54 Here is part of Zahel’s passage on the seventh house from his introduction: The seventh house is the Angle of the West and it signifies…battles and conflicts, opposition…[things] which happen between two parties, …that person about whom a question is asked… This sign is the enemy of the Ascendant and every planet which is in this sign is opposed to the Ascendant.55 The factors connected with the first and seventh houses may include planets which have rulership in either house, planets which occupy either house, and planets which aspect other planets in either house. The planets which have the strongest rulership over the first and seventh houses are the significators of the querent or initiator, and the opponent, respectively. Other planets and houses not directly related to these do play supporting roles but they are analyzed purely in terms of how their functions relate to the principal question or action. This last point is extremely important because it enabled astrologers to use a rather small set of symbolic entities 52 This relates to a common misundertanding about astrology. In the modern sense of the word ‘science’ astrology is not a science. It is a pre-scientific technology with some basis in ancient and medieval science. 53 See QUERENT in the Glossary. 54 Again see the Glossary. 55 Septima domus est angulus occidentalis et significat … prelia et contentiones et contrarietates … que fuerint inter duos, illum quoque … qui queritur … hoc signum est inimicum ascendentis, et omnis planeta qui in eo fuerit opponitur ascendenti. – Omnibus ed. of 1493,, fol. 123r. Note the reference to the seventh house as a sign, signum. This is strong evidence that Zahel used the signs as houses, rather than the house system that Bonatti used which came into general use after Zahel’s time. 182 to deal with a bewildering array of possible questions and applications.56 While each of these entities had an invariant core of symbolism and signification attached to it, in the many questions and matters with which astrologers had to deal each entity would be interpreted somewhat differently according to the application. In particular the planets had two sets of significations, general ones which always could be applied, and specific ones that depended on where a planet was in a chart, which houses it ruled, and how these houses pertained to the issues of the chart under analysis. This seemingly excessive flexibility may appear to be a serious problem for those who attempt to master the logic of medieval astrology but in fact there are rather definite rules that govern how each of these works in a particular situation. Bonatti and his sources and predecessors introduce the astrology of conflict at the personal level: cases at law and other personal conflicts, rather than warfare or battles between armies. Interrogations and elections involving personal conflict are used by these authors to describe the basic elements which can be applied to all conflicts whether civil and personal, as in lawsuits, or collective as in warfare. In all of the sources which discuss conflict at any level of detail the chapters on civil conflict are located separately from those on military matters but, as Bonatti makes clear in his chapter on lawsuits, the reason why there are separate chapters on warfare in these writings is that the specifics of military conflict introduce many elements in addition to those that arise in personal conflict. Military astrology includes much of the astrology of personal conflict but the astrology of personal conflict reveals the logic of conflict in a simpler manner. 56 These entities included the seven planets, twelve signs and a few other points such as the rising degree (Ascendant), culminating degree (Midheaven), the nodes of the Moon (Caput and Cauda Draconis) and a point known as the Lot or Part of Fortune. This last was one of a category that actually contained hundreds of points but the Part of Fortune was the only one used extensively in interrogations and elections at least in medieval Latin astrology. See PART and PART OF FORTUNE in the Glossary. 183 A Final Note on the Material That Follows.57 In what follows the reader may take one of two approaches. One may review the evidence presented in the following chapters and take note of the material that Bonatti adds (indicated clearly in subsequent chapters) without attempting to follow the astrology particularly closely. Alternatively, if one desires to follow the astrology, I have provided two tools in the appendix, an “Introduction to Medieval Astrology” especially oriented toward the kinds of astrology discussed in this work, and an English-Latin Glossary of medieval astrological terms. These two sources should supply the reader with knowledge of medieval astrology to follow the logic of what follows, albeit with some effort. 57 The material that follows in this and subsequent chapters relies on a close reading of the original texts. As a consequence the material goes deeply into medieval astrological method. For those who may have difficulty following the text I have several recommendations. The first is a work by J. C. Eade, The Forgotten Sky. See John Christopher Eade, The Forgotten Sky: A Guide to Astrology in English Literature (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 1984). Eade’s intention was to write an introduction to medieval astrology sufficient to enable students of English literature to understand astrological references in English literature. It is chiefly an introductorium with some emphasis on nativities. It is not a bad foundation, although it is weak in the kinds of astrology that are central to this work, interrogations and elections. J. D. North’s work, Horoscopes and History referred to in Chapter 1 (see Chap. 1, p 16) delves deeply into some of the more technical aspects of the astronomy of astrology, but does not have much information about the interpretative practices of medieval astrology. Chapter 7. The Basics of Conflict Analysis in Interrogations and Elections. This chapter concentrates upon Bonatti §VI.2.7.9 entitled “Concerning a Lawsuit or Dispute Between Parties: Which Side Will Win or Lose, or Whether or Not They Will Settle Before Formal Litigation.”1 In addition, we will examine passages in our other authors that parallel Bonatti's chapter that could be his sources. The material from this chapter and my commentary serve two purposes: an in-depth discussion of the astrology of interrogations and elections that pertain to personal and civil conflicts, and a general introduction to all conflict between parties, including warfare. As I have already stated, virtually all of the astrological method presented in §VI.2.7.9. is directly applicable to warfare and only requires small changes for the inherent differences between personal, civil conflicts and conflicts between armies. This is not only an opinion derived from extensive comparisons between this chapter and the ones purely related to warfare; Bonatti himself makes this very point at the end of §VI.2.7.9. Therefore, this chapter’s commentary and analysis will be more extensive because it is foundational to all of the main points of conflict astrology in their most basic form. Much of the material in the later chapters merely repeats what is contained here and, where it does not, that material will provide the content of the later chapters of this study which follow. Finally, my commentary on this and subsequent chapters will not only compare Bonatti’s methods with those of his predecessors; it will serve to show by examples the particular kinds of changes that one sees in Bonatti with respect to his predecessors, changes which were described and categorized in the last chapter. I 1 The Latin for all of the passages pertaining to war is provided in the appendices of this work. The notes for each passage provide the relevant section headings and line numbers within each section along with the incipit and explicit of each Latin passage. 184 185 will in addition describe why each of these changes is important in the terms that were also laid out in the last chapter. So let us begin then with the analysis of Bonatti §VI.2.7.9 and the comparison with his sources and predecessors. I have broken the chapter up into sections according to topic to aid in following the structure and comparisons made within each section. Definition of the Significators. Bonatti - 7.1:2 In regard to litigation or another dispute which is engaged in between parties, or for which preparations for engagement have been made, if one of the parties wishes assurance from you, and asks you a question as to which side should win, [do as follows] at the hour in which you are asked by the querent about the matter. For the querent look at the Ascendant, its lord, and also at the significatrix,3 to wit, the Moon. For the adversary look at the seventh house and its lord.4 These lines state the basic principle as to what houses and planets indicate the principals in a conflict (the ‘significators’) and they do so in a standard manner. I compare now the passage above with some of Bonatti’s main sources and predecessors. I do not give examples from all of them here because there is considerable consensus on the subject. Zahel - 7.1: If you are asked about a dispute which exists between two persons [as to] which of them will win and obtain victory, place the Ascendant and its lord and the Moon for the querent and the seventh and its lord for the opponent.5 Albenait - 7.1: If a question is asked regarding a conflict and to what end it will come, for the querent we place the Ascendant and its lord, and the star from which the Moon is separating. To the adversary, however, are generally given as rulers the seventh and its 2 Passages quoted from each author are numbered sequentially in this and the following chapters for reference purposes. See previous note referring to the Latin texts. 3 Strictly speaking a masculine planet is a significator, and a feminine planet is a significatrix. 4 Lines 1-7 of chapter §VI.2.7.9, from the heading “Capitulum nonum de lite…” to “…dominum pro adversario.” 5 The Latin for all of the Zahel passages referred to in this chapter are from John of Seville translation, §7.9 headed “De contentione duorum…”. This passage consists of lines 2-5 from “Et si interrogatus…” to “…dominum eius contentori.” 186 lord, and the star to which the Moon is applying.6 In the Albenait passage we do have a common variant regarding the Moon. Bonatti and Zahel simply assign the Moon to the querent or the plaintiff. Albenait and others give the Moon to both sides by assigning the last planet from which the Moon has separated to the querent or plaintiff, and the next planet to which the Moon applies to the defendant or adversary. In the next passage from Dorotheus we have the same variant. In fact, the next text and Albenait’s are nearly identical. Interestingly enough, as we will see in the following chapter, Bonatti employs this same variant in §VI.2.7.29 and Zahel in §7.24, their first chapters respectively on specifically military applications.7 There is no apparent reason why in this instance Bonatti and Zahel have treated personal and civil conflicts differently than warfare. Dorotheus - 7.1: If a question is asked regarding a conflict between two parties, namely, to what end will the conflict come, we set the Ascendant and its lord in charge for the querent and also the star from which the Moon is separating. For the adversary we set the seventh house and its lord in charge and also that star to which the Moon is applying.8 A reminder concerning Dorotheus is in order here. We have at least two bodies of work attributed to the Greek author Dorotheus of Sidon;9 the material in the Liber novem iudicum, and the Arabic translation of the Pahlavi version of the Greek original. One indication that the “Dorotheus” of the latter work is not the same as the Greek Dorotheus can be seen in the following passage from Pingree’s English translation of the Arabic text of the latter. 6 Albenait, Liber novem iudicum section §7.40, lines 2-6 from “Pro controversia rursum…” to “…applicat Luna universaliter dominentur.” 7 See Chap. 8, pp. 233 to 238. 8 Dorotheus, Liber novem iudicum section §7.41, lines 2-6 from “Hic si questio detur…” to “…cui Luna applicat preficimus.” 9 The life and work of Dorotheus is discussed beginning on p. 130. 187 Look if you want to know this at the hour in which you are asked to the ascendent10 as the ascendent indicates the matter of incitements and the commencements of quarrels. If you find the ascendent [to be] a hard [fixed] sign, then it indicates that the seeker of the right will be keen in his request and will not turn away from his argument. If the ascendent is a sign possessing two bodies, then it indicates that the seeker of the right will be between two selves and that he will regret his quarrel. If the ascendent is a tropical sign, then it indicates that this quarrel will not be finished and will have no end… See the condition of the defendant in the seventh sign.11 The Moon is given no role in the older, presumably original, Dorotheus but even in this earlier work we have already the assignment of the ascendant to the plaintiff and the setting sign to the defendant. So we see here that the oldest and most universally accepted principle in this technique is this assignment. A difference between the Greek Dorotheus and the medieval work attributed to him is that the text which is derived from the Greek version does not use planets that rule the houses as significators. It simply refers to the houses themselves. It is not yet clear when the extensive use of house rulers becomes widespread but it is found in both medieval and Hindu astrology, so the usage must be quite early, just perhaps not in Dorotheus. Finally one must note that Bonatti’s method is identical to Zahel’s. We see no change or alteration here on the part of Bonatti. This part of the doctrine was sufficiently simple and complete for there to be no opportunity or necessity for addition or change aside from the different usages of the Moon here between Bonatti and Zahel on one hand and the source mentioned on the other. Whether the Parties Will Come to an Agreement – Part 1 Without the Aid of a Mediating Party. On the face of it there seems little about this section that would make it remarkable. In all 10 11 A variant spelling of ‘ascendant’, actually more correct vis-a-vis the Latin but not as common as ‘ascendant’. Dorotheus, Pingree ed., 292-3. 188 matters regarding possible conflict, astrologers were interested in whether or not the sides would come to some kind of agreement. In this respect, however, personal conflict is treated differently from warfare by both Bonatti and our other authors. The first question to be resolved in the presentations on personal conflicts is whether the conflict can be resolved without formally instituting litigation, not whether the side of the querent will be victorious. The institution of litigation in personal conflict is the functional equivalent of actually beginning conflict in warfare. It is not so much that these two parallel processes are treated differently as the order of treatment is different. In warfare the first question that is asked is which side will win, in personal conflict the question is can the conflict be resolved. What differentiates Bonatti and the others, however, is how much more systematic Bonatti’s treatment of conflict resolution is than any of our other authors. Bonatti employs the device of reception of one or both significators by the other more extensively than the other authors, and uses it to create a hierarchy of effectiveness and ease whereby the two sides may reach an agreement, assuming that there are any indications at all that an agreement can be reached. Briefly, reception of one planet (or significator) by another exists when one of two planets forming an aspect12 is the ruler of the sign of the other by either domicile or exaltation. If Mars has formed an aspect with a planet in Aries, then Mars receives that second planet by domicile rulership.13 As the first passage below makes clear two planets can receive each other. For example, if Mars is in Leo in trine aspect (120E) to the Sun in Aries, they both receive each other by domicile, Mars being the domicile ruler of Aries and the Sun the domicile ruler of Leo. This 12 See ASPECT and CONJUNCTION in the Glossary. There are a number of considerations that can alter the effectiveness of the reception of one planet by another. For a more complete account of reception see RECEPTION in the Glossary as well as DOMICILE and EXALTATION. 13 189 is called a perfect, mutual reception. Bonatti begins with the mutual reception between the significators of the two sides. Bonatti - 7.2: See whether the lord of the Ascendant, or the Moon, is applying to the lord of the seventh, or the latter is applying to either of these by the trine or sextile aspect with mutual reception; [if so,] the parties will easily come to an agreement among themselves without the involvement of anyone else.14 Trines and sextiles between significators were supposed to be the strongest possible indications of a harmonious outcome and of general benefit to all. Mutual receptions improve the indications of these aspects and in fact improve the indications of all aspects as shown repeatedly below. Zahel - 7.2: After this look at both planets to see whether they are being joined together to each other by the sextile or trine aspect. [If so] the two sides will be reconciled before any contention.15 Here we see our first divergence between Bonatti and Zahel, small though it is. This is shown in the italicized text in the Bonatti passage. While all of the texts agree that significators of the two sides applying to each by sextile or trine aspect (as opposed to square or opposition) makes it likely that the two sides will agree with a minimum of difficulty, only Bonatti and one other source mentioned below emphasize the role of mutual reception in making this part of the condition. That other text is the following from Omar in the Liber novem iudicum. Omar - 7.1: The lords of the Ascendant and the seventh equally preserve the manner of, and the final ending of concord or, preferably, of mutual reconciliation. The aspect of either of these by trine, sextile, or conjunction, and common reception bring about peace. Indeed, reception disposes of all of the business more quickly and honorably.16 I assume here that what the Omar text refers to as “common reception,” or communis recepcio17 in Latin, is the same as what Bonatti and others refer to as mutual reception described above. 14 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 8-10, from “Et vide si dominus Ascendentis…” to “…sine alterius intromissione.” Zahel §7.9, lines 5-7 from “Post hec aspice si ambo…” to “…ante contentionem.” 16 Omar, Liber novem iudicum, §7.52, lines 2-6, from “Modum atque finem…” to “…omnia disponit negotia.” 17 Using the spelling of the manuscript recepcio rather than the standard receptio. 15 190 Given the context it seems very likely that it is, or something very similar. The only other possible interpretation of ‘common reception’ is a condition closely related to mutual reception but not precisely identical to it. This happens when planet A is a ruler of planet B according to domicile rulership and Planet B is the ruler of planet A by exaltation rulership. An example of this would be Saturn in Sagittarius sextile to Jupiter in Libra preferably with Jupiter applying. Sagittarius is the domicile of Jupiter and Libra is the exaltation of Saturn. In the next passage Bonatti proceeds to a level of refinement that is not found in any other source. It involves one of the significators receiving the other significator but not the other way around. Bonatti - 7.3: But if one significator receives the other and the one received does not receive the receiving planet, they will [also] agree without lawsuit, but not without the involvement of others, and those others who become involved will mostly be on the side of the party whose significator receives the other party’s significator.18 This material from Bonatti is entirely italicized because Bonatti is the only one of our authors who mentions what happens when the reception is not mutual, or in both directions,19 that is, when the significator of side A receives the significator of side B but not vice versa. It is said to give an advantage in the negotiations to the side A. The idea behind it is not unique to Bonatti but its application in this context is. It is the sort of thing that one might expect either of a practitioner or the direct student of one (as opposed to a compiler). If an astrologer actually engages in answering a particular type of question and attempts to deal with it entirely in terms of material he has learned from the writings of others, it quickly becomes evident when there are gaps and omissions in said writings. The natural result for a practitioner is to fill those gaps by 18 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 10-13, from “Si vero unus receperit…” to “…significator receperit alium.” The reception described above between Jupiter and Saturn is an example of a two-way reception that is not mutual but which might meet the requirements. 19 191 bringing in material from other areas of inquiry and trying to apply them to a situation that has been encountered but not satisfactorily handled in the existing texts or to fill the gaps from his experience. As I have stated elsewhere,20 Bonatti concluded either on the basis of theory or experience that the presence or absence of receptions, whether mutual or one way only, had to be systematically applied in all such questions as these. No one else among his sources used receptions systematically. Aside from the Omar text cited above, there is no other mention of reception in this particular application. The closest anyone comes is in Haly Abenragel who states the following as a general case. Haly Abenragel - 7.1: In every case in which there is reception and fortunes, the cause is strengthened in peace and in friendship, if God wills it.21 But in Haly Abenragel reception is not employed as part of a systematic hierarchy of aspect effectiveness in bringing about the resolution of conflict. In the passages Bonatti - 7.2 and 7.3 we have an example of two kinds of change by Bonatti, an increase in systematization and the integrative use of methods from one interpretative schema and applying it to another.22 As we will see again further on, this material is also an example on Bonatti’s part of taking ideas that are theoretically implicit in other authors but working it out in detail so that all possible situations will be covered, a goal which any practitioner would be happy to achieve. Again, we do not know how much of this was derived from theory and how much from practice but the goal is to increase the practical power of the technique. What Bonatti did is as follows. If a mutual or common reception between two significators is better than a reception of only one of the significators by the other, then one is obliged to state what that difference is, not merely to 20 See Chap. 6, p. 176. Haly Abenragel §II.35, lines 114-16, from “Et in omni causa…” to “…si deus voluerit.” 22 These were listed as the second and third modes in Chap. 6. 21 192 state that the first is “better” than the second. There are, however, mentions of reception in other contexts, especially as it involves the favoritism of a judge to one side or the other. These will be described below. Bonatti continues: Bonatti - 7.4: If the significators are joined by the square or opposition aspect with reception, or by a trine or sextile without reception, the parties will agree but first they will litigate.23 This passage again refers to this hierarchy of effectiveness among aspects which I have not found outside of Bonatti.24 It is most completely described in §VI.1.2.25 The paragraphs in that section are headed as follows: “About Those Things Which Come Easily,”26 “About Those Matters Which Happen Quickly,”27 “About Those Things Which Happen With Petition,”28 “About those Things Which Happen With Petition, Great Application and Effort,”29 “About Those Things Which Happen with Effort but Which Come to Completion with Difficulty, If at All.”30 The first category involves applications by trine or sextile both with reception. The second involves trines without receptions and sextiles with reception. The third involves squares with reception and sextiles without reception.31 The fourth involves a square without reception or an opposition with reception.32 This category requires a great deal of work, effort, petition, etc. to make things happen. The fifth and last category involves the opposition without reception and no 23 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 13-15 from “Et si fuerint iuncti…” to “…concordabunt sed prius litigabunt.” Mentioned previously on p. 188. 25 Bonatti, Ratdolt edition, fol. 104r. 26 De his que veniunt leviter. 27 De his que fiunt breviter. 28 De his que fiunt cum petitione. 29 De his que fiunt cum petitione studio et labore. 30 De his que fiunt cum labore tamen vix perficiuntur. 31 In the categories which refer to ‘petition’, petition (petitio) signifies an intentional and possibly strenuous effort to ask for or seek the result. Such things do not happen as easily, quickly or spontaneously without effort on the part of side signified. 32 The Ratdolt edition omits the reference to the opposition having reception while square does not. However, the logic requires it and Vienna 2359 explicitly has it. 24 193 other supporting factors. Here the matter is accomplished hardly at all and with the greatest effort. This requires some further explanation. There are two basic ways planets can be joined by body or aspect. The first occurs when two planets are moving so that they will occupy the same degree of the same sign. This is the bodily conjunction more often referred to simply as ‘conjunction’. The second is when two planets are moving into one of the significant angles or aspects, referred to as aspectual conjunctions, or more simply, aspects. In the material that follows the bodily conjunction is left out because the “goodness” or “badness” of bodily conjunctions depends upon what planets make the conjunction. Typically, however, the bodily conjunction of significators is a good sign of some positive result although not necessarily positive for both sides. The aspectual conjunction is the more tricky mode of joining. The aspects fall into two broad categories, ones that indicate harmony and ones that indicate problems.33 The best aspect is the trine (120E), followed by the sextile (60E), both of which are “good,” the sextile less so than the trine. Then we have the two “bad” aspects, the square (90E) and the opposition (180E), the square being less difficult than opposition. When reception is present in an aspect, it is treated in §VI.1.2 lifting the aspect one level of goodness. The following table illustrates the effect. Level 1 Level 2 Level 3 Level 4 Level 5 Level 6 Trine with reception. Trine without reception = Sextile with reception. Sextile without reception = Square with reception. Square without reception = Opposition with reception. Opposition without reception. No aspect or conjunction at all. Neither Bonatti nor anyone else completely deals with mutual receptions in this schema but 33 See p. 360. 194 presumably the presence of one of these would boost the quality of the aspect somewhat more. The above table shows the complete scheme. However, the hierarchy of “goodness” and effectiveness in bringing about peace according to the aspects formed by the significators in this chapter is similar to the one §VI.1.2 but there is a difference for which I have no explanation. In the passages that we have here he groups the aspects a bit differently into the following categories. The first and best is the formation of a trine or a sextile by the significators with reception, preferably mutual. The second is the formation of a trine or sextile without reception or a square or opposition with reception. An implicit third category is the formation of a square or an opposition without reception of any kind and this presumably leads to no agreement at all at least not without a mediator. However both here and in §VI.1.2 reception promotes an aspect up one level of goodness. The first part of the text above is clearly an example of the application of this hierarchical system of aspect effectiveness, albeit a modified form of it. Then Bonatti continues: Bonatti -7.5: The [eventual] agreement will always begin from the side whose significator is less slow and which commits its disposition to the other. It is better if each significator receives the other.34 This principle, that the side signified by the swifter significator will make the first movement toward agreement is a principle found here and in the material involving warfare in Bonatti and the other sources. This is because, as we will see below in this chapter and the next, slower significators are (all things being equal) stronger than more swiftly moving significators. Here are some of our other authors on that theme. Zahel - 7.3: Know that the beginning of peace will be according to that planet which pushes, that is, from the one that seeks a joining, which is the swifter planet, and from the planet 34 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9 i, lines 15-18, from “Et incipiet concordia…” to “…uterque significator receperit alterum.” 195 which is cadent if it is the swifter.35 Dorotheus - 7.2: Furthermore the origination and initiative of the peace making proceeds from the swifter and applying star. 36 Haly Abenragel - 7.2: Know that the initiative for peace and agreement will come from the planet which gives its power to the other planet, or from the swifter of the planets, or from the planet37 which is cadent from an angle.38 Note that the Haly Abenragel is almost identical with the Zahel and is most likely derived from Zahel. Haly Abenragel uses Zahel as much as Bonatti, but tends not to follow Zahel’s organizational structure. Finally, to conclude this section on the effects of the various aspects of the significators with and without reception, Bonatti mentions once again problems that occur when one significator receives the other but the other does not receive the first. Bonatti - 7.6: If a swift planet is joined to a slow one and does not receive the slow one, but the slow planet receives the swift one, it signifies that the receiving planet wishes to come to an agreement even if the swift planet39 does not wish to do so and that side [signified by the swift planet]will not stand firm by the other.40 We have seen that if both significators do not receive each other but only one receives the other, that the parties will agree without litigation but others will become involved who will mostly favor the receiving side. We have also just seen that the side signified by the more swiftly moving significator seems to be at a disadvantage in the whole matter. Bonatti concludes this section by describing what happens when one side has both advantages: that is, one side has the more slowly moving significator and that significator receives the swifter one. The result is not 35 Zahel §7.9, lines 17-19 from “Et scito quod initium pacis…” to “…cadenti si fuerit levior.” Dorotheus, Liber novem iudicum §7.41, lines 17-18, “Amplius pacis origo atque exordium a leviori stella atque applicante procedit.” 37 Here are more instances of significators referred to as if they were the sides they signify. 38 Haly Abenragel §II.35, lines 26-29 from “Et scias quod initium pacis…” to “…cadens fuerit ab angulo.” 39 These are two instances of astrological writing that refer to a significator as if it were the person or side signified. We find this in translations from the Arabic and here also in an original Latin composition as well. 40 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 18-20 from “Si levis iungatur ponderoso…” to “…nec stabit per eum.” 36 196 what one would expect from the logic shown in the previous instances. One would expect that the side signified by the swifter significator would cave in at once and enter into an agreement. However, this is not what the text says. The text indicates that the side of the slower significator, which also receives the other, will want an agreement and the other side will not, and the other side will not stand by an agreement even if one is made. Since the logic of the previous statements does not seem to support this result, and Bonatti does not provide any new supporting logic to his position here, it is tempting to conclude that he saw this happen in practice.41 However, this has to remain conjectural. In any case, clearly reception in both directions is better than reception in one direction only. This subtlety is not found in any other source which is why I have italicized the entire passage. This is certainly an example of a revision of the tradition even if we do not know its basis. Finally Bonatti sums up this entire business of agreement before formal litigation with the following: Bonatti - 7.7: If the aspect is a trine or sextile, and also if they are joined bodily in one sign, as long as their aspect or conjunction is not impeded by any other planet (whether the aspect or conjunction is with or without reception), the more so will they also reach agreement without the involvement of any other.42 This summarizes the material involving trines and sextile (less a number of details mentioned previously) and adds what happens with the bodily conjunction43 which had not been mentioned up to this point. The conjunction was also not mentioned in §VI.1.2 in the description of the relative “goodness” of aspectual conjunctions. There is nothing about this passage that is unusual or peculiar to Bonatti. It represents material adequately covered by his sources. 41 It is also possible that the text here is corrupt but the same text occurs in Vienna 2359. Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 20-23 from “Et eo magis si fuerit…” to “…sine alterius intromissione.” 43 Two planets in, or close to, the same degree of the same sign. 42 197 Of the passages from Zahel and the others that parallel all of what Bonatti has presented in this second section, I present in their entirety only Zahel and Omar – Zahel, because he is Bonatti’s only acknowledged source in this matter, and Omar because his material is more comprehensive than any of the others except Bonatti. Albanait, Dorotheus (both from the Liber novem iudicum) and Haly Abenragel add nothing to these three. Haly Abenragel again especially resembles Zahel, as is frequently the case. Zahel - 7.4: If they are joined by the square or opposition aspect, they will not be reconciled except after strife and contention. If both significators come together in one sign, there will be peace between them without the involvement of another and without [any] other person who would come among them for the sake of making peace.44 Omar - 7.2: For if the aspect, or this application proceeds from the square, opposition, or conjunction but [in addition] also the application of the star from which the Moon is separating to the one to which she45 approaches is likewise from the square, opposition or conjunction, it judges [that there will be] conflicts and dissension in the controversy. Thus, the origin of the legal case or litigation is generated by the application of these to each other. I say that with things being the way we have already described, it brings the most serious litigation, especially if there is no reception. If reception is present [however], things happen more easily and with less tension. Indeed, if the application is made by trine or sextile, it portends a slight and transitory kind of situation [of the kind] that happens between friends.46 The Omar passage contains more specific material than anyone but Bonatti, but Bonatti’s hierarchy of aspect effectiveness involving reception is absent in Omar. It is clear in this particular area that Bonatti’s confrontation with the material from his predecessors caused him either for theoretical or empirical reasons to systematize, rationalize and extend the tradition. 44 Zahel §7.9, lines 7-10 from “Et si fuerint a quarto aspectu…” to “…inter eos causa pacificandi.” It is not entirely clear from the Latin whether this subject if the Moon is ‘she’, or the star (stella) from which the Moon is separating. The latter reading would represent an unusual astrological principle. It is most likely the former. 46 Omar, Liber novem iudicum section §7.38 lines 12-21 from “Nam si aspectus vel applicacio hec de tetragono…” to “…inter amicos fieri portendit.” 45 198 Whether the Parties Will Come to an Agreement – Part 2 Agreement Involving a Mediator without Formal Litigation. The previous section concerned conflicts that could be settled by the parties themselves with little or no litigation prior to an agreement. Now we turn to indications of conflict settled with assistance of mediators and how effective they might be. Third parties, i.e., judges, podestà or other officials, or others in authority, figure strongly in astrological writing about personal conflict. They appear in two contexts, first, as we have it here, as mediators trying to bring about a resolution with little or no formal litigation, and second, as persons who function as judges in such a way that results in one side winning or losing the case in a formal court or similar institution. In this section we look at the first category. Bonatti - 7.8: After this look at the significator of the king, podestà, or judge. [This is] is the lord of the tenth house. If it aspects a lord which is one of the significators, that is to say [the lord] of the Ascendant or of the seventh, or if it is joined bodily47 to one of these, or [also] if the lord of the Ascendant endeavors to be joined with the lord of the seventh, or the lord of the seventh with the lord of the Ascendant, and the lord of the tenth house cuts off their junction, the parties will not agree unless first they litigate in the presence of the judge. This will be because of the judge, or other person in authority. He will not permit them to settle, and will make them litigate perhaps for the sake of extorting something from this.48 As the reader will see below, there is a general similarity among the texts. A mediator or judge serving in that capacity will intrude upon the situation (as opposed to being invited) if the lord of the tenth house (the significator of a judge or other mediator who is legally empowered) makes an aspect to one of the significators of the two sides before the significators of the two sides can make an aspect to each other. All of the texts imply the necessity of this but Bonatti49 is the only 47 The same as a ‘bodily conjunction’. Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 23-30 from “Post hoc aspice significatorem regis…” to “…extorquendi aliquid inde.” 49 This may be perhaps because of his experiences in northern Italian politics. 48 199 one who seems to feel that this is not a good thing, that the judge will not permit a settlement without litigation, and may do so from ulterior motives. Bonatti also details the variations of the astrological arrangements that can indicate this in much greater detail than the other authors. This additional detail may be derived from his own experience or it may be an instance of Bonatti working out the theoretical implications of the principles involved. The part about the judge attempting to extort something from one of the sides is clearly the result of experience since there is no theoretical foundation for it. Nor is there one against it. This is clearly an example of Bonatti augmenting the tradition based on theory and observation. Bonatti continues: Bonatti - 7.9: Then look at the Moon and see if she transfers light between the lord of the Ascendant and the lord of the seventh; and if the Moon does not transfer light between them, see if another planet transfers light between them, because if [either condition] is so, some persons will become involved who will make litigants agree even if they have already begun to litigate.50 The above section deals with the Moon’s or other planet’s possible transfer of light51 between the significators. His treatment of this is quite different from our other authors. The transfer of light signifies the entry of mediators or other third parties who force agreement, as opposed in the previous example to mediators or judges who want to force litigation. This not only provides a contrast to Bonatti - 7.8, it also treats the transfer of light differently than our other sources. Our other sources indicate that a transfer of light only indicates that emissaries go between the sides to help establish agreement, not to serve as active mediators. In contrast, Bonatti - 7.9 makes them active mediators. (See Zahel - 7.5 just below.) This is a subtle but not unimportant variation from the point of view of the practitioner. Again Bonatti adds to the tradition in this case mostly likely based on experience. Here are parallel passages from other sources. 50 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, passages 8 and 9, lines 30-34 from “Deinde aspice Lunam…” to “…etiam si iam incepissent litigare.” 51 See TRANSLATION or TRANSFER OF LIGHT or NATURE in the Glossary. 200 Zahel - 7.5: If the lord of the midheaven aspects them and there is a joining together with that lord before one of the significators is joined to the other, they will not make peace until they come before the king. And if the Moon transfers light between them, the beginning of peace will be [made] by the actions of legates.52 Note that the “king” here does not force litigation unlike Bonatti - 7.8. al-Kindī - 7.1: However, the midheaven signifies a [possible] mediator for both sides. But if a matter involving a dispute or conflict is brought [the Midheaven signifies] a judge. If [it is a matter] of negotiation, [the Midheaven] assumes the role of the one who ministers to the negotiation.53 Albenait - 7.2: However, if the lord of the midheaven aspects them or applies to them more than they apply to each other, they will debate their differences in the presence of a king and by his hand the matter will be concluded. If there is a transfer of light, they confirm peace and concord by means of emissaries [sent] between them.54 Dorotheus - 7.3: If the lord of the midheaven aspects them while these same stars are applying first between themselves, before peace is made in the sight of the king, either the conflict is litigated or perhaps the litigation is [merely] discussed.55 Haly Abenragel - 7.3: If the lord of the tenth house applies to the significators before one of them applies to the other, they will neither reach an agreement nor attain peace until the quarrel comes before the king. If the Moon transfers the light of one of the significators to the other, the agreement will come to pass by means of a messenger or courier who will go back and forth between them.56 There is one other passage that bears on this somewhat. It is another reference to what happens if the Moon or third planet transfers light between the significators. The passage is from Omar. Omar - 7.3: But if they are deprived of an aspect one to the other, as long as there is yet a collecting or transferring of the light of both,57 this signifies making peace with a mediator. The particular nature of the star collecting or, preferably, transferring [light] 52 Zahel §7.9, lines 10-14 from “Et si aspexerit eos dominus medii celi…” to “…per manus legatorum.” al-Kindī, Liber novem iudicum §7.39, lines 7-9 from “Medium vero celum utriusque mediatorem…” to “…rei ministerium vendicat.” 54 Albenait, Liber novem iudicum §7.40, lines 10-13 from “Si vero medii celi dominus eos respiciat…” to “…pacem firmant atque concordiam.” 55 Dorotheus, Liber novem iudicum §7.41, lines 11-13 from “Eis quidem a medii celi domino respectus….” to “…agitur aut forte discutitur.” 56 Haly Abenragel §II.35, lines 15-20 from “Et si dominus domus decime applicuerit ad eos antequam…” to “…qui discurret inter eos.” 57 See TRANSLATION or TRANSFER OF LIGHT or NATURE and COLLECTION OF LIGHT in the Glossary. 53 201 describes the nature of the mediator. Here, if there is a question about the mediator’s condition and status, one will have to resort to that same star, for an oriental star [signifies] a young man, an occidental star, older men.58 But if the star is neither oriental nor occidental, it prefigures a man of middle years. Moreover, stars of this kind (neither oriental nor occidental) depress the condition [of the mediator]. [A star is neither occidental nor oriental] whenever that same star is distant more than ninety degrees from the Sun up to one hundred eighty [degrees]. At that point it is perceived to be in the opposition of the Sun.59 None of our other sources, including Bonatti, mention this matter of the mediating planet’s phase with the Sun. Of course this definition of oriental and occidental only applies to planets. Sun has a different way of being oriental and occidental. Which Side Comes Out Better in a Settlement? First we have general indications as to which side fares better in mediation. Bonatti - 7.10: After this look at the lord of the Ascendant, which signifies the querent, and the lord of the seventh which signifies the adversary; see which of them is stronger because that one whose significator is stronger should prevail. The stronger one will be that one which is in an angle, especially also if it is in one of its own dignities; and by however much the dignity is greater and by however many more fortitudes one of them has, by so much more will that significator be stronger, and especially if it is received in the place in which it is [located], seeing that [the party signified] will be strong on his own, and he will have allies who will assist him.60 As is discussed in the “General Introduction to Medieval Astrology” in the appendix, planets were rated according to a system of fortitudes. This is the system referred to in the above passage.61 Zahel - 7.6: After this look at the place of both planets, namely, the lord of the Ascendant and the lord of the matter, that is, of the seventh house, and the fortitude of these planets. 58 See ORIENTAL, OCCIDENTAL in the Glossary. Omar, Liber novem iudicum §7.52, lines 7-17 from “Quod si alterno priventur aspectu…” to “…in Solis oppositione cernitur.” 60 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 34-41 from “Post hoc aspice dominum…” to “…habebit auxiliatores qui iuvabunt eum.” 61 See also ESSENTIAL DIGNITY and related articles in the Glossary. 59 202 Through this method you will know the strength of those parties who have the quarrel, for that side will be the stronger of the two whose significator is in an angle and which is received. He will have the most support.62 The main difference here between Zahel and Bonatti is that Bonatti is slightly more detailed than Zahel and a bit more wordy. Both of them base their statements upon principles that were generally accepted regarding the outcome of conflict, whether civil or military, with or without mediation. Other texts state the same basic principles.63 Here apparently Bonatti saw no practical need for adding to the tradition. So next we move on to the matter of which side will take the initiative in seeking a settlement. The answer to this question has already been given in the discussion of reception above in the paragraph designated Bonatti - 7.10. Here we get further elaboration on the subject. Bonatti - 7.11: And if they should come to an agreement, as I have described, the initiative for the settlement will come from the side [represented] by the swifter planet which is also committing disposition to the other planet. For, if the lord of the Ascendant is the swifter planet, and the lord of the seventh is the slower, the [initiative] will come from the side of the querent. But if the lord of the Ascendant is the slower and the lord of the seventh is the swifter, the initiative for the agreement will come from the adversary. Also, a planet which is cadent64 from an angle is said to be weaker unless another planet which is in a strong place supports and receives it.65 Bonatti’s main variation with respect to the others is that he mentions a way in which a cadent planet can be restored in strength if well-placed planets make favorable aspects to it (“supports”) and receive it. No other author makes this point, although it is implicit in the tradition. Not all of Bonatti’s innovations come from a heavy reliance on receptions but many of them do. He is not 62 Zahel §7.9, lines 14-17 from “Post hec aspice locum utrorumque planetarum…” to “…habebit plures auxiliatores.” 63 Albenait, Novem liber iudicum §7.40, lines 13-17 from “Demum inter duces uter eorum forcior notandum…” to “…gaudebit amminiculis.” Dorotheus, Liber novem iudicum §7.41, lines 14-17 from “Sic enim forciorem in causa designant…” to “… pluribus gaudebit amminiculis.” Haly Abenragel §II.35, lines 20-26 from “Postmodum aspice loca domini ascendentis…” to “…plures auxiliatores habebit.” 64 See CADENT in the Glossary. 65 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 41-47 from “Et si debuerint componere, sicut dixi…” to “…in loco forti et recipiat eum.” 203 the source of the idea of reception, of course, but he used receptions much more systematically.66 This is another example of Bonatti’s systematic application of reception to the use of aspects as discussed previously. Zahel - 7.7: Know that the beginning of peace will be according to that planet which pushes, that is, from the one that seeks a joining, which is the swifter planet, and from the planet which is cadent if it is the swifter.67 Zahel differs somewhat from Bonatti. He omits the reception and mentions cadency as a problem for the swifter planet only. Otherwise Zahel is completely typical. So now we move on to our first principal indication as to which side gets the better of a settlement. In the next passage Bonatti offers nothing that is not typical with one interesting exception. Bonatti - 7.12: Likewise, it is necessary for one to look and see whether the lord of seventh is in the Ascendant because that signifies conclusively that the side whose significators are the Ascendant and its lord, namely, the querent, will win and the adversary will give way. And if the lord of the Ascendant is in the seventh, it signifies that the adversary will prevail and the querent will give way; for, whichever of the significators is found in the house of the other, defeat is indicated for the side signified.68 This will not only happen in lawsuits, but in monetary cases; indeed, it will even happen in battles and wars,69 because always whichever side’s significator is found in the house of the other side is said to be already defeated and is like unto a side which has [already] been conquered.70 66 The idea of reception is implicit in Ptolemy in Book III in which he mentions five forms that affect the “mode of domination.” These are triplicity, domicile, exaltation, term and “phase or aspect.” The last differs from the medieval practice which makes the decan or face the fifth mode of rulership. Apparently for Ptolemy a planet has some degree of rulership over any degree which it aspects. Reception combines rulership by domicile or exaltation with that of aspect to make a double mode of rulership. Reception, or alcobol as it is known in Latinized Arabic, becomes a very important factor in Arabic astrology, although the details concerning its use vary somewhat from author to author. Bonatti’s usage became the standard in European astrology. See Ptolemy, Robbins trans., 232-3. 67 Zahel §7.9, lines 17-19 from “Et scito quod initium pacis erit a planeta…” to “…si fuerit levior.” 68 The logic of this is as follows: First of all, for the lord of the seventh to be in the first house originally required (using the oldest form of house division) that lord of the seventh be in its detriment, a severe debility. Second, the first house signifies the strength and power of the querent. As long as its lord, the lord of the first house, is not weak, any planet in the first house is under the power of the querent. 69 This is why this chapter is included in my study of Bonatti’s military astrology. The logic of lawsuits and battles is identical. This is stated again further along. 70 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 47-54 from “Item oportet prospicere…” to “…dicitur esse iam victus et est victo similis.” 204 Bonatti in his chapters on civil conflict is the only one of our authors who generalizes this explicitly from personal conflict to war, although others imply it. However, as we shall see in the next chapter, this principle is in fact generally employed in military questions. Here is Zahel. Zahel - 7.8: Know that when the lord of the seventh is in the Ascendant, it signifies the strength of the querent, and the lord of the Ascendant in the seventh signifies the strength of the one about whom the question is asked because he is like a victor [in the quarrel].71 Aside from his explicitly extending the principle to warfare, otherwise Bonatti is simply more verbose. Now we move on to a second principal indication as to which side gets the better of a settlement. Bonatti - 7.13: Afterward, it is necessary that you see whether the lord of the Ascendant or the lord of the seventh is retrograde because if the lord of the Ascendant is retrograde, it signifies the querent’s weakness and that he will not be firm in withstanding the lawsuit and that he will himself deny the truth and not confess it to the adversary, and will not believe that he has right [on his side]. But if the lord of the seventh is retrograde, it signifies weakness on the part of the adversary, and that he will run from the suit as fast he can; he will also deny the truth and he will not believe that he has a good case.72 The main difference between Bonatti as opposed to Zahel and the others is the explicit nature of his description of the effect of the retrograde significator. This is one of the instances specifically mentioned in Chapter 6 of Bonatti taking what was generally conceived to be a difficulty for a significator and making the exact nature of the difficulty explicit.73 For a practicing astrologer merely to know that something is “difficult” is not worth much unless he knows the nature of the difficulty. The Arabic texts do not usually spell out at least as pertains to retrogradation, so Bonatti saw the need to do so. Here are corresponding texts from Zahel, Dorotheus and Haly 71 Zahel §7.9, lines 19-22 from “Et scito quod dominus…” to “…quia similis victo.” Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 54-61 from “Preterea opportet te videre…” to “…nec credet se habere bonam causam.” 73 See pp. 175 to ?. 72 205 Abenragel. Zahel - 7.9: And if one significator is retrograde, it signifies weakness and rout, and also underhanded dealing and falsehood for that one whose significator it is, that is, if the lord of the Ascendant is retrograde, it will be the querent’s weakness, but if it is the lord of the seventh which is retrograde, it will be the weakness of the opponent.74 Dorotheus - 7.4: The retrograde motion of either significator shows weakness, cowardice and fear on that side.75 Haly Abenragel - 7.4: When one of the significators is retrograde, this signifies weakness, fear, destruction [for that side] and that there are lies about the querent.76 If the lord of the seventh is retrograde, it signifies the weakness of the side with which the querent is in contention.77 We will see again that where everyone agrees that a retrograde significator is bad for the side with which it is associated, making it weak but only Bonatti is more explicit about the nature of what retrogradation signifies. It is not merely “evil”; there are specific phenomena associated with it.78 So throughout these passages we see Bonatti adding to the tradition and making it more explicit based on both theory and experience. The Qualities of the Mediator. Here we take up the question of the nature of mediators and judges in situations where conflicts actually result in formal litigation or its equivalent. Bonatti - 7.14: Look also at the significator of anyone who may sit in judgement (whether he 74 Zahel §7.9, lines 22-26 from “Et si unus significator fuerit retrogradus…” to “…erit debilitas contentoris.” Dorotheus, Liber novem iudicum §7.41, lines 25-26, “Alterutrius quidem ducum retrogradatio imbecillitatem atque ignaviam et timorem sue partis ostendit.” 76 This is what all of the printed editions say. I suspect an error in what was probably the original source for all of these. It makes more sense to put the part about lying at the end of the next sentence which concerns only the lord of the seventh house when it is retrograde. 77 Haly Abenragel §II.35, lines 32-36 from “…et quando unus significatorum…” to “…cum quo contendit.” 78 See passages Bonatti - 7.14, Bonatti - 8.6, 75 206 is a king, podestà79 or judge) and is to pronounce sentence between them. [This significator] will be the lord of the tenth house. [See] whether or not it aspects the significators of the lawsuit. If the significator aspects them and is direct, he will proceed according to the order of the law in the case and that he will strive to shorten the proceedings and finish quickly. However, if the significator of the judge is retrograde, it signifies that the judge or king or podestà in authority will not proceed in the case according to the order of the law, he will not care to end it, and, indeed, it will be prolonged longer than it should be according to law. The same must [also] be said concerning the prolonging of a case if the lord of the Ascendant has separated from the lord of the seventh, or if the lord of the seventh has separated from the lord of the Ascendant.80 As we will see below when comparing Bonatti to the other sources, he is often not merely verbose; he puts together all of what the other sources have to say about this issue. In addition Bonatti again treats retrograde motion not merely as an impediment81 but as a specific impediment which indicates that the one signified does not behave according to expectations. Specifically the retrograde motion of the significator of one sitting in judgement makes the judge not act as he should according to the letter of the law and to render judgement as expeditiously as possible, but rather makes him not to follow the law and prolong the case gratuitously. Here are other authors on the same subject. Zahel - 7.10: Moreover, if the lord of the midheaven aspects them and it is retrograde, this signifies the unjustness of the judges and that the quarrel will be prolonged. [It is] likewise if one of the significators is being separated from the other (I call the lord of the Ascendant and the lord of the matter the significators.)82 Dorotheus - 7.5: The lord of the tenth aspecting these lords will prolong the case or conflict if that lord is retrograde. Also, if one of them is separating from the other and this separation is from opposition or square, as long as the significators aspect each other 79 potestas. See R.E. Latham, R. E., Revised Medieval Latin Word-List from British and Irish Sources (London: Oxford University Press, 1980), 362 under ‘potestas’. 80 That is, the faster of the two significators is moving away from aspect or bodily conjunction with the slower, rather than applying. Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 60-69 from “Aspice etiam significatorem iudicis…” to “…separatus a domino Ascendentis.” 81 For a general description of what constitutes and ‘impediment’, see IMPEDIMENT in the Glossary. 82 Zahel §7.9, lines 26-29 from “Si autem dominus medii celi aspexerit eos…” to “…dominum ascendentis et dominum rei.” 207 there will be delay.83 Haly Abenragel - 7.5: If a lord of the midheaven which is retrograde aspects the significator of the one of the two sides, this signifies that the judge84 will do harm to the lord of the significator,85 and that the conflict or lawsuit will be very prolonged. Likewise, if the two significators, the lord of the Ascendant and the lord of the seventh house are separating themselves, one from the other, this also signifies that the lawsuit or conflict will be very prolonged.86 In the passages just above from Zahel, Dorotheus, and Haly Abenragel, only Zahel suggests that if the judge’s significator is retrograde that the specific problem is that the judge will be unjust although not exactly in what manner. The others only suggest that the conflict will be prolonged and that the judge may do “harm” of an unspecified nature to the side of the affected significator. The Role of the Sun and Moon in Supporting Either Side. According to Bonatti the luminaries, that is, the Sun and Moon, also can have a considerable affect upon the two sides in a conflict. Several of our authors describe this in the passages which follow. Bonatti - 7.15: In addition, see whether the lord of the Ascendant has joined with the Sun or Moon or either of them has joined with the lord of the Ascendant in such a way that no other planet impedes their joining together (as long as [the joining] is not by bodily conjunction with the Sun because that would signify the impeding of the matter unless the planet is in the cazimi of the Sun since then the planet would become strong), or the lord of the Ascendant is in the domicile of a luminary, or the Sun or Moon are in the Ascendant; because, if it is so, it signifies strength for the querent. But if the lord of the seventh house is disposed as I have described in regard to the lord of the Ascendant, it 83 Dorotheus, Liber novem iudicum §7.41, lines 28-30 from “Quos decimi dominus respiciens…” to “…litis erit dilacio.” 84 alcaydus. Du Cange says, “… ita Judices civitatum vocabant Saraceni Hispanici.” “…so the Spanish Saracens name the judges of cities.” Du Cange, vol. 1, 170. 85 “lord of the significator” dominus significatoris. This does literally mean “the lord of the significator.” However, what it means in this instance is the side signified by the significator. This is another example of the merging of the significator with the signified referred to in note 37 above. 86 Haly Abenragel §II.35, lines 36-39, from “Et si dominus medii celi aspexerit illum retrogradum…” to “…placitum illud prolongabitur multum.” 208 signifies strength for the adversary.87 Zahel - 7.11: Also know this about the Luminaries, that is, the Sun and the Moon; if one of them is being joined to one of the significators, or a significator is in the domicile of one of Luminaries, it will be stronger and more dignified.88 Dorotheus - 7.6: Either of the lights applying to either of the significators, or being [in the same sign] with it, elevates its force and graces its side unless perhaps it is combust.89 Haly Abenragel - 7.6: You should know that if either one of the luminaries applies to either of the two significators, or if one of these significators is in either house of the luminaries, it will also have great power.90 The Bonatti passage adds considerable astrological detail. However, much of this is the result of Bonatti’s desire to state explicitly what other authors assume the reader would already understand. This is consistent with his apparent desire to instruct the reader as completely as possible. Zahel implies that any joining by or to the Sun or Moon is good and does mention combustion as a problem when the Sun is involved. Dorotheus also, besides Bonatti, makes the exception about combustion. This is standard doctrine in medieval astrology; the bodily conjunction of a planet with the Sun does not strengthen the planet but weakens it. This is what is meant by ‘combustion’.91 Bonatti also mentions something else that is standard astrological theory and that is that for the joining with a luminary (or any joining for that matter) to be effective there must be no interruption in the joining process. That means, first of all, the joining must be completed, that is become exact, with neither planet changing sign and also, neither planet may either join to, or be joined by, another planet other than the joining which is of 87 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 69-76 from “Preterea, vide si dominus Ascendentis fuerit…” to “…significat fortitudinem adversarii.” 88 Zahel §7.9, lines 29-31 from “Et scito quod luminaria…” to “…erit fortior et dignior.” 89 Dorotheus, Liber novem iudicum §7.41 lines 32-34 from “Alterum quidem luminum…” to “…forte sit adustus.” 90 Haly Abenragel §II.35, lines 42-45 from “Et scias quod si aliquod luminarium…” to “…habebit maius posse.” 91 See COMBUST OR COMBUSTION in the Glossary. 209 interest. This is also standard medieval astrological practice but only Bonatti spells it out in connection with this particular problem. Here again Bonatti tries to be as explicit as possible. Relations Between the Litigants and the Mediator. Let us first examine indications that favor the querent or plaintiff. Bonatti - 7.16: Also, see whether the lord of the Ascendant is joined with92 the lord of the tenth house. [If so,] the querent will request the aid of the judge (or whatever person it is that must make a decision concerning the case). And perhaps, [it may be] that he will strive to corrupt the judge so that the judge will propose a decision in the querent’s favor. Also, if the lord of the tenth receives the lord of the second house from the Ascendant, the judge will require some of the querent’s money. And if the lord of the tenth house receives the lord of the Ascendant, the judge will acquiesce to the request of the querent but if it is otherwise, it will not be so. Likewise, see if the lord of the tenth house is a swifter planet than the lord of the Ascendant, and is joined to it; the judge or podestà will do the querent’s business even if the querent does not petition.93 Zahel - 7.12: And if the lord of the Ascendant is being joined to the lord of the midheaven, the lord of the question94 will seek assistance from the king. But if the lord of the midheaven is being joined to the lord of the Ascendant, the king will give him aid without his asking. If the lord of the seventh is being joined to the lord of the midheaven, the adversary will ask for assistance from the king, but if the lord of the midheaven is being joined to the lord of the seventh, the king will give aid to the adversary.95 Dorotheus - 7.8: Moreover, an application of the lord of the Ascendant with the lord of the Midheaven rouses the querent to make a petition to the king. Contrariwise, the latter applying to the former provides spontaneous favor from a king. And so the same thing must be said regarding the lord of the seventh [as well].96 Note that the passages from Zahel and Dorotheus describe the matter for both the querent and the adversary, whereas Bonatti only addresses the matter for the querent. Bonatti’s comment on the status of the adversary are given below. 92 fuerit iunctus. The subjunctive perfect passive form stands in for a present passive. Usually this is clear but here I need to be explicit. The phrase “is joined to” means is “applying to.” That continues through this section. 93 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 76-83 from “Et aspice si dominus Ascendentis…” to “…etiam ipso non petente.” 94 Again the identification of a significator with the side signified. 95 Zahel §7.9, lines 31-37 from “Et si dominus ascendentis iunctus…” to “…auxiliabitur rex contentori.” 96 Dorotheus, Liber novem iudicum §7.41, lines 37-40, from “Atqui orientalis domini…” to “…erit referendum.” 210 The basic principle is the same in all three of our sources. If the significator of either side applies to the significator of the mediating judge, that side will overtly request the assistance of the official. If the significator of the official applies to the significator of either side, on the other hand, the official will give assistance to that side whether or not that side requests it. This is a beautiful example of the basic assumption of medieval astrology, that the movement of the planets as significators directly parallels that of the actual persons or groups which they signify. The success or failure of an action does not depend upon static relationships among the planets, signs and houses but upon the movements and the sequence of astronomical events which in turn is paralleled on by events on earth. In this case whichever significator makes the application, i.e., moves toward a joining with another planet bodily or by aspect, the person or persons signified by that significator takes the initiative. In such a case if the significator which is applied to receives (in the astrological sense) the applying significator, that means that the person whose significator is applied to will accept (receive) the initiative.97 This is what I mean by “parallels.” However, in this instance Zahel and Dorotheus merely state the basic principle. Bonatti adds detail not all of which is necessarily implicit in the astrology. Among the details which are implicit in the astrology he mentions that the second house indicates the querent’s or plaintiff’s money. Specifically, once again, Bonatti invokes the reception of the lord of the second house by the lord of the tenth to explain that the judge may request money of the querent, whether in the form of a fee or a bribe is not clear. This is the part that is not implicit in the astrology. It is quite likely that this addition was based on Bonatti’s personal experience Also note that the Bonatti passage above only deals with the querent/plaintiff. It says nothing 97 Note that in Latin the verb recipio means both to accept and receive. 211 about the other side, whereas the other two authors do explicitly mention that the same principle must be applied to the other side. Bonatti does so in the next passage but in much more detail. So let us turn to the indications for the adversary or defendant as described by Bonatti. We have just seen Zahel’s and Dorotheus’ much briefer comments. They have nothing further to say on the subject. Bonatti, as if frequently the case, has a good deal more to say on the subject. Bonatti - 7.17: But if the lord of the seventh is joined with the lord of the tenth house, the adversary will seek the aid of the judge or podestà. But if the lord of the tenth receives the lord of the seventh, the judge will acquiesce to the entreaties of the adversary and will allow himself to be corrupted and will offer his support, otherwise, not. But if the lord of the tenth receives the lord of the eighth, the judge will accept the adversary’s money. But if the significator of the judge, namely, the lord of the tenth house, is a swifter planet than the lord of the seventh and is joined to him, then the judge or podestà will strive to do something good for the adversary, even if the adversary makes no request [of him].98 What Bonatti does is simply to apply the same logic to the other side that he applied to the side of the querent/plaintiff. However, he adds a reference to lord of the tenth receiving the lord of the seventh as well as the reception between the lord of the tenth and the lord of the eighth (which signifies the adversary’s money). Oddly enough there is no mention in the former Bonatti passage of the lord of the tenth receiving the lord of the first though the logic of the situation implies that it should be the same mutatis mutandis. Again Bonatti amplified and built upon his predecessors and added much more explicit detail in his working out of the implications of the symbolism most likely based on his experience. Indications for the Outcome of Litigation If There Is No Mediation. Up to this point the discussion has been about mediated conflict. Now the discussion moves 98 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 83-90, from “Si autem dominus septime fuerit iunctus…” to “…etiam eo non petente.” 212 to the point of examining the outcome of conflict which goes into some kind of formal litigation. If we apply the same logic as has heretofore been present, the previous discussions have been about attempts to avoid conflict, whether civil conflict, war or battle, either through the efforts of both sides by themselves or with assistance of some kind of mediator or judge. Conflict might have already begun but resolution was sought before things got very far. In war this might have consisted of preliminary skirmishes without an all-out commitment to war. Now in the material that follows the assumption is made that none of this (if there has been any effort at reconciliation at all) has worked and full-scale litigation or its equivalent follows, or full-scale battle or war if we apply these principles, as in fact Bonatti and his predecessors did, to warfare.99 First in the case of litigation (as opposed to warfare) one wants to ascertain which side the judge will favor. These indications would apply to war only if, after extensive warfare neither side having gained a clear victory brings in a third party to negotiate a peace. 7.6, 7.17, 7.16 Bonatti - 7.18: But as soon as you see the disposition and quality of condition100 of both significators, namely, the lord of the Ascendant, and the lord of the seventh, and you see that they do not wish to settle, and it does not seem to that they are settling, but rather that they seem to want to litigate, see then if the lord of the tenth is joined to one of the significators, namely, the lord of the Ascendant or the lord of the seventh, or one of them is joined to it such that no other planet impedes their joining together. [If this is true,] then the judge, or other one who will pronounce the decision, will be favorable to that one with whose significator the lord of the tenth is joined; that is, if it is joined with the significator of the first, the judge will be favorable to the querent; if it is being joined with the significator of the seventh, the judge will be favorable to the adversary. If none of these is joined with any other of these, the judge will be favorable but he will proceed only according to the way of the law. But if it is joined to both with reception, as sometimes happens, the judge will settle between them and he will make them agree together whether they want to or not.101 99 As I show in subsequent chapters. esse. This refers to essential dignity, the dignity that derives from the position of a significator in a sign. See the English-Latin Glossary under DIGNITY. 101 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 90-100 from “Postea vero videris dispositionem…” to “…velint nolint.” 100 213 Zahel - 7.13: When you know the strength of each of the sides with respect to the other and you know that the two sides will not be reconciled, look at the king or judge who will judge between them according to the midheaven which is the significator of the king or judge. Then see which of these significators, that is, whether [it be] the lord of the ascendant or the lord of the seventh, the lord of the aforesaid midheaven aspects (which is the significator of the king or judge). Know that the king or judge is with the side which he aspects.102 The entire Bonatti passage above parallels what is only one sentence in Zahel. Partly this is due to Bonatti’s verbosity but the passages in italics have no parallel in the Zahel. The first of these is simply a general reminder that an application is valid only if no other planet becomes involved before an application is completed. The second passage adds a subtlety in the behavior of the judge that Zahel does not mention, one which is quite important. I have referred to Bonatti’s extensive use of reception which is more than any of his predecessors. They and Bonatti all agree that reception is “good” for an outcome with one interesting exception of Bonatti 7.6 above, in which a slower significator receives the swifter significator but not vice versa. In that passage Bonatti interpreted the reception as indicating the eagerness of the side signified by the slower significator to reach an agreement which the other side was unwilling to make or abide by if forced. It was noted at that point that this seemed to be inconsistent with the generally positive effect of reception on an outcome. However, there is a pattern in this which is found also in Bonatti passages 7.6, 7.17, 7.16 and 7.18. I mention it now because in passage 7.18 the pattern is more explicit than in any of the previous passages. As I have just stated, everyone agrees that reception improves an outcome (with the possible exception of passage 7.6). However, something more important is now apparent. All of these passages show that the significator that receives indicates a party that is trying to force or compel 102 Zahel §7.9, lines 38-43 from “Cumque noveris fortitudinem…” to “…cum eo quem aspicit.” 214 some particular result, be it settlement, getting money or a bribe, or in this case an agreement between two sides that have no inclination to reach one. This is a generalization of a principle that goes beyond anything in any of Bonatti’s sources. As Bonatti does with retrogradation, he describes how it is “bad” for a significator, not merely content with agreement that is it “bad.” Here he does the same for reception; he shows at least one particular way in which reception is “good” and in Bonatti - 7.6 how it might not be so “good.” This feature of reception is not at all implicit in the writings of his sources. It is another example of how Bonatti attempts to establish underlying principles and in this case most likely based on his own experience. Now let us look at one more passage from Dorotheus. Dorotheus - 7.9: I say when one sees the power and testimonies in such an order that the hope of peace is completely remote, we will learn about the judge from the lord of the midheaven. Whichever of the significators the lord of the judge aspects more familiarly, the judge will favor that side the more. But if the lord of the midheaven gives solace to each side with its own aspect, and it receives either of the two significators, the judge will surely adhere to the side [which is signified].103 This passage from Dorotheus mentions reception but comes to a different conclusion than Bonatti. In Bonatti if the judge’s significator receives both the querent/plaintiff’s significator and the adversary’s, the judge will compel a result. Dorotheus does not mention that possibility but does mention that the judge will favor the side that his significator receives all else being equal. Bonatti does not mention this likelihood although it is clear from his previous use of reception that he would agree. However. this passage from Dorotheus shows no awareness of the principle behind reception that Bonatti appears to see. Omar - 7.4: Then, for the question as to which of the two sides the king will protect in a more familiar manner, I believe that this can easily be answered in the following manner. For, if the lord of the Ascendant and the tenth are found in like manner in the same sign, or if 103 Dorotheus, Liber novem iudicum §7.41, lines 40-44 from “Horum itaque potencia…” to “…ei profecto adherebit.” 215 the lord of the tenth aspects that same lord [of the Ascendant] from a trine or sextile, and is received from his own place, this promises the favor of kings to the accuser. Contrariwise, also, if the lord of the tenth aspects the lord of the Ascendant from a square, opposition, or by bodily conjunction, as long as there is no reception, [the side signified by the lord of the Ascendant] is depressed in that position by reverence for the royal dignity, fear, and even some violence. If there is also reception, one must soften these judgements. It will be necessary also to undertake the proper consideration according to this method for the lords of the seventh and the tenth, in the same way as we have just shown regarding the lords of the Ascendant and the tenth.104 This text from Omar does not have the same content as the Bonatti, but it stresses the nature of the aspect between the judge’s significator and that of the querent/plaintiff and the adversary. Bonatti does not mention the nature of the aspect, and Omar does not give such a large role to reception in the matter. It does not appear that Omar was an influence upon Bonatti in this instance. And again we see nothing like Bonatti’s generalization about the effects of reception. Albenait - 7.3: If, therefore, these matters are understood in such an order, namely, that the power of both sides is known, and no hesitancy remains concerning making peace, we learn about the judge or king from the lord of the midheaven. Therefore, if it aspects either of the significators, the judge or king will surely give favor to that side. However, if he aspects both significators, he will adhere to the side [whose significator] receives him.105 This passage is much more like that of Dorotheus stressing the aspect (but like Bonatti in not mentioning the kind of aspect) between the judge’s significator and those of the principals in the case and mentioning reception in the same role as in Dorotheus. In this passage Albenait sees reception as indicating the judge’s adherence to one side or the other, not as indicating the judge’s taking special initiative. Haly Abenragel - 7.7: When you know the condition of the significators, one side against the other, and you do not have a signification which indicates agreement, and you note that the two sides will get neither peace nor agreement, look at the king or of the person who gives judgment between them according to the lord of the midheaven. Whichever of the 104 Omar, Liber novem iudicum §7.49, lines 2-13 from “Deinceps quoque questioni…” to “…subire propriam oportebit.” 105 Albenait, Liber novem iudicum §7.51, lines 2-7 from “His taliter tali ordine…” to “…ei profecto favebit.” 216 significators of the two sides the ruler of the midheaven aspects, the ruler of the ascendant or the ruler of the seventh house, judge that the king or judge will give aid, and the aid will be for the side of the lord of the significator which the lord of the midheaven aspects.106 Haly Abenragel’s material resembles that of Albenait without any reference to reception. It is clear that all of our authors including Bonatti are coming from the same well of tradition but only Bonatti seems to see an underlying principle beyond “goodness” or “badness.” Next Bonatti begins his discussion of how the quality of a judge is shown in a chart. He gives a great deal more detail than any of the other sources, detail which appears to be derived from direct personal experience because it does not follow directly from astrological first principles although consistent with them. In this section we look at indications of the quality of the judge, quality as in ‘good’ or ‘bad’, and quality as it pertains to the manner of judging, as well as indications concerning the outcome of the conflict. But, first of all Bonatti addresses the general quality of the judgement rather than the personal characteristics of the judge. In Bonatti passages 7.19 and 7.20 below there are two sections. The first examines whatever planets might be in the tenth house, looking at their essential dignity in that house, if any, and giving a graduated description based on the degree of dignity following the system generally used in medieval astrology.107 A planet could have more than one of these dignities and become the ruler of the house from combining the fortitudes even if it is not the house or domicile ruler.108 Such a planet in the tenth house is the most ideal, The lesser dignities of “bound, triplicity, or face,” give a less desirable result as described. 106 Haly Abenragel §II.35, lines 53-60 from “Et quando hos status…” to “…quem aspicit dominus medii celi.” I refer again to the entry in the Glossary under ESSENTIAL DIGNITY and related articles. 108 See ALMUTEN in the Glossary. 107 217 The second part is a reference to a peregrine planet (a planet having no dignities in its position). The sources differ somewhat on what that means. In general a peregrine109 (foreign, or strange) planet is a weak indication, a debility in fact, which suggests a stranger, foreigner, or someone who is not connected with whatever system or network of relationships is in question. If such a planet is received by its domicile or exaltation lords, the condition is strongly improved. All of the descriptions below are plausible renditions of what it would mean for a peregrine planet in the tenth house in the case of a judge. Bonatti - 7.19: Then look at the tenth house which is the one who pronounces the decision, and see if there is a planet in it; if that planet is the lord of the tenth, the judge will judge that case as carefully and as quickly as he can with honor, unless that planet is Saturn. But if it is the lord of the bound, triplicity, or face, he will judge the case but he will not be so careful in the pronouncing of the decision. But if there is a planet in the tenth which has no dignity there, and it is not received by the lord of the tenth house, that signifies that the parties will not stand content with that judge (or whoever pronounces the decision) because they both fear him, and they will come to agree on another judge and stand by that judge’s decision.110 Zahel - 7.14: If there is a peregrine planet in the midheaven which does not aspect the significators, and the lord of the midheaven does not aspect them, the two sides will decide between themselves who will judge justly between them.111 Dorotheus - 7.10: Again, when a peregrine star occupies the tenth as long as it aspects the significators, while the lord of the tenth itself is completely turned away from aspecting the significators, these indications summon up a foreign but just judge.112 Albenait - 7.4: If a peregrine113 star occupying the midheaven aspects the significators, while the lord of the tenth turns its aspect away from them, they will bring forth a foreign judge who is a stranger.114 Haly Abenragel - 7.8: If there is a peregrine planet in the midheaven aspecting the 109 Lat. peregrinus. See PEREGRINE in the Glossary. Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 100-107 from “Deinde aspice decimam domum…” to “…et stabunt iudicio illius.” 111 Zahel §7.9, lines 44-46 from “Et si fuerit in medio celi planeta…” to “…iuste iudicet inter eos.” 112 Dorotheus, Liber novem iudicum §7.41, lines 45-47 from “Stella rursum peregrina…” to “…alienum iudicem sed iustum advocant.” 113 In this instance aliena rather than peregrina. 114 Albenait, Liber novem iudicum §7.51, lines 8-10 from “Nam si stella aliena…” to “…extraneum iudicem adhibebunt.” 110 218 significators, with the lord of the midheaven not aspecting them, judge that the two sides themselves will select someone who will judge between them.115 The other sources cite only the effect of a peregrine tenth house planet, not the effect of planets of varying positive dignity.116 Once again Bonatti takes a teaching that is implicit in a general way in Arab astrology and applies it explicitly to a particular situation. No other sources do this. Next the sources discuss what each of the planets means when it is in the tenth house of a conflict chart. Here we see Bonatti adding material to an even greater extent. First we have Saturn as an indicator. Bonatti - 7.20: And see also whether Saturn is the significator of the judge and is in the tenth; that judge will not judge according to the law nor according to what he ought [to do]. If, at that time, either Jupiter, the Sun, Mercury, Venus, or the Moon is joined to Saturn by any aspect whatever (except by opposition) or [Saturn] is void in course,117 evil will be spoken of concerning the judge but what is said will be quickly suppressed and will not be spread about. But if any one of these planets is joined to Saturn by opposition, evil will be said of the judge because of his unjust decision and that evil will endure for a long time. But if at that time Mars aspects Saturn by the opposition or square aspect, whatever condition Mars is in at that time, the judge or podestà will be maligned from that time on. However, if Mars has an evil condition, he will be maligned with defamation most blameworthy unless Saturn is then in Capricorn, because then Mars restrains some of its malice, especially if Mars in good condition himself.118 Zahel - 7.15: If Saturn is in the midheaven, and he is himself the lord of the midheaven, the judge will not judge justly, nor truly. If Mars impedes Saturn [under these conditions], this judge will be reviled because of this judgement, and he will be defamed because of it.119 Haly Abenragel - 7.9: If Saturn is in the midheaven, the judge will make a judgment that is neither right nor true, and if Saturn is rendered unfortunate by Mars, the judge will be severely accused and defamed because of this judgement.120 115 Haly Abenragel §II.35, lines 60-63 from “Et si in medio celi fuerit…” to “…qui iudicabit inter eos.” Bonatti does the same thing in §VI.2.7.22 but completely changes the interpretations, treating these significations very differently in war than in civil conflict. See Chap. 9, passage Bonatti - 9.6, p. 271. 117 This is not a term often applied to Saturn which has to be at the very end of a sign for this to occur. However, what it means is that Saturn is applying to no other planet and no other planet is applying to Saturn until some plzanet changes the sign it is in at the time of the question. See VOID OF or IN COURSE in the Glosssary. 118 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 107-117 from “Et vide etiam si Saturnus…” to “…maxime si fuerit boni esse.” 119 Zahel §7.9, lines 46-49 from “Si fuerit Saturnus…” to “…erit inde diffamatus.” 120 Haly Abenragel §II.35, lines 63-67 from “Et si Saturnus fuerit…” to “…pro hoc iudicio.” 116 219 None of our other sources have a planet by planet breakdown of the quality of the judge based on whatever planet may be involved with Saturn in the tenth house. As we can see from the above, Saturn in the tenth house is especially unfortunate even if it is dignified there. The logic seems to be that when Saturn, as the more difficult malefic planet, is in dignity, it is simply more capable of doing mischief. If aspected badly by Mars, the judge, himself, is damaged. However, the Bonatti passage contains a great deal more detail than any of our other sources and adds material, I can find no source for what Bonatti has written here. Considering that Bonatti usually names his sources, this is another instance where he seems to have augmented the tradition as he received it with material derived from a mixture of first principles and personal experience. It is doubtful that he would have done either if he had not had a practical reason to do so. In medieval litigation judgements were not always accepted by either of the contending sides. This contingency is provided for in the astrology. In the next passage Bonatti discusses the result of a judgement which is unacceptable to the litigants. Bonatti - 7.21: But if you find that the parties do not stand content with the previous judge but that they would settle upon another judge for themselves as has been described, see if there is any planet in the tenth for this reason; through that planet you will be able to know the quality of the judge upon whom the parties will [finally] settle between themselves.121 There is no parallel to this material in any of the other sources.122 It serves as an introduction to the matter of looking at the other planets in the tenth house. Bonatti alone reserves these analyses 121 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 117-120 from “Si quidem inveneris quod partes…” to “…inter se partes.” There are several other descriptions of judges and mediators in our sources, for example, in Bonatti §VI.2.7.22 beginning at line 45 and in Zahel §7.24 beginning at line 155. But these are descriptions with a different function and are quite different. See al-Kindī 7.176 in war a description of the mediator. lines 16-26. It uses any planet which separates from one significator and applies to the other. If that planet is a benefic, [see BENEFIC AND MALEFIC PLANETS in the Glossary] then there will be a successful mediation. The lord of that planet describes the mediator. This is a different methodology. None of the descriptions contain any of Bonatti’s unique features. 122 220 for the situation when the parties in the conflict have already rejected the first judge and have moved to a second one. This is an elaboration found nowhere else. The other sources simply look at planets in the tenth house as a matter of course, but not for this specific application. So in the passages that follow, for each planet understand that Bonatti describes the planet as it would affect a second judge; the others describe the planet in terms either of a first judge or they make no distinction. Next we have Jupiter as an indicator. Bonatti - 7.22: If Jupiter is there, the judge upon whom they settle will be a good one, benevolent, just, and benign. In no way will he permit himself to be corrupted, neither by gift nor by entreaty. He will proceed only in the path of truth.123 Zahel - 7.16: If Jupiter is in the midheaven, the judge will be just.124 Haly Abenragel - 7.10: If it is Jupiter, he will be good, just, truthful, and generally agreed with.125 There are references to other planets in the tenth in one of our other sources but it is organized so differently that I have chosen to put it at the end of this section for the sake of completeness rather than comparison. However, the three above passages are obviously very similar except that Bonatti, as usual, has more to say. He does not differ from Zahel and Haly, but he expands the implications based on Jupiter’s characteristics.126 The parallelism with Zahel and Haly is very evident and there is no such parallelism with our other sources: therefore, for the remainder of this section we will only look at Zahel and Haly Abenragel along with Bonatti. Next we see passages that describe Mars as an indicator. Bonatti - 7.23: However, if it is Mars, the judge will be false, wrathful, unfaithful, not one 123 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 120-122 from “Quoniam si fuerit ibi Iupiter…” to “…solum via veritatis incedet.” Zahel §7.9, lines 50-51 “Si vero Iuppiter fuerit, erit iudex iustus.” 125 Haly Abenragel §II.35, lines 68-69, “Et si fuerit iuppiter, erit bonus iustus veridicus et communis.” 126 As described in the General Introduction to Medieval Astrology in the appendix. 124 221 who loves justice, and [he will be] one who is quickly moved and changed from proposal to proposal such that the newest error will be an error worse than the previous bad one and the two parties will repent that they chose such a judge.127 Zahel - 7.17: If Mars is in the midheaven, the judge will be light,128 and the judgement of great swiftness, intelligent and fast.129 Haly Abenragel - 7.11: If Mars is in the midheaven, the judge will be quick in his judgement, intelligent, and angry.130 Clearly Bonatti’s opinion of a judge signified by Mars in the tenth house is much worse than the other two sources. The other two describe a judge who clearly bears the qualities of Mars, but Bonatti’s description is Mars with no redeeming merit. It would appear that Bonatti had some bad experiences.131 Such a deviation from the tradition would be unlikely without personal experiences behind it. Next we have the Sun as an indicator. Bonatti - 7.24: But if the Sun is in that location, the judge will have a good character, yet he will let himself by dragged along by the entreaties of friends, be flexible to them, and will give them a hearing and hope of [his] doing what they want; yet in the end he will judge correctly.132 Only Bonatti describes the indications for the Sun in this situation. In the others this would be an indication of the involvement of royalty and nothing else. Remember that Bonatti describes indicators for a second judge when the first one has been rejected, not general indications for 127 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 122-125 from “Si vero fuerit Mars…” to “…eos elegisse talem iudicem.” levis. I suspect an Arabicism here. In Arabic and in the Latin translations a word which means ‘light’, as opposed to ‘heavy’, is often found where one would expect a word like ‘swift’. For example, the faster moving planets are all referred to as levis, while the slower planets are referred to as gravis. This makes sense here because the faster moving planets do have a “lighter” effect upon things, while the slower planets have a “heavier” effect. However, regarding the qualities of Mars, one can reasonably expect Mars to be fast moving, but not ‘light’ in its effects. The only problem is that we have other words here in this passage which mean fast moving. 129 Zahel §7.9, lines 49-50 from “Et si fuerit Mars…” to “…acutus et velox.” 130 Haly Abenragel §II.35, lines 67-68, “Et si Mars fuerit in medio celi, iudex erit levis acutus et iratus.” 131 This is a small example of the fourth and fifth modes probably derived from experience. 132 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 125-127 from “Si fuerit Sol erit…” to “…ultimo tamen iudicabit recte.” 128 222 judges. This is a genuine innovation in Bonatti and a departure from tradition.133 It could have been derived from experience, from astrological theory or both. Whichever it may be, it is another example of the result of Bonatti’s experience in practice. Our next indicator is Venus which as the planet of love, art and beauty might seem to be an odd planet to indicate a judge. Bonatti - 7.25: If Venus is in that location, the judge will be just and have a good reputation but he will not be very deep in [his understanding of] the law; nevertheless, he will judge in good faith.134 Zahel - 7.18: And if it is Venus, the judge will be light, of good heart, and easily sustained.135 Haly Abenragel - 7.12: If it is Venus, he will be gentle, of good character, and compliant in all matters.136 Just as Bonatti has a lower opinion of Mars in this situation than any of the other sources, so he has a higher opinion of Venus.137 The other two clearly consider a judge signified by Venus to be a lightweight. The Latin version of Zahel actually uses the word levis.138 Also recall that we are now looking at the “inferior” as significators, planets which are frequently described as “levis” which means both ‘swift’ and ‘light’. As the swift planets are also ‘light’, so are the persons signified by them ‘light’ in contrast to persons signified by the Sun and the superior planets. Next we have Mercury as an indicator of a second judge to whom the parties turn after an initial failure. 133 The use of the Sun to indicate someone other than a king or ruler could be the result of the fact that Bonatti lived in a part of Italy which was at that time largely devoid of monarchs. This was not the case in the Arabicspeaking world. 134 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 127-129 from “Et si fuerit ibi Venus…” to “…iudicabit bona fide.” 135 Zahel §7.9, lines 51-52. I quote the entire line here in Latin because of the peculiar use of words. “Et si fuerit venus, erit levis et boni animi et leviter suscipitur.” 136 Haly Abenragel §II.35, lines 70-71, “Et si Venus, erit mansuetus bonorum morum et omnibus tractabilis.” 137 First mode, revision and clarification. 138 Zahel, Liber novem iudicum §7.48 is a bit different. It has “A Venere viri mollities et eius benignitas denotatur,” lines 17-18. 223 Bonatti - 7.26: If Mercury is in the tenth, he will be a judge who has a good, sharp mind, and quickly sees the matter of the case but he will judge according to how Mercury applies to the [other] planets; if it is to fortunes, [he will judge] justly, if to malefics, unjustly; if Mercury applies to no [other] planet, the judge will judge according to how he, himself, finds the evidence.139 Zahel - 7.19: If it is Mercury, the judge will be sharp in vision. If the midheaven is in a common sign, the first judge will not finish the judgement of the two sides until they go to another judge.140 Haly Abenragel -7.13: If it is Mercury, the judge will be new at it, still learning, and fraudulent in secret.141 Again Bonatti gives more detail and it is detail implicit in the nature of Mercury which gets its qualities from the planets to which it applies.142 The principle that Mercury’s nature is derived from the planet to which Mercury is applying is basic astrology.143 But no one else explicit applies it to this situation. Zahel adds here something that is a bit different but actually does not seem to have anything to do with Mercury and in fact may not have anything to do with it, especially since Haly Abenragel states the same thing after Venus but also at the end of the section.144 Haly Abenragel has a much more negative opinion than Bonatti and does not make the qualification of the applications of Mercury. Bonatti clearly resembles Zahel (as usual) more than Haly Abenragel but has more to say. The Moon turns out to be something of a special case. So Bonatti next turns to the matters of how one handles the Moon in these matters and why the Moon sometimes is and sometimes is not an indicator. 139 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 129-132 from “Et si fuerit Mercurius in decima…” to “…quod ipse invenerit probationes.” 140 Zahel §7.9, lines 52-54 from “Et si fuerit Mercurius…” to “…ad alium iudicem.” 141 Haly Abenragel §II.35, lines 69-70, “Et si Mercurius, erit novus adiscens fraudulentus in occulto.” 142 The fourth mode. 143 See Ptolemy, Robbins trans., 38-9. 144 Haly Abenragel §II.35, lines 71-73. “Et si signum medii celi fuerit commune, iudex ad quem primo ibunt non expediet placitum, immo postea ibunt ad alium iudicem.” This apparent divergence between the two texts can be explained by the lack of paragraph formatting in medieval texts. 224 Bonatti - 7.27: Also, in all of the aforesaid accidents the lord of the Ascendant, the lord of the seventh and the [other] significators mentioned previously are considered without the participation of the Moon; for even though she is herself a natural participant in every matter, yet something is taken from her [in this kind of thing]. However, if the Moon is in the tenth house the judge will be capricious, unstable, and will judge just as he sees fit, not considering very much what the law may be, not caring what his decision may be, nor what will be said concerning his decision, whether it is good or bad.145 Neither Zahel nor Haly Abenragel describes the Moon in this role. Only Bonatti does so. We have to keep in mind that Bonatti uses this entire body of material to get indications for a second judge. So the use of the Moon in this manner is unique in Bonatti although the description itself is not unrelated to the general view of the Moon in medieval astrology, changeable, fickle and somewhat unpredictable. Bonatti has taken his general understanding of the Moon and applied to this particular situation. Recall from Chapter 3 that Roger Bacon saw the Moon in a similar manner when he related the Moon to the arrival of the Anti-Christ.146 This is another example of augmenting the tradition (the fourth mode of change) as well as the first mode (revision and clarification) described in Chapter 6.147 This ends the material on the significations of the seven planets in the tenth house. However, there is the additional source which I mentioned previously that has material that pertains to planets in the tenth house. I append it below. Omar - 7.5: You will get an understanding of royal support from whatever particular star occupies the tenth. If no star is found in that location, the eleventh house itself, as if it were a significator, denotes royal supporters. It will not be difficult to see to which side the king and his own people are favorable, once this consideration has been undertaken. Therefore generally it is permitted to speculate that if Mars in aspect to the Ascendant, while strongly positioned, occupies any angle, he injects multiple controversies into a conflict, especially [if he is] in any of his dignities and in a fixed sign, for then he introduces long-lasting and constant dissension. In a bicorporeal sign discord will be made calm. But in a cardinal sign Mars renews frequent conflicts which have already 145 Bonatti, lines 132-137 from “Et in omnibus supradictis…” to “…bonum seu malum.” See Chap. 3, p. 72. 147 See pp. 175 to ?. 146 225 been mitigated. But if Saturn occupies the place of Mars as described and is in a fixed sign, he brings a long-lasting, stable dispute to the controversy. For in a cardinal sign he acts modestly, and in a bicorporeal sign, he does one evil thing and then another and prolongs [the dispute]. Furthermore, Jupiter in any sign transforms things for the better by mitigation. Venus for its part and the Moon act similarly in this manner but if located with Saturn, because these stars are truly fortunate.148 Here if Mercury lays claim to the place of the Moon, aspected by either of the infortunes, according to the nature of that particular infortune by which Mercury is aspected, he attends upon the kind of conflict.149 A perusal of this passage in connection with the other passages on the same subject is sufficient to establish that it comes from a tradition entirely different from the one which Bonatti relied upon. A Technique for Analyzing Conflict Peculiar to Bonatti. Finally, near the end of this chapter we come to a rather long passage in which Bonatti describes a technique which he clearly claims as his own. My research indicates that he is right about this. Not only is he the only source for this method, I have discovered no one after him who seems to have taken it up. It is an elaborate technique involving the method of Lots or Parts.150 In the usual method of Lots the difference in the longitudes of two points (usually planets) is taken and the result is added to the longitude of the Ascendant. The general formula for a lot is Lot = Ascendant + Point A - Point B. Bonatti’s “secret method,” as he terms it, consists of an extremely elaborate application of the method. I discuss it because the material shows just how much Bonatti seems to have given consideration to the astrology of conflict. I 148 The text appears to be saying that Venus and the Moon are especially effective at mitigating the effects of Saturn under these conditions. 149 Omar, Liber novem iudicum §7.49, lines 13-31. from “Regia quidem amminicula ex stella propria…” to “…naturam controversie genus administrat.” 150 In contemporary astrological literature these are often referred to as “Arabic Parts”. However, they are not especially Arabic. This type of point was extremely important in Hellenistic astrology as well. See PART OR LOT in the Glossary. 226 add that it is not especially necessary that the reader completely understand this method; I ask only that the complexity of the method be noted and the fact that it is completely original. This is one of the most remarkable examples of innovation in Bonatti even though it is not one of his more influential ones. It is an example of the fifth mode of change as described in Chapter 6, genuine innovation building upon, but going beyond, anything to be found in his predecessors. A word on the notation used below; after a verbal description of each step in the process I summarize the content of each step using ‘l’ to stand for the position of a lord or ruler. The subscript identifies the house which said lord rules as in l1 for the first house, l2 for the second house and so forth. I use ‘r’ to stand for the remainder left after each subtraction. The subscript of r labels the value as the first, second , or third and so forth remainder as in r1, r2, r3, etc. The colon (‘:’) in each ‘if’ statement stands for the word ‘then’. The character ‘<’ stands for ‘less than’. Step #1 — Bonatti - 7.28: You should also consider a certain secret151 method, which I do not remember having ever found in the sayings of the ancients. Yet I have tried it and found it genuine; to wit, consider the position of the lord of the Ascendant and the position of the lord of the second; take the lesser [value] from the greater and that which remains is the remainder152 of the lord of the first and the lord of the second.153 If l1 < l2 : r1 = l2 - l1. If l2 < l1 : r1 = l1 - l2. r1 = “remainder of the lord of the first and the lord of the second.” 151 secretum. residuum. 153 All of the Latin of this passage is contained in §VI.2.7.9 lines 137-165 from “Considerabis etiam quoddam secretum…” to “…de residuo domini septime et domini octave.” The passages which follow represent a complete English translation of the Latin text. There is some ambiguity in Bonatti’s use of language here in that he refers to the positions of the rulers of these two houses with the word locus. The ambiguity is that this word sometimes means ‘house’ as in ‘place’. However, since this entire method appears to be derived from the manner in which lots are computed, it is reasonable to assume that Bonatti refers to the degree of the ecliptic occupied by each ruler. Also, when he refers to the “rulers” of these two houses, does he mean the domicile ruler or the planets with the most dignity in the degrees of the ascendant and descendant, i.e., the almutens? I have assumed that he means the domicile rulers of the ascendant and descendant. 152 227 Step #2 — Bonatti - 7.28 (cont.): Then consider the position of the lord of the seventh and the position of the lord of the eighth and subtract the lesser [value] from the greater; that which remains will be the remainder of the lord of the seventh and the lord of the eighth. If l7 < l8 : r2 = l8 - l7. If l8 < l7 : r2 = l7 - l8. r2 = “remainder of the lord of the first and the lord of the second.” Step #4 — Bonatti - 7.28 (cont.): Take those two remainders and subtract the lesser from the greater, and reserve that third remainder. If r1<r2 : r3 = r2 - r1. If r2<r1 : r3 = r1 - r2. r3 = “third remainder.” Step #5 — Bonatti - 7.28 (cont.): Then take the position of the lord of the ninth and the position of the lord of the twelfth, and subtract the lesser [value] from the greater and that will be the remainder of the lord of the ninth and the lord of the twelfth. If l9<l12 : r4 = l12 - l9. If l12<l9 : r4 = l9 - l12. r4 = “remainder of the lord of the ninth and the lord of the twelfth.”154 Step #6 — Bonatti -7. 28 (cont.): Take that and the third remainder, subtract the lesser from the greater and what remains will be the [arc of the] Degree Signifying Aid and The Strength of the Querent or Quesited. If r3<r4 : r5 = r4 - r3 : If r4<r3 : r5 = r3 - r4. r5 = “[arc of the] Degree Signifying Aid and The Strength of the Querent or Quesited.” Step #7 — Bonatti - 7.28 (cont.): Add this to the degree of the sign of the Ascendant and project from the Ascendant just as you do in the [computation of the] Part of Fortune if [the chart] is in the daytime. If it is nighttime, project from the opposite point[, the descendant], and see in whose domicile, exaltation, bound, or triplicity that number has ended. The planet which is the lord of that place and is stronger and more powerful in it [than any other planet] will be what has been sought for, to wit, the planet which is the helper of that one whose significator it more [powerfully] or better aspects to the minute, or which is nearer to that position, provided that it has some dignity in that place and one which makes it stronger. And this will be the more effective if [the aspect] is one with reception. 154 It is not at all clear what the ninth and twelfth houses have to do with the matter here. It would have made a more sense if they have been the lords of the sixth and twelfth but even so the logic would not have been clear. However both the Ratdolt edition and the Vienna 2350 agree on the reading here. 228 Finally we have the Lot itself, as this is indeed a Lot computation.155 Lot = Asc. + r5 Day chart. Lot = Des. + r5 Night chart. The planet which has the most powerful rulership in that degree will give assistance to that side which the ruler of the Lot is joined to more closely by aspect or bodily conjunction provided the Lot ruler has dignity in the place of the significator and even more if is received by the significator. Finally Bonatti concludes by raising two issues that could complicate the computation. Step #8 — Bonatti - 7.28 (cont.): But if both the remainders are equal, the indicating planet will be signified in the [degree of the] Ascendant in the daytime but in the opposite point[, the descendant,] by night. If r3 and r4 are equal, then r5, the arc between them, is 0E. Very logically then the Lot becomes the ascendant itself in a day chart, or the descendant itself in a night chart. It is characteristic of Bonatti’s tendency to leave nothing to the reader’s imagination that he spells this out. To a mind accustomed to modern mathematical notions this would be obvious. Bonatti now proceeds to describe what one does with the various levels of rulership if the first choice for the ruler of the Lot is not acceptable. Step #9 — Bonatti - 7.28 (cont.): Also, when you do this work, always give preference to the lord [of the sign. If that lord is impeded, work with the lord of the exaltation. If that lord is also impeded, work with the lord of the term. Finally, if that lord is impeded work with the lord of the triplicity.156 [All of this is so] because a planet in whose rulership157 the degree (of any of the places which have been mentioned) should fall, or a planet which aspects the most strongly, or a planet which has dignity in that place, which is nearest to the degree will be the planet which signifies the cause of why and how the matters described come to pass, and from what source. 155 See LOT in the Glossary. In some situations in medieval astrology the triplicity lord is the more important, in other cases the term lord. This apparently is one of the latter. The rationale is not clear. 157 Supplying dominio to the text. 156 229 Finally there is one more possible cause of difficult with the computation. It is always possible that two successive houses will have the same ruler especially if one of them is in Capricorn and the next one in Aquarius. Also, using the type of house computation favored by Bonatti and most of the other medieval Latin astrologers, which North calls the “standard system,”158 it is possible for a house to contain considerably less than 30E which makes it possible in another way for two successive houses to have the same ruler. Here is Bonatti’s solution. Step #10 — Bonatti - 7.28 (cont.): But if the lord of the first and the lord of the second are the same, it will be as if that place is the remainder of the lord of the first and the lord of the second. And if the lord of the seventh and the lord of the eighth are the same, it will be as if its place is the remainder of the lord of the seventh and the lord of the eighth. Subtract then the lesser from the greater and do as has been described previously concerning the remainder of the lord of the first and second and concerning the remainder of the lord of the seventh and eighth. If l1 = l2 : r1 = l1. If l7 = l8 : r2 = l8 .159 This extremely elaborate computation is unlike anything I have found anywhere else. Despite its apparent complete lack of influence on subsequent astrologers, it is a strong indication that Bonatti spent a good deal of energy thinking about the astrology of conflict, again a sign that he was deeply involved in its use. Bonatti’s Final Comment in §VI.2.7.9. After all of this Bonatti concludes this chapter by restating the basic principle that all conflict is to be dealt with using the same basic methods so the material of his §VI.2.7.9 applies to military conflict as well as civil conflict. 158 See Chap. 2, p. 16, n. 39. Conveniently, if the lords of the first and the second are the same planet, the lords of the seventh and eighth will also be the same planet. Opposing houses always have cusps that are exactly opposite. 159 230 Bonatti - 7.29: Understand that what has been said in regard to lawsuits is the same for battles, wars and all [other] controversies.160 Everything in this chapter on civil strife and conflict resolution is applicable to military matters and warfare. The two sides in litigation, or other forms of civil conflict, become two generals and their armies; the mediator and judge become third parties that try to make peace before war, or kings who adjudicate between warring vassals. The same methods that describe the two sides in civil conflict describe the two sides in military combat. The methods that are applied to describe the qualities of a judge become the qualities of a king or other mediator. That is why this material is so important to the understanding of the astrology of warfare, the subject of the next three chapters. In almost every part of this §VI.2.7.9 Bonatti has shown the characteristics that I described in Chapter 1 and Chapter 6 which are the results of his application and practice. He shows a clear desire to find and explain general principles underlying astrological indications. He does not deem it sufficient to take the tradition as he found without explanation and, where necessary, correction. In addition, he clearly amplified the tradition with experience from his own practice, instances where it would have been difficult to derive his conclusions from the underlying principles even as much as he seems to have expanded the understanding of these. Also, it seems evident that he was driven by a concern to fill in the gaps that he found in the work of his predecessors. This he did, I believe, so that those who followed him in the Latin world would not be handicapped as he and his generation of astrologers in Europe were from not having had direct access to the original masters of the art in the Arab world and oral tradition which might have filled the lacunae in the written material. We will continue to see in the next chapters how 160 Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, lines 165-166 from “Quod dictum est in litibus illud…” to “…in omnibus controversiis.” 231 much Bonatti strove to fill those gaps with his written work.161 161 I wish to point out that if I have given the reader the impression that there is nothing in the other sources that cannot be found in Bonatti, that is not a correct impression. Bonatti did not merely fill gaps; he also edited and omitted material from the tradition as he received. Chapter 8. Interrogations and Inceptions Concerning Wars and Military Actions in General. In the previous chapter I discussed material on civil and all other types of dispute involving individuals or small groups, lawsuits for example. In this chapter I show how the logic of the astrology as applied to interrogations and inceptions in civil disputes is identical to the logic of all other types of conflict including military actions. For this reason the material of the previous chapter was also foundational to the understanding of the astrology of warfare, a point that Bonatti himself makes at the end of his chapter on the subject.1 In this chapter I begin a discussion of material from Bonatti contained in the chapters beginning with §VI.2.7.21 (the subject of this chapter) through §VI.2.7.29, and corresponding material from his predecessors that relates specifically to military conflict. However, some of it is repeated from the astrology of personal conflict, usually with changes, some major, some minor. And of course there is much material that is additional or is much expanded from simpler cases involving personal conflict. Not only is this difference immediately clear in the first chapter by Bonatti on warfare, we also again see a good deal of elaboration and innovation on Bonatti’s part, along the lines that were introduced in Chapter 6 and demonstrated in Chapter 7. As with the material in the previous chapter, it is obvious that Bonatti derived the outline of this chapter from Zahel, and as before the discussion begins with the assignment of significators. 1 The chapter in Bonatti which I have designated as §VI.2.7.9. 232 233 Who is competent to ask about the outcome of a possible battle or war and how are the significators of the two sides derived? All of our sources discuss the second part of this question, but the first part is only answered by Zahel and Bonatti, briefly in the Latin version of Zahel which appears in the Liber novem iudicum §7.160, and in an elaborately expanded form in Bonatti.§VI.2.7.21. In Bonatti §VI.2.7.9, on personal conflict, the question of who is competent to ask does not even arise; nor does in his predecessors.2 In personal conflicts all of the authors, including Bonatti, seem to assume that whoever asks the question is competent to do so. Apparently earlier material, introductory to interrogations in general, on the competence of the querent is assumed to be sufficient. Warfare should be a different matter, however, because large numbers of people are involved not all of whom are competent to be querents. Yet Bonatti and Zahel are the only two authors who raise the issue of competence in connection with warfare. And even in the case of Zahel we find the reference to the problem clearly only in the Latin version from the Liber novem iudicum. Recall that in Chapter 7 for Zahel I employed only the Latin translation attributed to John of Seville as it appears in the 1493 “omnibus” edition and in manuscripts3 because, for the most part, the Latin of that version is in much better condition, and also the two translations are sufficiently close so that one can usually ignore the differences. The same is true for the material covered in this and subsequent chapters with this exception that I have noted. Here are the two versions of Zahel translated into English which will be followed by the equivalent passage from Bonatti. Zahel - 8.1A, John of Seville trans. — If a leader setting out to a war asks a question, or 2 The general issue of competence in posing a question does arise in all of these works in the preliminary material on interrogations. However, it has special impact in regard to conflict and warfare as I show in the following material. 3 See Chap. 6 for a discussion of the manuscripts used. 234 someone else who is anxious concerning this matter asks a question on his behalf (because even if a king and a kingdom is stable, it is nevertheless possible that a leader might be overcome and killed, and that another leader may come), put the Ascendant and its lord and the planet from which the Moon is separating for the one who asks the question or the one who begins [the battle] and put the seventh sign and its lord, and the planet to which the Moon is being joined for the enemy. If, however, there is neither a separation nor a joining of the Moon [with another planet], you should not employ the Moon in this work.4 Zahel - 8.1B, Liber novem iudicum — One may examine entering upon wars and the success of those fighting according to this method. For if the king himself, or at least some leader of an army, or a prince who bears no less a concern for this kind of business, approaches as an anxious questioner, the ascendant and its lord, and also the star from which the Moon is separating assuming the rulership of the querent. But we entrust the enemy to the seventh, to its lord, and also the star to which the Moon is applying.5 The italicized sections in the two translations raise the issue of who may ask such a question, but the Liber novem iudicum version puts more stress on the possibility of more than one kind of querent and the qualifications to ask the question. Then both versions of Zahel move to the question of deriving the significators of the two sides. Yet even with Zahel it is surprising in both versions just how quickly he disposes of the issue of the competence of the querent. I say this because in personal and civil conflict the roles of the various persons in the conflict are well defined. We have the plaintiff, the defendant, mediators, and judges or rulers acting as judges. In military matters we have rulers who may or may not be personally involved in attack or defense; we have military leaders of varying levels of command from minor officer to supreme commander; we have kings acting as mediators; and finally we have persons who may be very concerned for personal reasons about the outcome of a conflict as for example the citizens of a city under siege, or a relative concerned for the safety of someone going to war. The issue of who may be competent to ask the question is much less clear in military conflict because the 4 Zahel, §7.24, lines 2-9, from “Si te interrogaverit dux…” to “…non immittas eam in hoc opere.” Zahel, Liber novem iudicum, §7.160, lines 2-6, from “Bellorum contractus et pugnancium…” to “…querentis assumunt ducatum.” 5 235 matter concerns a collective rather than individuals or at most very small group of individuals. I consider this lack of concern for the qualification of the querent surprising because in the texts introductory to interrogations of our authors we have statements as to just how important the issue of the competence (and honesty) of a querent is. A typical instance is from Zahel himself.6 Zahel - 8.2:…you should not make an examination except for a querent who comes to you from necessity or grief, and who comes to you concerned with some difficulty. For whoever comes to you knowingly as a cunning individual or one who is testing you, you should not make an examination for him because a matter will turn out [correctly] according to the quantity of the concern of the querent in the matter concerning which he makes the interrogation… For then an interrogation will be more useful when a man asks concerning himself, or sends such a one who asks for him who is [also] very concerned about question of the former. Therefore, you must understand the intentions of human beings because the consideration and the work is accomplished according the degree of concern and the intention of the querent. For whoever asks and whose intention is completely focused upon the question at his own timing, the places of the planets at the time of the question signify his entire state of being in that whole time. Likewise, if his intention is to ask about some matter of his in a year, or in a month, or in a day, or in any such time, it will be so. Therefore, understand their intentions before the consideration [of the question] because every [sincere] querent does not ask a question unless it concerns that which is overwhelming in him according to the nature of the circle along with his own condition concerning which he asks, namely, according to the complexion of the circle along with his own state of being concerning anything fortunate or evil.7 The primary qualification of a querent is that he or she must have a level of concern so deep about a question that his or her whole being embodies (so the theory goes) the planetary arrangements of the time, the “nature of the circle” (natura circuli ) and the “complexion of the 6 And nearly identical material may be found in Masha’allah in the Liber novem iudicum. …non aspicias nisi ei qui venerit ad te sperans aut sub necessitate aut tristis, et qui sollicitus vel cum labore venerit ad te. Nam qui venerit ad te scienter quasi callidus aut temptator, non aspicias ei quia res exit secundum quantitatem sollicitudinis interrogantis in re de qua interrogat. … Tunc enim utilior erit interrogatio, cum interrogaverit vir de semetipso, aut miserit talem qui interroget pro ipso qui sit sollicitus de re illius. Scito ergo intentiones hominum quia consideratio et opus fit secundum sollicitudinem et intentione interrogantis. Qui enim interrogaverit et eius intentio fuerit in ipsa interrogatione in toto tempore suo, loca planetarum hora interrogationis significant esse suum omni tempore suo. Similiter si fuerit eius intentio interrogare de aliqua re in anno suo vel in mense aut in die, aut quolibet tali erit ita. Intellige ergo eorum intentiones ante considerationem quia omnis interrogator non interrogat nisi de eo quod vincit in eo ex natura circuli eum esse suo, de quo interrogat ex complexione scilicet circuli cum esse suo super aliqua fortuna vel malo. — Omnibus ed. of 1493, fols.127r-127v. 7 236 circle” (complexione circuli).8 As the above passage makes clear, according to astrologers a person who is merely testing the astrologer or who is trying to mock an astrologer will ask a question at a time when the planets indicate either the insincerity of the querent or that a question asked at the time cannot be answered.9 Given the complexities of military matters which make qualifying the querent unclear, along with the importance of the querent’s being so qualified, one could see that the matter of competence should require somewhat more consideration in military matters than we find even in Zahel and more so our other sources. Now let us turn to the equivalent Bonatti passage: Bonatti - 8.1: If there is a war between [any two] sides, or, as often happens, it is expected that there will be one, and a person from one of the sides comes to you, and wishes to be informed by you [as to] what can happen to him from such a war, you will [proceed as follows:] The querent may be a king, emperor, marquis, duke, count, podestà, or any other lay person, or a cleric (who may carry on a war in the place of a lay person). He should be someone who is destined to be in command over an army. He may be a noble, a man of the people or a peasant. As long as he already is or is about to be the leader of an army, or of one side in the war, he is designated the commander10 of that army. [And this is so] whether he has been appointed to engage in this war on his own behalf or on behalf of another.11 In this passage Bonatti lays out in considerable detail what kinds of persons and leaders are qualified to ask the question. A local peasant asking the same question would not be likely to be a qualified querent, although he might be if he were asking whether a war would damage his 8 Note the use of the word ‘circle’ (circulus). This has the same import as ‘orb’ (orbis). ‘Orb’ was used in several of the condemnations of 1277 to refer to a state of some aspect of a planetary condition. (I use both ‘aspect’ and ‘condition’ here in their usual non-astrological senses.) See Chap. 3, the section entitled, “The Condemnations of 1277 and Astrology,” especially articles 102, 106, 132. 9 There are methods described in most texts on interrogations both medieval and modern that address this issue explicitly. These need not delay one here except that the reader should know that medieval astrologers believed that they could identify such querents from the charts of the questions themselves. a modern text on the subject wellreferenced to both medieval and early modern treatises on interrogations see Patricia Dunn, Horary Astrology ReExamined (Bournemouth, UK: The Wessex Astrologer, Ltd., 2009), 229-239. 10 dux. 11 Bonatti §VI.2.7.21, lines 3-10 from “Cum inter aliquos fuerit…” to “…in exercitum contra aliquem.” As one can see upon examining the Latin, all of this would be a single and very clumsy sentence in English. I have broken the sentence up in the translation. 237 village. Notice that official rank is not so much the issue as the reality of the querent as a leader. Since Bonatti was certainly asked such questions by such querents, it is reasonable to assume that he had given some thought to the matter.12 This is consistent with Bonatti’s general concern to explicitly state relevant issues that his predecessors did not bother with. So in Bonatti, concerned as he was to be explicit wherever possible, we should see a much more elaborate statement as to who may be a qualified querent. However, Bonatti goes beyond even this level of specificity in what follows. Now we get to the matter of designating the significators. In the two versions of the equivalent passage of Zahel we get a common variant on the usual assignment of significators in conflict situations. However, if one looks carefully one can see that Zahel follows here a method of assignment that is different from the one he and Bonatti used for civil conflict. In non-military conflict Zahel and Bonatti assigned the first house and its lord to the querent along with the Moon, and the seventh house and its lord to the adversary.13 As also noted in the previous chapter, the other sources such as Albenait and Dorotheus followed a slightly different procedure. They too assigned the first house and its lord to the querent or plaintiff and the seventh and its lord to the adversary, However, they assigned to the querent or plaintiff, not the Moon in general, but the planet that the Moon last separated from, while the planet to which the Moon applied was given to the adversary. Here in the case of warfare Zahel follows the same procedure as Albenait and Dorotheus in the case of civil conflict, not the one that he followed in passage Zahel §7.9. Bonatti also follows suit here in §VI.2.7.21 with one very substantial modification. 12 13 See Chap. 5. See Chap. 7, p. 185. 238 Bonatti - 8.2: If the querent desires to commence war on someone, or to muster14 an army against someone, and he asks you a question about these things, or asks a question on behalf of one who is very concerned about that matter, and the querent is not that emperor or king on whose behalf the question is asked, you will give the first house and its lord to the querent. Also, look at which planet the Moon is separating from and likewise give that planet to the querent. And to the adversary you will give the seventh house, its lord, and the planet to which the Moon is joined.15 Bonatti handles the Moon in questions of warfare in the same manner as Zahel but makes an exception, “…and the querent is not that emperor or king on whose behalf the question is asked…” No other source makes that same distinction. The reason for this distinction will become clear below. He goes on to elucidate. Bonatti - 8.3: However, if the querent is an emperor, podestà, or a leader,16 and he asks with regard to the events of his empire, his kingdom, or of a city which he rules, give him the tenth and you will give his enemy the fourth. However, if he asks concerning private and special affairs which do not concern any event involving his dominion, kingdom, or city, you will give him the first house, the enemy the seventh house, and in all other matters you will judge him just as [you would] any other individual person.17 If the querent is a king, emperor or other sovereign lord, and he asks the question regarding his kingdom or domain, he is not assigned the first house and its lord as significators, nor does the adversary get the seventh and its lord. In this case the querent is assigned the tenth house and its lord, and the adversary gets the opposite house, the fourth, and its lord. The logic of this appears to be as follows. A sovereign ruler is on some level an embodiment of the state.18 He is not an individual acting as an individual. The ruler of a state qua ruler, as we have seen in the previous chapter, is 14 Ire in exercitum. Bonatti, §VI.2.7.21, lines 11-14 from “Et super his fecerit…” to “…Luna dabis adversario.” 16 In a civil or political sense, not as a military leader. 17 Bonatti, §VI.2.7.21, lines 14-17 from “Si autem fuerit imperator vel potestas…” to “…in omnibus aliis iudicabis ei sicut alteri persone singulari.” 18 For the political philosophy underlying this notion see Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997). 15 239 signified by the tenth house and its lord. Also, since ‘opposition’ in the ordinary language sense is symbolized by the opposition aspect of 180E, the opposite house, the fourth, and its lord go to the adversary. To employ a hypothetical example which probably did not happen, in the Second World War, if King George VI of the United Kingdom had asked an astrologer how the war was going to turn out, the astrologer, following Bonatti’s methods, would have assigned King George VI to the tenth house and its lord, and the Germans to the fourth house and its lord. On the other hand, if General Montgomery had asked a similar question before the battle of El Alemain about that battle, he would have been given the first house and its lord, and the Germans would have been given the seventh house and its lord in the usual manner. This is not a minor point. William Lilly (1602-1681), a much later source, but one whose writings are firmly based on medieval principles, wrote the following: So that in the first place therefore, When any Question is propounded, the Sign ascending and his Lord are always given unto him or her that asks the question. Secondly, you must then consider the matter propounded, & see to which of the twelve houses it doth properly belong: when you have found the house, consider the Sign and Lord of that Sign, how, and in what Sign and what part he is placed…19 From this and what we have already seen in the Chapter 7, assigning the wrong houses to a querent and the quesited in an interrogation would be fatal to the accuracy of a judgement. So is this a complete innovation on Bonatti’s part? When we examine the other authors we do find one who mentions the midheaven as the place of the querent. It is Omar in the Liber novem iudicum. I quote the passage in full because one must see the entire passage to see two things: first, that Bonatti could have gotten the idea from Omar, but that, second, the application is very different. Omar - 8.1: As often as (so Welis asserts) a question will be given concerning the business of kings, he produces advice for kings from the Sun and the midheaven, and equally from 19 William Lilly, Christian Astrology, 124-4. Spelling, capitalization and punctuation as in the original. 240 their lords, to wit from the greater agreement of either of them, and also from places which are more powerful. Therefore, it is necessary to establish this significator. Also this must be done from directions with the degree of ascending just as from a hyleg. For one must also derive the directions of peoples and of the subject common people from the lord of the year, and from the place of the Moon and the rising degrees. Moreover, the direction of Mercury (or rather of what it commands)20 in the revolution of the year or at the time of the question cares for the scribes of a king or of princes, and also their counselors. Also, the direction of Mars commands the leaders armies and of troops, and of aristocrats. However, Saturn and its direction get the care of those who guard the common people, the common people themselves, of citizens, and of soldiers in an encampment. To Venus, therefore, we commend the king himself and the wives of kings.21 First there is the mention of one Welis22 who is Vettius Valens (c.120-c.175 C.E.) who wrote the largest and most comprehensive astrological manual in Greek. However, he wrote nothing on interrogations. He states that on the business of kings one must consult the Sun and the midheaven. This is standard astrology. However, this passage from Omar shows no evidence that it has anything to do with interrogations as such. All of the internal language and methodology mentioned, directions, lord of the year, the revolution of the year, suggests that this passage refers to the practice of revolutiones annorum mundi rather than interrogations. There is just the one reference, “in the revolution of the year or at the time of the question,” and nowhere in this passage is there a reference to the significator of an adversary. If this was indeed intended to be about interrogations, it was clearly not specifically about war. However, Bonatti may have been aware of this passage or may have come to similar conclusions on his own from the same logic. In either case his putting together the standard first-house-versus-seventh-house procedure of war and conflict with a method following the logic of the passage above and thereby seeing the 20 Dubious translation of pocius ductus. Omar, Liber novem iudicum, §7.161, the entire section. 22 The letter ‘w’ is actually used in the manuscript to indicate something like our ‘w’ sound which in turn was indicated in Greek by the letters ου [ou] which are the first two letters of his first and second names in Greek, in full Ουεττιος Ουαλης [Ouettios Oualēs]. [Note: Greek accents omitted due to font issues.] 21 241 fourth house as the opponent of the king in warfare is at the very least a creative act of synthesis if not a complete innovation. Since Bonatti’s clients included military leaders who were not sovereign lords (Montefeltro and Novello) and one who was (Emperor Frederick II), we have to conclude that this distinction between sovereigns as querents in matters of war versus military leaders in general was a distinction that Bonatti would have had to make in practice. If Bonatti were wrong about this, it would have had extremely bad consequences for his own work according to astrological doctrine.23 Finally, as regards the handling of the Moon, there is no reason to assume that the separation and application of the Moon were to be handled any differently for sovereigns than for ordinary war-leaders but Bonatti is not explicit on that subject. Even in this most basic matter of choosing the houses and significators for a military question, Bonatti’s practical experience and need to make theory explicit have an impact on his teaching. Will the sides make peace before going to war or before there has been serious conflict? Here again Bonatti follows the same outline of topics as Zahel. However, here also there is a major difference in the quantity of material. Bonatti’s discussion is at least more “prolix,” to use his own term, but also it is more than that. Some of this is material that Bonatti repeats from §VI.2.7.9; some of it is an expansion from what Zahel describes but with material that is not found in Zahel. Here is the entire passage on this matter from Zahel from §7.24. Zahel - 8.3: Also, you must understand that the superior planets are stronger than the inferior planets in the matter of war. Therefore, look at both significators, that is, the lord of the Ascendant, and the lord of the seventh. If they are joined by the trine or sextile aspect, and one of them receives the other, there will be peace, and the initiating of peace will be from the one pushing, that is, from the swifter planet. But if they are joined by the square 23 Unfortunately there are no worked out examples employing Bonatti’s logic, but then there are very few worked out examples at all. At present I know of no one after his time who questioned his logic on this particular issue. 242 or opposition aspect, and one of them receives the other, there will be peace after some contention.24 The beginning of this passage does not suggest that it is primarily about the likelihood of peace. Zahel begins with a mention of the greater strength of the superior planets as significators (which I will return to below) then moves on to discuss the possibilities of peaceful resolution and the quality of such a resolution. As the passage from Bonatti just below shows, he presents the comment on superior planets after the basic material as to whether there will be peace. The greater power of the superior planets25 was also mentioned a number of times in Chapter 7 in the context of indicating which side is likely to take the initiative toward making peace. However, there they were referred to as “heavier” or “more ponderous” planets. Unless the inferior planets in question are retrograde or near stations, superior planets are always slower26 than inferior planets. However, here we see what was only implied in the previous material, that in general the superior planets were considered to be better significators than the inferior planets.27 All things being equal, one significator in military matters being a planet superior to the other significator gave an edge to the side signified by the superior significator.28 Returning to the main points of this section, it is interesting that in the material on warfare only Zahel, Haly Abenragel and Bonatti have passages on the likelihood of peace either before actual conflict or very soon after some minor conflict. The other authors discuss this possibility in their material on general conflict covered in Chapter 7 but have nothing further to say about it 24 Zahel, §7.24, lines 9-14 from “Et scito quod planete alteriores…” to “…erit pax post contentione.” Mars, Jupiter and Saturn. See SUPERIOR AND INFERIOR PLANETS in the Glossary. 26 This is to be understood in terms of average motion. When inferior planets are near stations, they may move more slowly than superior planets. 27 Moon, Mercury and Venus. Again see SUPERIOR AND INFERIOR PLANETS in the Glossary. 28 It is not only Bonatti and Zahel that explicitly make this point. The same point is made in the following passages from the Liber novem iudicum, §7.163 lines 5-10 of Albenait and all of §7.164 of Dorotheus . 25 243 in the case of warfare. Their assumption appears to be that if things have gotten to the point of asking questions about a war or choosing a time to start one, war will come to pass. The other authors do, however, have a good deal to say on whether the war is a good idea or not, but peace without war is something the other authors do not consider, except possibly by applying the criteria that are used in civil conflict. So if Zahel and Bonatti introduced nothing new here over and above the same topic in personal and civil conflict, then the other authors’ silence here in chapters on warfare would not be significant. However, both Zahel and Bonatti do have additional material on the subject, especially Bonatti. After comparing Zahel and Bonatti on this point I will bring in the corresponding relevant passage from Haly Abenragel for comparison. Although the passage on making peace is directly prior to the Bonatti’s passages on the efficacy of the superior planets, I am separating them in this discussion for the present. Bonatti’s discussion of peace before warfare begins as follows. Bonatti - 8.4: See, therefore, whether the lord of the first house is joined with the lord of the seventh, or the latter to the former, by the trine or sextile aspect with perfect reception, namely, that one of them receives the other.29 This signifies that peace will be made between them before [there is] a struggle. However, if they are joined by the quartile or opposition aspect even though they do receive each other, or by a trine or sextile aspect without reception, they will not achieve peace until they first do battle or engage in conflict with each other.30 Note the similarity of this use of reception and aspects to his application of these in §VI.2.7.9, lines 8-15 as they pertain to making peace. These were discussed at length in Chapter 7.31 As he 29 unus eorum recipiat alium. This implies that only one of them needs to receive the other rather than both of them receiving each other. In §VI.2.7.9 the corresponding passage has receptione mutua which requires that each planet receive the other. Receptione perfecta usually means the same thing. Both Ratdolt and Vienna 2359 agree on the Latin here but all one would have to do is change unus eorum to unusquisque eorum to get “each of them receives the other.” Given the vagaries of medieval paleography this would not have been an unlikely transcription error. 30 Bonatti, §VI.2.7.21, lines 21-24 from “Videas itaque si dominus prime…” to “…nisi primo prolientur vel contendant simul.” 31 See passages Bonatti - 7.2, 3, 4 and 5, beginning p. 189. 244 does in the passage in §VI.2.7.9 Bonatti again refers to a hierarchy of “goodness” or efficacy for making peace, giving aspects with reception more efficacy in bringing about peace than the aspects without reception, such that best of all is the trine or sextile with reception, then the trine or sextile without reception at the same level as the quartile or opposition with reception. The omission of application by square or opposition without reception of any kind suggests that these do not lead to peace. As in §VI.2.7.9 Bonatti is much more explicit about the details than Zahel or anyone else. Bonatti then continues with his comments on the greater power of superior over inferior significators. Bonatti - 8.5: But after they have had a conflict or done battle with each other they will settle between themselves and the initiative for the peace or settlement will come from the side of the one whose significator is the swifter planet. You should know that the superior planets, namely, Saturn, Jupiter and Mars, are stronger in battles and wars than the inferior planets, namely, the Sun,32 Venus, Mercury, and the Moon, and [that the superiors are] more stable and constant because of the slowness of their motions, also because the inferiors apply to them and not they to the inferiors. For this reason, in your inceptions for battles and wars, if you can do it, always make the planet that you take as significator one of the superior planets, as will be described elsewhere.33 However, if you cannot have a superior planet [as a significator], take the best inferior planet that you can because it is better for you to have an inferior planet which is fortunate than a superior planet which is unfortunate or impeded.34 Aside from some reorganization and a greater quantity of verbiage, Bonatti’s text on the superior and inferiors is identical in content with Zahel’s. And as regards this description there is little in either Zahel or Bonatti that is different either from each other or from material presented by other authors discussed in Chapter 7.35 32 Usually the Sun is not considered as superior or inferior because its orbit defines the distinction. However, the Sun is inferior to Saturn which rules the opposite sign Aquarius. In fact any planet is “superior” to any other planet that is swifter, and inferior to any planet that is slower. 33 See p. 241 passages Bonatti - 8.8, 8.9. 34 Bonatti, §VI.2.7.21, lines 24-34 from “Sed postquam contenderint vel preliati…” to “…beatum quam superiorem infortunatum sive impeditum.” 35 See Chap. 7 beginning at p. 241. 245 In the next section Zahel begins to discuss the problem presented when one of the significators is retrograde. It is a sign that something will go wrong in the peace process. In this instance I have again chosen to use the Liber novem iudicum version of Zahel’s text, §7.160, because the Latin makes more sense in that translation than the John of Seville translation. The various manuscripts and editions of the John of Seville rendition that I have consulted do not help to clear up the obscurities of that version. Zahel - 8.4: On the other hand, the retrogradation of either significator, its being situated in a perverse place,36 or [if] that same significator is not received, these threaten that side’s giving up.37 And it portends the [kind of] misfortune to come from that giving up according to the nature and signification of the place of the significator. For, if the significator traverses in the second, he keeps himself unharmed, but the enemy will scatter his wealth and property. If the significator is in the sixth or twelfth, it will afflict him while detained in prison with torture most grave. Traversing in the eighth, it is entirely fatal. Also, the separation of either significator from the other [threatens] strife and discord.38 Bonatti’s equivalent passage begins as follows: Bonatti - 8.6: Afterward, inasmuch as you see that they will reach a peace, consider whether both significators (namely, the lord of the Ascendant and the lord of the seventh) are direct, because if it is so, the peace and concord which the two sides make with each other will be firm and good, especially if the aspect is a trine or sextile. However, if either of the significators is retrograde, the peace will be false and will be neither good nor lasting, but rather the peace will be [made] with evil intent and guile, and the one will strive to deceive the other. However, if one significator is direct and the other retrograde, the one whose significator is retrograde will strive to deceive the other side and move forward with evil intent and guile regarding the other. Also, see which place [the retrograde significator] is in with respect to the [significator of the] other whom he strives to deceive.39 Here we do see a difference between Bonatti and Zahel. In Zahel a retrograde significator 36 “in a perverse place…” Here John of Seville is much clearer. “in an unsuitable place with respect to the one which receives it such as [the receiving planet’s] fall, or the sixth, eighth or twelfth place [from the receiving planet].” That is what constitutes a “perverse place”. 37 tradicio. I prefer “giving up’ rather than “surrender” because surrender usually denotes prior warfare. 38 Zahel – Liber novem iudicum, §7.160, lines 14-21 from “Rursus utriuslibet ducis retrogradacio…” to “…litem atque discordiam.” 39 Bonatti, §VI, 2, 7, 21, lines 34-43 from, “Postea considera ex quo videris ipsos pacificaturos…” to “…vide in quo loco fuerit ab illo quem ipse nititur decipere…” 246 indicates harm in a general sense to the side signified by the retrograde significator. In Bonatti the side signified by the retrograde significator is more likely to try to do harm to the side signified by the direct significator (assuming that one significator is direct and the other retrograde). We have already seen a similar logic in Chapter 7 regarding retrograde significators.40 Both authors follow the logic of medieval astrology but Bonatti does so in a more specific manner and uses his own formulation of the significance of retrogradation (which we saw in the previous chapter) again here and in a manner consistent with what we saw in Chapter 7. Zahel here treats retrogradation only as a simple impediment, that is, something that does harm to whatever a planet signifies. He does not distinguish between the effects of retrogradation and the effects of other impediments, namely, to impede or hinder the action of significator in a general and unspecified way. Bonatti, however, sees retrogradation as an impediment with a very specific nature, that is, just as a retrograde planet moves backwards in a manner contrary to normal planetary motion, so whoever is signified by such a planet will also move in a manner that is contrary to normal behavior. Wherever in a peacemaking process one is supposed to move in straightforward, direct manner, someone signified by a retrograde significator will behave in a contrary manner. Recall that ‘direct’ is the opposite of ‘retrograde’ as well as a synonym for ‘straightforward’. Bonatti may have been a student of astrology from the Islamic world but in this case he seems to have understood the logic of the astrology better than Zahel. It is certainly obvious that Bonatti’s practice of astrology caused him to differ from his predecessors. This is not to say that Zahel never treats retrogradation like Bonatti. The following passage gives an instance where he does. 40 See Chap. 7, p. 247. 247 Zahel - 8.5: Whichever of the significators is retrograde and impeded, that one incites to falsehood. And whichever of these is direct and fortunate, that one incites to truthfulness and faith.41 Note, however, that Zahel allows any serious impediment to have that effect. Bonatti, on the other hand, once treats retrogradation in his specific way wherever it is appropriate to do so and differentiates it from other impediments. A consequence of this treatment of retrogradation is a lengthy passage in which Bonatti discusses all possible house placements of a retrograde significator and how this might indicate exactly what kind of treachery or guile one might expect from someone signified by a retrograde planet. I have abridged the material somewhat in the translation. Bonatti - 8.7: If the retrograde significator is in the second house from the first house,42 as soon as [the one signified by the retrograde planet] has made agreement with the other side, and after he is confident with respect to the other side, he will steal [some kind of] wealth43 from him. And if the retrograde significator is in the third house from the first, the one signified will perform some deception upon the other party because of that other’s sibling… But if the first party does not have a brother, the second party will deceive him by means of some other matters signified by the third house. If the retrograde significator is in the fourth, the one signified by that significator will seize the other party and will hold him in a subterranean, hidden prison until the former carries off for himself what he intends; or he will take for himself a kingdom, … or other real property44 in accordance with the nature of the conflict between them. If the retrograde significator is in the fifth house, the one signified by that significator will do to the other party the same things with a child or involving of a child that were described in connection [with the third house] with respect to a brother or because of a brother, or he will do something because of any other matter signified by the fifth house. If it is in the sixth house, the one signified by that significator will hold and imprison the other party in order to take away from him servants or smaller animals... [The seventh house is intentionally omitted by Bonatti.] If the retrograde significator 41 Zahel, §7.24, lines 114-116 from “Et quisquis significatorum fuerit retrogradus…” to “…ipse provocat ad veritatem et fidem.” 42 The first house here is not the literal first house. It is the first house if the querent is the one being deceived, or the eighth house (second from the seventh) if the deceived party is the other side. This logic is carried on throughout the following passages. 43 substantiam. 44 Predium. 248 is in the eighth, the one signified by that significator will put the other party in prison, and will cause him to die there, or he will kill him in some other manner. And if the retrograde significator is in the ninth, the one signified by that significator will send the other party on a distant journey and cause him to endure suffering there. If the retrograde significator is in the tenth, the one signified will give the other party into the hands of a ... magnate to harm him, or perhaps he will imprison him in a castle, in a tower or in another place that is highly elevated. If the retrograde significator is in the eleventh, the one signified will hand the other party over to a soldier, or ... other magnate in order to extort something from him, or the first party will hand the second party over to one of his own friends for the same reason ... If the retrograde significator is in the twelfth, the one signified will hold the other party and detain him in a prison of the most extreme kind, ... or [it signifies] that the first party will steal horses, cattle, camels, or other larger animals from the second party. Also observe that the fourth house signifies prison, the seventh signifies imprisonment or the one who is to be imprisoned, the eighth signifies the action of imprisoning,[and] the tenth signifies him who is already imprisoned. Then look at the lord of the seventh which signifies the one who is imprisoned. If that lord is retrograde, it signifies that he will flee from prison. See then to which planet the lord is being joined first in its retrogradation because, if it is joined to a fortune, it signifies a good outcome for him in his flight.45 There is nothing similar to this detail in any other author which is why I have put the entire passage in italics. I reiterate a point made elsewhere. This does not necessarily mean that Bonatti did original empirical research in anything like the modern sense. It only shows that he was willing to interpret what he believed he saw in original ways and to depart from the tradition, at least on the matter of specifics. In this area of work at least he was not merely a compiler. Once Bonatti had made his own, different interpretation of the “meaning”of retrograde significators, he would have easily been able to assemble the descriptions given above. This is another example of “theory” in astrology.46 The result is an enormous expansion of the material that Bonatti acquired from his predecessors. A compiler or passive transmitter of astrological doctrine would not have done this. 45 Bonatti, §VI.2.7.21, lines 43-73 from “…quia si fuerit in secunda a prima…” to …significat ei bonum in fuga suo.” 46 See Chap. 6, p. 178, n. 46. 249 I mentioned previously the third author with a passage containing material something like Zahel’s, Haly Abenragel. Here is the passage. Haly Abenragel - 8.1: If they have application from the trine or sextile and one of them receives the other, it signifies that they both seek peace, and he who takes the initiative for peace, is the one whose significator is lighter.47 If they apply from the square or opposition and there is reception between them, the peace will [come to be] after contention, and in this matter the opposition is stronger than the square. If the one of these which receives is retrograde, or in its fall from exaltation, or in its eighth or sixth,48 it signifies that one side will give assurances and then afterward kill the other treacherously. If it is in the second,49 one side will commit an act of treachery regarding the other’s substance. If it is in the twelfth or sixth, one side will give assurances and then afterward take the other prisoner. If the one of the two planets which is received is retrograde, it signifies that he whose significator it is, will flee after giving security.50 There are differences, mostly of omission, between Zahel’s material and Haly’s but they are very close. However, there is nothing like the detail in Haly that Bonatti gives. Also, this passage is in a different context. Haly does not place this at the beginning of the discussion as to whether there will or will not be war. Instead Haly proceeds directly to a discourse on what will happen to the two sides in war. Zahel somewhat more tersely vis-a-vis Bonatti and Bonatti more “prolixly” follow a more logical sequence. Haly places his material in a collection of loosely associated materials regarding warfare with little logical sequence or order. This and many other aspects of Haly’s presentations suggest that Haly, unlike Bonatti, and probably unlike Zahel,51 was a compiler who gathered up as much material as he could find and committed it to writing. I have already mentioned Carmody’s classification of the works of Abenragel’s period, including 47 Swifter. That is as in Bonatti, the eighth or sixth from the first or seventh which is to say the eighth or sixth for the lord of the first, and the second or twelfth for the lord of the seventh. 49 That is the second from the first for the querent or initiator or the second from the seventh (the eighth) for the adversary. This is an example of the use of relative houses which I discuss at length in Chap. 9, p. 286. 50 Haly, §II.42.2, lines 49-63 from “Et si habuerint applicationem de tertio vel sextili…” to “…fugiet post securitatem.” 51 We know too little about his life to be certain. 48 250 Abenragel’s, as “encyclopedic.” This term is suggestive even though Carmody intends it as label of a chronological period in the development of Arabic astrology. HalyAbenragel was one of the last major astrological authors of the flowering of Arabic astrology, and the inference one may draw is that the authors of this period were neither expanding the subject nor making alterations based on experience, or even reasoned conjecture. Haly Abenragel’s work is a major work in the history of astrology because of the amount of material he preserved that might have otherwise been lost but it is neither systematic nor well organized. It is also unlikely that Bonatti had access to the Latin translation of his work. I have already presented some evidence on this point in Chapter 652 and I will have more to say about this in my concluding Chapter 11. The Sides Do Not Make Peace and Indications as To Which Side Will Win. In the opening portions of the passages which pertain to the question of which side will win in a war it is clear that Bonatti, Zahel and Albenait (Liber novem iudicum, §7.163) come from the same tradition. Also, in the opening portions at least, all three are similar to Dorotheus (from whom they otherwise frequently diverge). All four give the edge to the side that has the more superior planet as its significator as I have already shown above in connection with Zahel and Bonatti. The next criterion is the house location of the significators. Zahel - 8.6: …if one of the significators is a superior planet and it is received in an angle, say that the lord [indicated by] this significator will conquer unless the significator enters combustion.53 Albenait - 8.1: Whichever of these significators is in an angle and received, surely conquers, unless by chance it has entered into combustion, or the lord of the eighth applies to it.54 52 See p. 145. Zahel §7.24., lines 23-26 from “Et si fuerit unus ex significatoribus…” to “…nisi ingrediatur combustionem.” 54 Albenait, Liber novem iudicum §7.163, lines 10-12 from “Qui vero de his ducibus…” to “…octavi dominus eidem applicet.” 53 251 Dorotheus, Liber novem Iudicum - 8.1: Moreover, the superior stars give greater effectiveness in this business than the inferior ones. However, of the two significators the one which is stronger will obtain victory. Likewise, if either of the significators is one of the superior stars while occupying an angle and being received, [that side] conquers, unless by chance it has entered into combustion, or it applies to the lord of the eighth.55 Albenait does not here mention that the significator should be a superior planet but in the immediately preceding passages he has already granted that, so angularity with reception is another criterion to be added onto that of a superior planetary significator. He does raise another matter, that the application of the lord of the eighth to the lord of the ascendant is a bad indication. This also shows up in Zahel and Bonatti but their order of presentations is a bit different. As is commonly the case, Bonatti and Zahel have a more similar organization. Also note that in the passages as given here there is no reference to the seventh house which is an angle. However, we know from previous references in both Chapter 7 and in this chapter that placement in that house is detrimental to the interests of the querent to the highest degree. However, we have seen that Zahel is aware of this and I would assume that Albenait and Dorotheus were as well. I believe this omission is an artifact of the selection process by which their texts were incorporated in the Liber novem iudicum, that is, passages may have been excerpted without the complete original context. Finally, the text from Dorotheus contains a brief comment that is intuitively obvious, “However, of the two significators the one which is stronger will obtain victory.” All texts agree on that point but they disagree on exactly what constitutes “stronger.” For example, al-Kindī after extolling the virtues of an angular significator states the following: al-Kindī, Liber novem iudicum 8.1: Likewise the one who is observed to be oriental,56 his 55 Dorotheus, Liber novem iudicum §7.164, lines 7-11 from “Superiores item stelle…” to “…aut octavi domino applicet.” 56 See ORIENTAL and OCCIDENTAL in the Glossary. 252 greater vigor, constancy, and eagerness for fighting is praised. The more occidental placement of the other discloses that he is weak, timid, and is unwilling to fight. Furthermore, whichever of them occupies a place [in which he is] peregrine,57 it takes away his industry in war and his wisdom in planning.58 Following this passage he discusses the effects of various planets in the second and eighth house and their impact on victory. In al-Kindī and all of the others there is no mention of superior versus inferior significators. Here, finally, is the parallel passage in Bonatti. Bonatti - 8.8: If the lord of the first house is one of the three superior planets and is in the first, tenth, or even in the fourth if it is received (unless the planet which receives it is the lord of the seventh or eighth house) even though the fourth house is far below the tenth and the first [in virtue], it signifies that the querent will win out and hold his own against his enemy unless the lord of the first is combust or is entering into combustion at the time.59 Bonatti, first of all, does remove the seventh house from consideration as “angular” by explicitly referring to the other angular houses. This reflects his tendency to be clearer and more systematic than his sources. However, the italicized passage adds something to the sources. First, he clearly mentions that reception of a first house significator by the lords of the seventh and eighth is useless or even disadvantageous; second, he designates reception as the key, not application as in Albenait, and third, he rates the three permissible angular houses in terms of relative strength with the ascendant and midheaven as roughly equal and the fourth house as “far below” them in efficacy. This doctrine is not peculiar to Bonatti and is generally acknowledged in the medieval tradition;60 however, it is characteristic of Bonatti to mention explicitly at precisely this point where the strength of a significator is very important. 57 See PEREGRINE in the Glossary. al-Kindī, Liber novem iudicum §7.162, lines 11-15 from “Item cuius orientalitas deprehenditur…” to “ …bellorum industriam et consilium aufert.” 59 Bonatti §VI.2.7.21, lines 76-81 from “Et si dominus prime fuerit…” to “…intraverit tunc in combustionem.” 60 And is still so regarded in modern astrology. See Wilson, “Angles” in the Dictionary of Astrology, 6. 58 253 At this point in the discussion, three of our authors, Zahel, Albenait and Bonatti (the passage from Dorotheus having gone no further on this matter) go into a detailed description of the various contingencies that can happen even when the significator of a side is a superior planet, contingencies which may or may not mitigate the “superiority” of a superior planet. The other authors who do not use the criterion of superior versus inferior planets to the extent of these three authors also do not have any of the following material. In the following passage from Zahel I have divided the text into four numbered sections corresponding to four different parts of the general discussion. Zahel - 8.7: 1. Also, if the lord of the Ascendant is a superior planet and is cadent from the Ascendant, and the lord of the seventh is in an angle and is one of the inferior planets, you shall not judge that the querent will be overcome until you look at the planet to which the lord of the seventh is being joined… Zahel - 8.7: 2. …because if the lord of the seventh is being joined to a planet in an angle which receives it, the enemy will conquer, overcome, and have power and victory over the querent according to the quantity [of the strength]61 of that planet to which the lord of the seventh is being joined. Zahel - 8.7: 3. But if the lord of the seventh is strong and is joined to a cadent planet which impedes it, the lord of the seventh, that is, the enemy, will not cease to have strength so long as he holds out in his own, best place.62 When the enemy’s significator is moved from that place, he is weakened and he will not cease to be weak until he, that is, the lord of the seventh,63 is impeded by malefics or enters combustion; at that time the enemy will be destroyed. Zahel - 8.7: 4. But if the lord of the seventh, in the sign in which it is, is joined to no planet, you move it to the second sign. After this, look at its joinings with [other] planets, and you shall not judge according to the planets’ inferior strength64 but only by the goodness of its place from the Ascendant, and according to its freedom from impeding planets, and 61 The only quantitas a planet can have is its essential dignity. Without further indication from the text, I have to assume that this is what is referred to. 62 Since the significator here is strong in its position in the chart, the enemy signified by that significator must not leave any place in which he is strongly situated. 63 Another example of the conflation of a significating planet with the side signified. 64 I believe this means a lack of essential dignity. Only the goodness of the house position is to be considered. 254 the assistance of the superior planets toward it.65 Summarizing, first, we have a statement to the effect that having a superior planet as a significator is so advantageous that even if the significator is placed in cadent house, it does not immediately vitiate the effectiveness of the superior planet. One must check to see what that planet may be applying to. Second, if the lord of the seventh applies to a planet which is angular and receives the lord of the seventh, then the lord of the seventh can win out over a cadent superior planet ruling the first. The degree of victory depends on just how good that planet (to which the lord of the seventh applies) is. Third, if the lord of the seventh is strong in its own position but applies to a cadent planet which in some other way also impedes it (for example, by aspecting from the square or opposition), then the side signified by the seventh will be in good condition initially but as the significator moves away66 from that position either toward an impeding planet or combustion, at the time it encounters the impeding planet or enter combustion the enemy will be destroyed. Fourth, if the lord of the seventh applies to no planet, then see to which planet it will first apply in the next sign, then judge according to that, apparently paying no attention to the quality of the place into which the ruler of the seventh has moved only paying heed to whatever application it makes. This outline is broadly followed by Albenait and Bonatti as well. Albenait - 8.2: 1. If indeed it happens that the lord of the ascendant is one of the superiors, although it is adverse and cadent, even though the lord of the seventh dwells in an angle, one must not judge, as it were, diffidently regarding the side of the querent before you observe very attentively the star to which the lord of the seventh applies… Albenait - 8.2: 2. …for a significator which applies to a star in an angle and is received will 65 Zahel §7.24., all four sections, lines 26-43 from “Si etiam fuerit dominus ascendentis…” to “…per auxilium altiorum planetarum erga eum.” 66 The text is not clear but this probably refers to the planet’s motion in the zodiac in the period subsequent to the question or election. 255 grant victory to its side according to the manner and the strength of nature of the star to which it applies. Albenait - 8.2: 3. Also the same lord of the seventh strong [but] applying to a star cadent and corrupting, [that side] wins, however, only as long as the significator is well placed. As soon as it soon as it recedes from there to the next place, it will certainly grow weaker, namely up to the point where it becomes corrupt or combust, for then it will succumb. Albenait - 8.2: 4. However, if the significator applies to no star in the sign in which it is located, it is transferred to another sign. Once the ingress of this star has been observed, one must note the stars to which it applies in that place.67 Zahel and Albenait are so similar they could be different translations of the same Arabic original. Therefore, there is no need to comment on the Albenait text. So let us look at Bonatti who, as I have said, follows to the same order but with changes. I will divide his text into sections as well but the sections do not entirely correspond with Zahel and Albenait. Bonatti - 8.9: 1. Consider also now regarding these significators, to wit, the lord of the first and the lord of the seventh, because although [the condition that the] lord of the Ascendant is cadent from the Ascendant would be a great debility, nevertheless, if it is one of the superior planets, it will have strength against enemies because of its being a superior planet, and the adversary will have weakness because of its being an inferior planet seeing that the lord of the seventh will be one68 of the inferior planets (which are not as strong in an act of war as the superior planets). For this reason you ought not to say to the querent will succumb because of this if you do not then first look at the planet to which the lord or the seventh is joined; because even though a lord of the first (which is one of the superior planets) may be cadent from an angle, and a lord of the seventh (which is one of the inferior planets) may be in an angle, nevertheless the lord of the first 67 Albenait, Liber novem iudicum §7.163, all four sections, lines 12-22 from “Si vero orientis dominum…” to “…quibus ibidem applicet notandum.” 68 Signs ruled by superior planets are always opposite signs ruled by inferior planets as the following table shows. Aries Taurus Gemini Cancer Leo Virgo Mars Venus Mercury Moon Sun Mercury Superior Inferior Inferior Inferior Inferior Inferior Opposite Opposite Opposite Opposite Opposite Opposite Libra Scorpio Sagittarius Capricorn Aquarius Pisces Venus Mars Jupiter Saturn Saturn Jupiter Inferior Superior Superior Superior Superior Superior 256 will not on this account be less strong than the lord of the seventh…69 Bonatti - 8.9: 2. …unless the lord of the seventh is joined to another planet which makes it stronger. For if the lord of the seventh is joined to a planet which is in a strong place, to wit, in an angle, and receives the lord of the seventh, then it will make the lord of the seventh stronger. And [then] you can say to the querent that he will succumb and that he will be overcome by his enemy or adversary. However, if the lord of the seventh is being joined to a planet which does not receive it, it is not strengthened by this joining to the extent that the querent would succumb due to the lack of reception.70 Bonatti - 8.9: 3. However, if you find the lord of the first strong in an angle even though it is joined to some planet cadent from an angle (which signifies hindrance or impediment for the lord of the first), nevertheless, it will still be strong because the strength which that lord possesses from the angle is greater than the debility which a planet cadent from an angle brings to it. This strength will be durable as long as that lord is in that place and degree which was an angle at the time or up to the point where it is distant from it by 15 degrees71 unless first its joining with the planet, which is cadent from an angle and impedes it, is completed. Whenever a joining together between a lord and a cadent planet is completed by degree, immediately that lord is weakened and one must fear that the querent will succumb even though it goes well for him at the beginning, and the enemy will become stronger even though it goes badly for him at the beginning.72 Sections 1 and 2 correspond perfectly with sections 1 and 2 of the Zahel and the Albenait. The main difference is again due to Bonatti’s “prolixity.” He leaves as little to the imagination as possible, one of his outstanding attributes. However, Bonatti’s third section (unlike Zahel’s) is not about the ruler of the seventh. It is again about the ruler of the first. However, the passage applies the logic of Zahel’s third section treatment of the ruler of the seventh to the ruler of the first, and then draws the same conclusions for the ruler of the first that Zahel and Albenait did for the ruler of the seventh under the same conditions. Bonatti, however, adds more detail about 69 Bonatti §VI.2.7.21, (I reference each of these sections separately because they are each much longer than the corresponding sections of the other authors) lines 87-94 from “Considera etiam iam super istis significatoribus…” to “…quam dominus septime…” 70 Bonatti §VI.2.7.21, lines 87-94 from “…nisi dominus septime iungatur…” to “…succumbat illa de causa.” This is followed by a paragraph which applies the same logic to the lord of the seventh, as he has just done with the lord of the first. The logic is identical. 71 Here again I believe that the reference to the actual motion of the planet in the zodiac. 72 Bonatti §VI.2.7.21, lines 106-116 from “Si quidem inveneris dominum prime…” to “…licet male successerit ei a principio.” 257 timing information. The first italicized section in the Bonatti passage from “nevertheless” to “… brings to it,” gives additional information about how much more a significator as a superior planet does good than its applying to a cadent planet does harm. Neither of the other authors do this. Returning to the text, in all three authors’ versions a significator is in decent shape as long as it is in its position of strength. Bonatti is more detailed about what defines a position of strength when he states in the second italicized sentence from “This strength will be durable…” to “…is completed.” If the significating planet is between the degree of the angle and 15 degrees away from it, it remains strong unless within that fifteen degrees the application to the impeding cadent planet is completed. Whenever, the application is completed, either within or after the fifteen degrees from the degree of the angle, the side of the querent or initiator loses strength and the adversary begins to grow stronger. Why does Bonatti depart here from Zahel and Albenait? On cannot say for certain but it is consistent with Bonatti’s practice of systematizing the material of his predecessors. Through this entire chapter when Bonatti makes a reference to the significator of one side and how it works in various astrological situations, he then does so for the other side but only after completely explicating matters for the first side, usually the side of the querent or initiator. This is what he does here. Zahel and Albenait go back and forth unsystematically between the two sides. Bonatti one again reorganizes the material of predecessors. I will return to this issue at the conclusion of this chapter because what we see here is illustrative of what lies behind the difference between Bonatti and his predecessors. Returning to the astrology, in any case it is clearly bad for a significator, even if it is a superior planet, to be in an application to a cadent planet, it will be far worse if that significator 258 is not a superior planet as is the case in of the third section of the Zahel text given above. After this Bonatti has a paragraph where he applies all of the same logic to the lord of the seventh house if it is the superior planet and cadent following his practice of always treating of one side and then giving a similar treatment to the other in an orderly manner. Then Bonatti gives his version of the fourth section that we presented from Zahel and Albenait. Note that again, where Zahel and Albenait continue talking about the seventh house lord, Bonatti continues with the first house lord. Bonatti - 8.9: 4. However, if the lord of the first or seventh is not joined with any planet in the sign in which it is located, see with which planet it will first be joined after its leaving that sign in which it was [previously located], when it enters another sign. If it is [then] joined to one of the superior planets by the trine or sextile aspect with reception, and that lord of the first or seventh is strong in that place, to wit, in an angle or succedent from an angle, or will be joined to fortunes by trine or sextile aspect without reception, or by the square aspect or opposition with reception, it signifies that the one whose significator it is, will overcome in this way; [he] will obtain everything just as he would wish, and everything will be prosperous for him whether the lord in question is the lord of the first or the lord of the seventh. However if that joining should be by the square or opposition aspect with reception, and the receiving planet [is] in a strong place, as I have described, or from the trine or sextile aspect without reception, things will go somewhat prosperously, as it were, but not perfectly so. However, if there is a joining by a square or opposition aspect without reception, and that planet73 is cadent, combust or entering into combustion, it signifies that everything will go adversely for him in the end of the matter whatever the beginning may have been.74 Even allowing for Bonatti’s greater tendency for verbiage, there is much more detail here than in either Zahel or Albenait. The most significant source of new information is the application of his hierarchy of “goodness” of applications from the different kinds of aspects with and without reception, something I have shown that Bonatti does systemically wherever it is applicable.75 73 This refers to the planet in the next sign that the significator applies to. Bonatti §VI.2.7.21, lines 129-143 from “Si autem dominus prime vel septime…” to “…qualecunque principium fuerit.” 75 See pp. 188 to 192. 74 259 Here again is that hierarchy of effective applications: The best situation is the application to a superior planet by a trine or sextile with reception with the significator otherwise strong in the new position. The next best is an application to one of the fortunes by a trine or sextile without reception or a square or opposition with reception. Any of these mean the side of the significator will win. So given this ranking of applications, first, if the significator of either side makes no application while it is in the sign of the time of the question or inception, it is moved into the next sign to see what application it will first make there. Next, if the planet applied to in that next sign is in a strong place (presumably stronger than the significator’s new place)76 and the application is by a trine or sextile with reception, the result will be easily attained and good. If the application is by a square or opposition with reception or by trine and sextile without reception, things will go somewhat well but not as well as one might desire. Finally, if the application is by square or opposition without reception, and the planet applied to is cadent, combust or entering combustion, the whole matter will turn out badly even if it started out well. Bonatti’s text describes much more completely the procedure for dealing with this situation in which a significator does not apply to any planet in its own sign, and what kinds of application within the next sign produce what kind of result than either Zahel or Albenait. This entire body of material is an excellent example of Bonatti revising, clarifying, organizing, systematizing and amplifying the material he received. In the passages that follow Bonatti and Zahel continue their parallel course. There are details that are different but the similarities outweigh them. We have both Bonatti and Zahel restating 76 Remember that the significator has changed signs in order to bring about this application. 260 the theme which we also saw in the chapter on personal conflict that the significator of one side being the house of the other side is deadly to the interests of the first side and vice versa. This is the place in his text in which Bonatti refers to the charge at Valbona.77 The next section I would like to discuss has to do with significations that depend at least somewhat on whether someone is fighting in their own territory or someone else’s. This is another section in which a relatively brief bit of material from Zahel becomes greatly enlarged with additional detail by Bonatti. Zahel - 8.8: If the lord of the ascendant is joined to the lord of the midheaven or the lord of the midheaven is being joined to the lord of the ascendant, and the lord of the ascendant is in the midheaven, it signifies the strength of the querent in his own kingdom, and that he overcomes the one with whom he struggles, and this is even better if there is a receiving planet in an angle because he will be unconquered, for no one will have power over the querent, and the opponent will not have confidence in his [own] rulership, and the querent will overcome that one who contends with him. Likewise if the lord of the seventh from the ascendant is in the fourth or is it joined to its lord, or the lord of the fourth is joined to it and there is a receiver in an angle, the enemy will be unconquered, and no one will prevail with him and one fears for the kingdom of the querent.78 Bonatti - 8.10: Thereupon consider whether the lord of the first is being joined to the lord of the tenth or that lord to it, and along with this the lord of the first is in the tenth. This signifies that if that war or that battle is in the querent’s district or region, he will be strong, indeed, stronger than all of those will come against him, and that he will overcome all of them unless perchance the multitude coming against [him] should have a number beyond measure. He will also take the adversary or enemy captive who contends with him. Also, better and stronger [this will be] if that lord which is the heavier (namely the lord of the first house or the tenth house) is in the first or the tenth, or in the second or the eleventh. This signifies that at that time he cannot be overcome; there will be no one strong enough to be able to have power against him in the district or region. If, however, the querent should be in another’s district, he will overcome his enemies under the aforesaid conditions, but he will not be so strong; he could lose [some] of his possessions or troops, yet there will be report and rumor that he has been the victor. Nevertheless, he will not have power against so great a multitude as he would could have had in his own district, but he will have power against an equal [force] or against a 77 See p. 155. Zahel §7.24., lines 54-64 from “Et si iunctus fuerit dominus ascendentis…” to “…et timetur de regno interrogantis.” 78 261 [force] greater than his up to a quarter or a third part larger. However, if the lord of the seventh is in the fourth house (which is its tenth) or is joined to the lord of the fourth, or the lord of the fourth is joined to it, and the slower planet of the two is in an angle, to wit, the seventh or the fourth, or in the succedent to those angles, namely, the fifth or the eighth, it signifies that, if the battle is in the district of the enemy, he will not be conquered and that no one could have power against him. If, however, the battle is in the district of the querent, one has doubts lest the querent lose [fighting] from within his own district or kingdom.79 These two passages discuss further indications as what may assist one of the sides in a conflict in obtaining victory especially if the side in question fights in its own territory. The first part of the Bonatti text which is not italicized corresponds closely to the Zahel text.80 The matter at hand is the positive effect of having an application between the lords of the midheaven and the ascendant in either direction along with the lord of the ascendant in the midheaven. This is supposed to make the querent or initiator unconquerable if the battle is fought in his own territory. However, where Zahel just mentions that the effect is stronger if the receiving planet is an angle, Bonatti makes a much more explicit description and adds detail. He agrees with Zahel that the receiving planet (which the logic makes clear must be the lord of the tenth) should also be in an angle for best results, but specifies that it be in the first or tenth not merely in an angle. Obviously the seventh would not do because that is the house of the opponent, nor would the fourth because it is the tenth house of the enemy. However, with Bonatti’s clarifications both agree that this arrangement makes the querent or initiator unconquerable. Then Bonatti goes on to indicate to exactly what degree the querent or initiator would be weakened if he were not fighting in his own territory. Zahel leaves that to the imagination; Bonatti is very explicit. The 79 Bonatti §VI.2.7.21, lines 171-192 from “Deinde considera si dominus prime iungatur…” to “…interrogator de suo districtu seu regno.” 80 Recall that when an author describes a planet as “in the tenth house” or the “midheaven,” it means the same thing. 262 side of the first house significator will be able to overcome any army that comes against it from of the same size up to a quarter to one-third larger. The remainder of the passage discusses the same issue precisely from the point of view of the adversary. The main difference here is that Bonatti is, as usual, much more explicit. This is another instance of how, when Bonatti contemplated his predecessors, especially Zahel, he worked out in detail things that were either omitted entirely or handled in a sketchy manner by his predecessors. Recall once that Bonatti and all other Europeans learned astrology from the written word, namely, translations from Arabic which appear as if they were intended to be supplemented by oral instruction. Bonatti clearly intends to make the written word supplant oral instruction as much as possible. Returning to Haly, much of whose work does seem to be derived from Zahel, let us examine a passage that contains some of the elements of the indications in Zahel and Bonatti that I have just presented. Here is the passage in question. Haly Abenragel - 8.2: If the lord of the ascendant applies to the lord of the midheaven, or the lord of the midheaven applies to the lord of the ascendant, it signifies the power and success of the lord of the question, and that he will overcome his adversary. And this will be better and more firm if both are in angles or if the one which applies is in an angle, because this is a signification that he whose significator it is cannot be conquered by anyone, nor will he apply to a status which can diminish his power.81 It is interesting because it contains the same material on the interaction between the first house and seventh house lords and the references to positions in the angles indicating a strength that cannot be overcome. However, what is missing is the requirement that the querent (or opponent) be in his own territory in order for the maximum effect to occur. Bonatti in the passage just discussed, of course, describes the effects of both the querent's presence in his own territory and 81 Haly Abenragel §II.42.2, lines 78-86 from “Et si dominus ascendentis applicuerit…” to “…de sui potentia minui possit.” 263 not being so located. If Bonatti did have access to Haly’s work, a question that I have raised before,82 then the most that one can say is that if Bonatti saw Haly’s text, he corrected it, at least in terms of his own judgement, and expanded it. He did not merely transmit it. At about this point the clarity of the organization becomes less clear in Bonatti. In the other authors it is even less clear. Much of what Bonatti has here can be found in Zahel. The differences are minor. There is a very long section on the evaluation of effects of Saturn and Mars in connection with war charts. However, a passage on Saturn in both authors is worth taking a moment to examine. It is another example of Bonatti taking material from his predecessors and fleshing it out. First we have Zahel. Zahel - 8.9: Know also that when Saturn is in an angle at the time of the question, if there is nothing to give testimony to Saturn, it signifies a long time at war until the querent withdraws. And this is all the more so if Saturn is retrograde because then the war will start, stop, start again and do so often.83 Then Bonatti. Bonatti - 8.11: Then look at the place of Saturn in a matter of war because his presence in the angles in the matter of battle is evil; it signifies the intensity and cruelty of the war. For this reason if you see him in any one of the angles at the time of a question or the beginning of a battle, proclaim that the battle will be intense, cruel and of long duration. Also, if Saturn is retrograde, he will impede even more, and make things worse whether he has dignity or power in the angle or not. If Saturn is in the first, the battle will be great and strongly fought by the side of the querent. If Saturn is in the fourth, the effect will be less intense for either side. If Saturn is in the seventh, the battle will be fought especially long and hard by the enemy’s side. If, however, Saturn is in the tenth, the battle will be great, fought valiantly, cruelly, and will be renowned.84 There are a number of differences. First of all Bonatti does not see Saturn in the angles as especially related to the querent or initiator. It is just an indication of the severity of the war. 82 See Chap. 5, p. 145. Zahel §7.24., lines 81-84 from “Et scito quod saturnus…” to “…bellum tunc sepe reiterabitur.” 84 Bonatti §VI.2.7.21, lines 213-221 from “Deinde aspice locum Saturni…” to “…magnum forte crudele nominatum.” 83 264 Zahel sees Saturn retrograde as indicating a war that starts, stops, and starts up again. Bonatti sees the retrograde Saturn as simply making matters worse. On this occasion Zahel seems to emphasize the parallel between a planet going retrograde, stopping and turning direct again and the war starting, stopping, and starting again. Usually Bonatti makes such parallels but Bonatti’s treatment of the retrograde motion is simply to make its effects worse, i.e., here it is a general impediment of an unspecified nature. In this case the two seem to have exchanged their positions on retrogrades. However, what Bonatti does add is that when Zahel simply refers to Saturn in an angle, Bonatti gives a specific interpretation for each angle. Saturn in the first makes the war more intense for the side of first house. Saturn in the fourth is merely described as less intense for both sides. Saturn in the seventh affects the adversary in exactly the same way that Saturn in the first affected the querent or initiator. However, Saturn in the tenth makes the war extremely intense for both sides, long, hard and cruel. Remember that in most astrological traditions Saturn is the greater malefic85 and does the most harm if harm is to be done. Again we have much greater specificity in Bonatti. There is a good deal more of such material that one could derive from a comparison of Bonatti and his predecessors which would show us more of Bonatti’s tendencies to systematize, clarify and augment his sources but I believe that the point has been made for this particular chapter of Bonatti §VI.2.7.21. Most of the change that we have seen in this chapter has been by way of augmenting his predecessors, leaving as little to the imagination of the reader as possible. We had at least one major innovation in the beginning of §VI.2.7.21 in which Bonatti explicitly distinguishes between a querent who leads an army the field as opposed to a king or other head 85 See BENEFIC AND MALEFIC PLANETS in the Glossary. 265 of state who has the overall responsibility for taking care of his people. This chapter has been about the basics of warfare, who wins, who loses, how the war goes, is peace made, and by what means. In the next two chapters of this work I will present further evidence that shows how Bonatti introduced change in his treatment of other topics pertaining to warfare: the size of armies, the causes of war, more details on the meanings of houses in war charts, what kinds of tools of war, animals, and other resources are to be used and so forth. The last chapter of textual analysis of this kind, Chapter 10 deals with siege warfare, which it turns out is a peculiar and distinct subset of military astrology in both Bonatti and his predecessors. Here again Bonatti will be shown to have added, amended and in this particular case significantly altered what he received from his predecessors. Consistently throughout we have seen Bonatti alter the material that he received from his predecessors by adding material from his own experience, identifying and applying first principles, and making all possible variations as explicit as possible. In addition Bonatti implicitly86 systematizes their material, making generalizations from it, and applying the consequences of his generalizations in applications where his predecessors did not. Mere compilers did not do this; neither did his predecessors. However, there is a larger issue here. It is clear that Bonatti respected his predecessors, but it is also clear that he regarded himself as their equal. With Bonatti European astrology became a tradition equal to, even if derived from, the Arab tradition. In this respect Bonatti may be compared to the practitioners of other disciplines that Europe acquired from the Arabs. Once having learned Arabic science and philosophy thoroughly, Europe took its own path. Bonatti exemplifies this in astrology. 86 I say “implicitly” because Bonatti’s emphasis is on practice not theory. He does not for the most part expound on theory. Chapter 9. Shorter Chapters on Warfare, §VI.2.7.22-28. This chapter discusses Bonatti’s chapters §VI.2.7.22 through 28, his shorter chapters on warfare. Some of these chapters are completely derivative (mostly from Zahel); the material that is innovative in the ways that I have been describing can easily be presented in the space of this one chapter. However, there is also much material that is not derivative, that shows Bonatti as a practitioner who modified his sources where he saw the need, added new methods where he found it necessary, and who constantly searched for and applied first principles to extend and amplify what he had received from his sources. And we continue to see him as a systematizer of material from his sources. In these chapters Bonatti continues to show that he was not a mere follower of his sources and that he regarded himself as a master astrologer in a lineage of master astrologers, the first European of the middle ages to do so. Bonatti Chapter §VI.2.7.22. Which Side Has More Support. This is the first of this group of short chapters; it is based on Zahel §7.24, the same chapter that I discussed in the previous chapter. In Zahel this material does not have its own chapter, whereas Bonatti gives it one of its own. As usual Bonatti is more “prolix.” But that is not the only difference. Bonatti, first of all, is also more explicit which helps to account for the prolixity. Moreover, Bonatti introduces a completely new principle of judging the strength of the two sides in a military conflict which I have not found in any other source and (unlike his completely original use of the Lot methodology at the end of §VI.2.7.9), this new method is not introduced once and then ignored. It is initially described in this chapter, is referred to again in chapter §VI.2.7.25 and in a variant form involving only the Sun and Moon in chapter §VI.2.7.23. It is 266 267 discussed below. The chapter is divided into two major sections. The first pertains to the title of the chapter, indications as to which of the two sides has more troops, resources, allies and stamina.1 It begins as follows. Bonatti - 9.1: If you wish to know which of the sides signified has more people or is supported by allies or auxiliary troops, see which of the significators is in its own greater dignity, to wit, the lord of the first or the lord of the seventh, which better aspects its own house, which is aspected by more planets,…2 Here is the corresponding passage from Zahel. Zahel - 9.1: See the quantity of troops and auxiliaries from the aspect of the planets to the significators and according to the presence of these in their domiciles.3 The main difference between these two passages is that (as usual) Bonatti is much more explicit. It is in the next line that something different appears. Bonatti - 9.2: …and which has more planets on its side [of the figure], namely, toward the Ascendant [side] or toward the seventh [house side] because that side which is [set up] in this manner will have more troops, allies or auxiliaries.4 What Bonatti is saying here is that regardless of which houses planets are in, the presence of more planets in the eastern or rising side of the chart (houses 10, 11, 12, 1, 2 and 3) is an indication of more support as described above for the querent or initiator’s side, and correspondingly the presence of more planets on the western or setting side of the chart (houses, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9) is an indicator of greater support for the adversary’s side. In chapter §VI.2.7.23, regarding which side will obtain victory, Bonatti makes a similar statement regarding the Sun and Moon. As the entire chapter is quite short I present the entire chapter. 1 The second section, discussed below, has nothing to do with the entitled subject of the chapter. It concerns the conditions of peace and the kind of person who will be involved in the making of peace. 2 Bonatti §VI.2.7.22, lines 2-5 from “Si quidem volueris scire…” to “…qui aspiciatur a planetis pluribus…” 3 Zahel §7.24, lines 131-133 from “Et aspice multitudinem militum…” to “… in domibus suis.” 4 Bonatti §VI.2.7.22, lines 5-7 from “…et qui plures planetas habeat…” to “…seu plures auxiliatores.” 268 Bonatti - 9.3: In [order to gain] knowledge of victory in war, you should also see which of the ones who do battle ought to be the victor. You should look at whether the Sun and Moon are located from the cusp of the tenth house5 to the cusp of the fourth house6 on the ascendant side, or from the cusp of the fourth house to the cusp of the midheaven on the setting side. The Sun and Moon should be free and clear [of malefics], fortunate, but also strong because they will signify victory in war according to the side on which they are located. If they are located on the Ascendant side, they signify victory for the one who asks the question or is beginning the action. But if they are on the setting side, they signify victory for the adversary. However, if the Sun and Moon are unfortunate and weak, they will signify the contrary because the party on whose side they are located will succumb [to the other.] 7 While a majority of planets on the rising side of the chart gives more support to the querent, it is the presence of the Sun and Moon on this side that grants victory, according to this second passage, assuming that they are both not badly aspected by malefics, i.e., by square or opposition, and fortunate by sign and house. If all of the latter are not true, or predominantly so, the presence of the Sun and Moon on one side or the other of the chart is actually a debility. Then in §VI.2.7.25 entitled “Concerning whether Armies Are Large or Small” the original statement about the planets on one or the other side of the chart is repeated. Bonatti - 9.4: …see whether there is a greater number of planets on the occidental side [of the figure] (that is from the Angle of the Earth up to the tenth house on the setting side) than on the side of the east (that is, from the angle of the tenth down to the fourth on the rising side). That signifies in a second way a greater quantity of people on the side of the adversary. But if the number [of planets] on the rising side [of the figure] is greater that on the setting side, it signifies a smaller number of people on the side of the adversary even though for the previously described method the army of the adversary would be signified as large, and contrariwise for the side of the querent.8 Aside from reversing the emphasis and starting with the adversary, it is exactly the same principle as in §VI.2.7.22. The idea behind this principle apparently is that as the ascendant stands for the querent or the initiator of the action and the descendant for the adversary, so the 5 The midheaven. The imum caeli. 7 Bonatti §VI.2.7.23, the entire chapter. 8 Bonatti §VI.2.7.25, lines 11-17 from “…vide si ex parte occidentis…” to “…et e contra ex parte querentis.” 6 269 entire ascending side of the chart, to a lesser degree, is also related the querent or initiator, and the entire descending side to the adversary. This might seem obvious until one looks at the meanings of the houses on the eastern and western sides of the chart. For some of the houses this makes sense; for others it does not. This must be kept in mind as we look at the rest of this chapter which does in fact deal with the individual significations of the twelve houses, and again we will see more material on the houses in connection with chapters §VI.2.7.26 and 27. For the present let me observe that although Bonatti’s principle about the eastern and western hemispheres of the chart can be inferred from the principles of houses and the overall meanings of the rising and setting (eastern and western) hemispheres of the chart, it is rather unusual and had not been used in connection with warfare. This would appear to be a genuine innovation within the tradition. I cannot say whether it is derived from theory or experience although it is such a simple principle to apply, it would be obvious in practice if it did not appear to correlate with actual outcomes. Of course, the experiences even of an astrologer such as Bonatti who was clearly deeply involved in the practice of astrology for military matters, are not a scientific data sample in the modern sense. Nevertheless, it is doubtful that he would have held to such a principle if it did not conform to his experience. Chapter §VI.2.7.22 has to do with the functions of the succedent9 houses and their roles. The Zahel and the Bonatti versions are virtually identical and therefore I give just the Zahel version as it is, as usual, more brief. Zahel - 9.2: Place the second sign and its lord as significators of the troops of the querent, and the eighth and its lord as significators of the troops of the enemy, and eleventh sign and its lord as significators of the auxiliaries and the ministers of the king, but fifth and its lord as significators of the condition of the city and of those who are in it.10 9 Houses 2, 5, 8, and 11. See also SUCCEDENT HOUSES in the Glossary. Zahel §7.24, lines 133-137 from “Et pone signum secundum…” to “…et eorum qui sunt in ea.” 10 270 This usage of the succedent houses also is to be found in al-Kindī in the Liber novem iudicum §7.162, and §7.196 and appears to be part of the standard lore of military astrology. There are items that are worked out in more detail in Bonatti with respect to Zahel, but they are relatively minor and I pass over them here. After this section Bonatti turns to the process of making peace and what kind of person it will be who becomes involved in this process. There are some interesting differences between Bonatti and Zahel, even though the structure of the section follows Zahel quite closely. Bonatti begins as follows: Bonatti - 9.5: But if you find that they are likely to make peace, look at the planet at that time to which [the significators of ] the chief commanders or field officers11 of the armies commit their disposition, and which signifies that person who involves himself regarding the arrangement and making of peace between them; …12 The Zahel is as follows. Zahel - 9.3: However, if you know that the two leaders will make peace, look at the planet which signifies this.13 Zahel is usually more terse than Bonatti but in this case he is also more obscure, and the version of the same text from Zahel in the Liber novem iudicum, §7.173 is no improvement, saying even less. Here Zahel says, “look at the planet which signifies this,” and gives no information as to how to determine that planet. Bonatti is explicit. It is the planet to which the significators of commanders “commit their disposition,” i.e. the planet to which they are applying. It should be the same planet in both cases which from earlier material14 is a precondition of a peace without 11 duces seu productores. The only thing that makes sense here is to take duces as referring to the highest level leaders of the army, and productores, lit. those who ‘lead forth’, as the commanders in the field at a somewhat lower level of rank. Otherwise there is no clear distinction between the two terms. 12 Bonatti §VI.2.7.22, lines 31-34 from “Si vero inveneris quod…” to …pacificando inter eos.” 13 Zahel §7.24, lines 151-152 from “Cum vero noveris…” to “…aspice planetam qui hoc significat.” 14 Omar gives an example of this. See p. 200. 271 one side or the other achieving total victory. I believe that Bonatti’s formulation is more explicit because he found the doctrine as transmitted by Zahel insufficiently clear so that it would leave the potential student confused. However, any astrologer from this time who had studied the subject at length would have known what Zahel meant. Bonatti simply filled in the gaps for the reader, something he did quite frequently. Both authors then move on to the issue of what kind of person that may be. Both authors’ descriptions are clearly derived from general planetary types which contain little or no innovation. Just below I present Bonatti’s version, but here there is one difference between the two authors that again illustrates Bonatti’s capacity for adding detail, perhaps derived from theory, perhaps from experience. First we have Zahel. Zahel - 9.4: If it is in its own domicile, that person who intervenes between them will be one of themselves.15 Contrast this with Bonatti: Bonatti - 9.6: … if you wish to know what kind of person he may be, see whether that planet is in one of its dignities. For if there is a planet which receives the disposition and [the significator of the] one who involves himself concerning that arranging [of peace] is in its own domicile, that person will be someone in one of those armies. If the planet is in its exaltation, he will be someone powerful who is in the army along with the common people of that land, which he holds in order to rule it. But if the planet is in its own term, the man will be someone who has kin in the army, or in one of the armies, who wishes that nothing bad should happen to them. If the significator is in its own triplicity, he will be someone having men as his friends or retainers16 who have come into the army at his request. If the planet is in its own face, he will be a man who has to perform some labor in the army because of his profession. If the planet is in none of its dignities, he will be a person who has come from somewhere else, for example, a foreigner or traveler.17 For Zahel only two conditions are noted, a significator in its own domicile, or one that has no dignity in its position whatsoever, that is, a peregrine planet. Bonatti brings all of the other 15 Zahel §7.24, lines 153-154 “Si fuerit in domo sua, ille qui ingreditur inter eos erit ex semetipsis…” auxilatores, yet another possible interpretation. 17 Bonatti §VI.2.7.22, lines 34-44 from “Si vis scire qualis persona…” to “…tanquam forensis seu viator.” 16 272 possible dignities to bear which in addition to domicile include in Bonatti’s order exaltation, term, triplicity and face before mentioning peregrine. Neither author states what would happen if said significator is in its detriment or fall but that would probably indicate that the negotiation would be failure. Also, neither author discusses what would happen if the significator were combust or retrograde but that is not a problem. Applications of planets to combust or retrograde planets produces a condition known as the Return of Virtue in Bonatti18 which for our purposes here means that such an application is to be ignored and the next one made by the applying planet is taken instead. If that second application is also not valid we once again have a situation in which there cannot be a negotiated peace. No other author deals with this issue explicitly in war although the criteria for mediation or judgement in civil conflict may very well have been applied.19 The remainder of the sections in both authors have to do with the planetary typology used to describe the negotiator. Bonatti and Zahel’s descriptions are very similar and easily derived from standard planetary typology; however, I present here the Bonatti version so that it may be contrasted with the similar description of judges presented in Chapter 7 in Bonatti passages 7.20-27. Those cannot as easily be derived from planetary typology as the ones below. Bonatti - 9.7: For if the significator is Saturn, it is apparent that he is an elderly man of low birth, especially also if Saturn is itself occidental. If Saturn is oriental, the man will be less elderly. If this significator is Jupiter, it is apparent that he is a man of some age, a noble and perhaps a bishop, judge or someone like these. However, if it is Mars, he will be a man who is accustomed to lead armies or who has done so; and perhaps he will one of the leaders of this same army; also he might be mendacious and one who was once a highwayman, or otherwise an evildoer. If it is the Sun, he will be a more noble man, one of those who are fit for kingship, or perhaps he will be a king, or someone who has been placed in rulership over many peoples. If it is Venus, he will be someone young in age or only a little learned in wisdom; yet whatever he does, he will do it in good faith not with any kind of guile. If it is Mercury, he will be a wise and learned man in both innate 18 See RETURN OF VIRTUE in the Glossary. The equivalent idea in Zahel is more restrictive, but the effect is the same. 19 See p.s 198. 273 intelligence and acquired learning,20 or one who is literate. If it is the Moon, he will be a man who involves himself in these matters with just impulses and good intentions.21 The next chapter, §VI.2.7.23, “Concerning Knowing Victory in War, Who Will Win,” contains material that is easily derived from the general material on which side is likely to win that we have already seen elsewhere22 except for his additional methods involving the eastern or western hemisphere placement of the Sun and Moon which I discussed above.23 There is no corresponding chapter in Zahel. Bonatti Chapter §VI.2.7.24 – What Is the Cause for Which War Has Arisen, and Whether or Not the Cause Is Just. On this subject we have material from another author besides Bonatti and Zahel, Haly Abenragel. To begin with all three authors agree that the planet from which Mars is separating in the relevant chart indicates the side which began the war, the planet to which Mars applies, the other side. Haly adds the Moon to this procedure as well, i.e., the planet from which the Moon is separating and the planet to which the Moon is applying. This latter bit from Haly is inconsistent with the general practice because in interrogations on war we have already seen that the planet from which the Moon is separating indicates the querent regardless of who started the war and planet to which the Moon applies the adversary. In an election or inception that ambiguity would not exist because the initiator of the action is always the Ascendant and the planet from which the Moon separates. In any case in this first section Bonatti and Zahel are the same. Note that 20 “tam sensu naturali quam accidentali.” A literal translation would not have been clear here. Sensu naturali is clear enough. Accidentali implies that circumstances have ensured that he would be wise in ways that he has acquired on top of his innate intelligence. 21 Bonatti §VI.2.7.22, lines 46-57 from “Nam si fuerit Saturnus…” to “…bona voluntate intromittit se de his.” 22 See Chap. 7, p. 211. 23 See p. 268 274 Bonatti cites Zahel. Zahel - 9.5: If you wish to have the knowledge of the cause by which war has been aroused, look at Mars because the planet from which Mars is separating signifies the one who begins the war. The planet to which Mars is being joined signifies the adversary.24 Bonatti - 9.8: If someone at sometime asks (as is likely to happen often), or otherwise you wish to say to someone for what cause a war arose, Zahel said that you should look at Mars because he is by nature the significator of wars, and all wars are assigned to him (as will be described elsewhere). And [you should] see from which planet Mars separates, or which planet is separating from Mars. From that planet you will perceive the one who begins the war; and from that planet to which Mars is joining or which is joining to Mars you will perceive [other side’s] enemy or adversary.25 Haly Abenragel - 9.1: If you wish to know whence the cause of a quarrel and conflict arose and was set in motion, look at Mars or at the planet from which Mars has separated, or the planet from which the Moon has separated, because that planet will be the significator of the cause of the quarrel and the conflict.26 However, at this point Haly diverges from the others in that Bonatti and Zahel next give the indications that show which side (if either) side is fighting for a just cause and which is not. Haly moves directly onto the matter of nature of the cause of the conflict not the justness of the cause. Bonatti and Zahel have the same thing to say about which side has the just cause. I quote only Bonatti here as the differences between the two authors are only clarifications on Bonatti’s part. Bonatti - 9.9: If Mars is separating from fortunes or they are separating from him, and Mars is joining to a malefic or a malefic is joining to him, it signifies that the querent or the one who begins the action stirs himself to begin the war because of a just cause, and that he himself has justice and truth [on his side], and the adversary has the contrary of these. But if Mars is separated from malefics, or they from him, and is joining to a fortune, it signifies that the querent or one who begins the action stirs himself unjustly and does not have the truth [on his side], and the adversary does defend justice and truth. And if Mars has separated from fortunes and is joining to fortunes, it signifies that each side cherishes a just cause. This rarely happens! If however Mars has separated from malefics and is joining to malefics, it signifies that both strive against justice and against truth.27 24 Zahel §7.24, lines 181-184 from “Scientiam vero cause…” to “…significat aduersarium.” Bonatti §VI.2.7.24, lines 3-9 from “Si queserit aliquis aliquando…” to “… inimicum sive adversarium.” 26 Haly Abenragel §II.42.2, lines 128-133 from “Et si volueris scire…”to “…causa rixe ac litis.” 27 Bonatti §VI.2.7.24, lines 9-17 from “Si separatur a fortunis…” to “…et contra veritatem.” 25 275 Then all three authors take up the issue of the cause of the war. While their methods are similar, there are divergences. In Zahel the cause of the war is signified by the house Mars is in. In Bonatti, as is typical, the method is a bit more complicated and in this instance not very clearly described. As I show in the text that follows, sometimes he seems to believe with Zahel that Mars is the key with Zahel, but he also uses the house of a malefic which may be connected to Mars by application or separation as in the passage just above. Where Haly, in the text given above does not address the matter of which side has the more just cause, Zahel and Bonatti use Mars to describe the justness of each side and examine both the applying and separating aspect of Mars; the Moon is not mentioned at all. This places Zahel and Bonatti in one methodological camp and Haly in another. However, they clearly come from related traditions. I make note of this here because once again we have an indication that Bonatti did not have or use Haly as one a source for this material. Rather, Haly and Bonatti both stem from Zahel. This is not to say that Haly did not have other sources as well. He clearly did, but he does not appear to be one of Bonatti’s sources.28 At this point all three authors begin a house by house listing of the location of the significator (or significators) of the causes of the war as determined by their three somewhat varying methods. I give the text for each author house by house. First House: Zahel - 9.6: …there will be war because of provisions and food.29 Haly Abenragel - 9.2: …it will be because of provisions and food.30 Bonatti - 9.10: …the war arose because of envy which one side will have with respect to the 28 A “Haly” is frequently mentioned in Tractatus VII on elections. but it is clear from comparisons that the Haly in question is Haly Emrani. See p. 145, n. 62. 29 Zahel §7.24, line 187 “…erit bellum causa victus.” 30 Haly Abenragel §II.42.2, lines 135-136 “…erit occasione victus.” 276 other, or perhaps one side wished to steal some of the other’s side’s provisions.31 Second House: Zahel - 9.7: …it will be for the sake of substance.32 Haly Abenragel - 9.3: …because of substance.33 Bonatti - 9.11: …because one side wanted to steal goods, substance or money from the other.34 Third House: Zahel - 9.8: …it will be for the sake of faith and religion.35 Haly Abenragel - 9.4: …it will be because of talking boastfully of one’s self concerning family, because he says that his offspring is better than another’s.36 Bonatti - 9.12: …[a]party on one side has done injury to the brother of a party on the other side, and for that reason the war has arisen, or, perhaps because a party of one side said that the other side was not orthodox in religion.37 Fourth House: Zahel - 9.9: …it will be for the sake of land.38 Haly Abenragel - 9.5: …it will be because of an old, hidden, matter.39 Bonatti - 9.13: …because of a city or castle which a party of one side had taken or wished to take from the other, or perhaps a party of one side wished to take away a house, land, field, inheritance, vineyard, from the other side, or because a party of one side injured the father of the party of the other side.40 Fifth House: Zahel - 9.10: …it also signifies that the war will be for the sake of substance and that there will be kinship between the leaders and perhaps they will make peace; or there will be war for the sake of a woman or a city and especially if you find the Moon joined to Mercury, then there will be war out of love for the sake of a city to which they set out 31 Bonatti §VI.2.7.24, lines 19-20 from “bellum surrexit causa invidie…” to “…de suis victualibus.” Bonatti’s addition also follows logically from astrological theory but he is the only one to state this explicitly. 32 Zahel §7.24, line 187 “…causa substantie.” The word substantia is generally used to indicate money and moveable possessions. 33 Haly Abenragel §II.42.2, line 146 “…occasione substantie.” 34 Bonatti §VI.2.7.24, lines 21-22 from“… quia unus volebat auferre…” to “…substantiam suam seu pecuniam.” 35 Zahel §7.24, line 189 “… causa fidei et religionis.” 36 Haly Abenragel §II.42.2, lines 140-141 from “…pro iactando se de progenie…” to “…melioris prolis quam alter.” 37 Bonatti §VI.2.7.24, lines 21-22 from “…unus leserit fratrem alterius…” to “…non esse catholicum.” In medieval astrology the ninth house signified orthodox religion while the third house signified sects and heresies. The added reference to a sibling is another example of Bonatti amplifying on the basis of theory. 38 Zahel §7.24, lines 189-190 “…erit causa terre.” 39 Haly Abenragel §II.42.2, lines 132-133 “…occasione antique rei celate.” 40 Bonatti §VI.2.7.24, lines 24-26 from “…causa civitatis vel castri…” to “…vel quod leserit patrem eius.” Bonatti’s description is completely different from the other two but is again based on astrological theory. 277 desiring to take possession of it.41 Haly Abenragel - 9.6: …it will be because of villages and buildings…42 Bonatti - 9.14: …the cause was due to the son of one of side whom a party of the other side injured, or it will be because of a woman, or because of a wanton affair, or because the paternal goods [of a party of one of the sides] and especially immoveable property.43 Sixth House: Zahel - 9.11: …there will be war because of something feeble or weak and there will be much killing and wounding.44 Haly Abenragel - 9.7: …it will be regarding a question of blows and wounds, and a strong enmity.45 Bonatti - 9.15: …because of a serving man or woman, or because of small animals taken away by one side from the other, or it will be as if there were almost no cause at all or for something because of which there should not have been a war.46 Seventh House: Zahel - 9.12: …it will be because of an ancient hostility, the querent will not be seeking substance.47 Haly Abenragel - 9.8: …it will be caused by enmity and because one side wishes to avenge itself.48 Bonatti - 9.16: …for the sake of a woman who has been stolen away, or who has been harmed or angered, especially a wife or concubine, or it will be in order to take revenge for some evil deed.49 Eighth House: Zahel - 9.13: …it will be because of an ancient search for bloodshed. But if the Moon aspects the lord of the midheaven, this will be because of the substance of the king and the killing will be multiplied in both populations.50 Haly Abenragel - 9.9: …it will be because of income from dead persons or some very old matter.51 Bonatti - 9.17: …for the sake of some old matter because of which blood has been shed; or it will be because of an inheritance from a dead person who was not very closely connected to either of the sides.52 41 Zahel §7.24, lines 190-194 from “…significat etiam quod bellum…” to “…volentes accipere eam.” Haly Abenragel §II.42.2, lines 145-146 “…occasione villarum vel edificiorum.” 43 Bonatti §VI.2.7.24, lines 26-29 from “…quod sit causa filii…” to “…et maxime immobilium.” 44 Zahel §7.24, lines 195-196 “…erit bellum causa rei debilis, et erit multa interfectio vel vulneratio.” 45 Haly Abenragel §II.42.2, lines 141-142 “…pro questione percussionum et vulnerum ac inimicitie firme.” 46 Bonatti §VI.2.7.24, lines 32-33 from “…causa servi vel ancille…” to “non deberet esse guerra.” 47 Zahel §7.24, lines 195-196 “…erit causa antique inimicitie, et non querit substantiam.” 48 Haly Abenragel §II.42.2, lines 136-137 “…erit occasione inimicitie, et quia vult se vindicare.” 49 Bonatti §VI.2.7.24, lines 34-35 from “…causa mulieris ablate…” to “…vindicte alicuius maleficii.” 50 Zahel §7.24, lines 197-200 from “… erit causa rei antique…” to “…interfectio in utrisque populis.” 51 Haly Abenragel §II.42.2, lines 147-148 “…erit in occasione redituum mortuorum rei antique.” 52 Bonatti §VI.2.7.24, lines 36-37 from “…causa rei antiquate…” to “…multum attinebat alicui eorum.” 42 278 Ninth House: Zahel - 9.14: …it will be for the sake of faith.53 Haly Abenragel - 9.10: …it will be because of law, or departing from the law, or because of not obeying the law.54 Bonatti - 9.18: …for the sake of religion or because of some religious,55 or because one side wishes to convert the other so that the other will follow and revere [the belief] that the first side follows.56 Tenth House: Zahel - 9.15: If the Moon is in the midheaven and it has been joined to Mars by the square or opposition aspect, or it is in one sign with Mars, there will be war for the honor or magnification of the king or for the seeking of a kingship.57 Haly Abenragel - 9.11: …the cause of that quarrel will be on account of a kingdom and lordship.58 Bonatti - 9.19: …for the sake of a king and his honor, and to increase his domain. If the Moon is in the tenth at the time and is bodily joined to Mars or aspects Mars from the square or opposition aspect, it will make the war greater and there will be much killing on both sides.59 Eleventh House: Zahel - 9.16: …there will be war for the sake of friends, or for those who are less than a king.60 Haly Abenragel - 9.12: … it will be because of friends, brothers, and children.61 Bonatti - 9.20: …because of friends or it will be for the defense of a king’s substance or of his allies.62 Twelfth House: Zahel - 9.17: …there will be war because of an ancient hostility, but there will not [actually] be a war because Mars in the twelfth does not signify war as it is cadent from the angle, for they will hear and obey him who sets out to them [to make peace] if God wills it.63 Haly Abenragel - 9.13: …it will be the same thing [as the sixth house] except that it will be 53 54 Zahel §7.24, line 200 “… causa fidei.” Haly Abenragel §II.42.2, lines 138-139 “…occasione legis aut pro exeundo a lege vel pro non obediendo legi.” 55 religiosi. This is in the technical sense of the word ‘religious’ as a noun indicating a member of the clergy, secular or regular. 56 Bonatti §VI.2.7.24, lines 38-39 from “…causa religionis vel alicuius religiosi…” to “…quod ipse reveretur.” Note that Bonatti and Zahel are roughly the same but Haly is quite different. 57 Zahel §7.24, lines 200-203 from “Et si luna fuerit in medio celi…” to “…et inquisitione regni.” 58 Haly Abenragel §II.42.2, lines 134-135 “…causa illius rixe erit propter regnum vel dominium.” 59 Bonatti §VI.2.7.24, lines 40-43 from “…causa regis et eius honoris…” to “…erit interfectio multa hincinde.” 60 Zahel §7.24, lines 203-204 “…erit pro amicis et pro his qui sunt minores rege.” 61 Haly Abenragel §II.42.2, lines 144-145 “…occasione amicorum vel fratrum aut filiorum.” 62 Bonatti §VI.2.7.24, lines 43-44 from “…causa amicorum…” to “… sive auxiliatorum eius.” 63 Zahel §7.24, lines 204-207 from “…erit bellum causa inimicitie antiqui…” to “…si deus voluerit.” 279 stronger and more lasting.64 Bonatti - 9.21: …the war will be because of an old hostility and ill will between the [two] sides or between the leaders of the armies. But yet although there is war for that reason, the sides will not do battle with each other in all out war, and will easily settle [the dispute] if there are some who would wish to involve themselves in settling the dispute between the two sides.65 Haly adds at the end of his section: Haly Abenragel - 9.14: Likewise, you will know the cause of a conflict from the nature of the triplicity from which Mars has separated, and the nature of the triplicity from which the Moon has separated, by its form and place. Also, a separation is stronger when it is from a [bodily] conjunction.66 A general pattern which we have seen before is that often Bonatti has more to say about each house. On the first and second houses he does not. The first of the houses on which he expands somewhat is the third. Zahel, oddly enough, concentrates on the third house as one of the houses of religion. While that is one of the third house significations, it is not usually the one most emphasized. Bonatti adds brothers, which is the most common chief signification of the third house. As to religious orthodoxy, Zahel does not mention it here but in his introduction on the third house he refers to the “contentions among sects.”67 It is not clear what the logic is behind Haly’s text but it does seem to be derived from the usual descriptions of the significations of the third house. Bonatti’s description for the fourth is an excellent example of Bonatti taking the bare bones statement of Zahel and fleshing out the details. On the fifth house one should note the considerable differences among all three. Bonatti’s interpretation is more orthodox in its use of astrological theory in that he treats the fifth house as a house of offspring, love affairs, and as the 64 Haly Abenragel §II.42.2, lines 143-144 “…illud idem, excepto quod firmius erit ac durabilius.” Bonatti §VI.2.7.24, lines 45-47 from “…erit causa inimicitie antiquate…” to “…de componendo inter eos.” 66 Haly Abenragel §II.42.2, lines 148-151 from “Scies similiter causam litis…” to “…fuerit de coniunctione.” 67 “et contentiones in sectis.”– Zahel Omnibus ed. of 1493, fol. 122v. 65 280 second house from the fourth, the house of the father’s property. Clearly Bonatti disagreed with Zahel here, whether for theoretical or experiential reasons is not clear. Haly’s interpretation clearly comes from another source. On the sixth house there is again at least an apparent disagreement, however, a war starting for almost no reason is quite consistent with “ancient hostility.” Bonatti's reference to small animals, probably livestock, is a common signification of the sixth house. Serving men and women are also a signification of this house.68 Bonatti is amplifying the received interpretation of the house as a cause of war according to what is generally believed to be the signification of the house insofar as these significations are relevant to warfare. The seventh is a house of women (from the male point of view) so Bonatti adds that signification. On the eighth house, the comment about “an inheritance from a dead person who was not very closely connected to either of the sides,” is hard to explain on the basis of either tradition or first principles. The eighth house is commonly a house of inheritance and the issue of the closeness of the relationship of the dead person is usually not an issue.69 Bonatti’s interpretation for the ninth house follows quite reasonably from the usual signification of the ninth house as a house of religion and religious. In the case of the tenth house, Zahel does not actually give a signification to the tenth house as a cause of war in general. He just mentions the placement of the Moon in the midheaven joined to Mars. Bonatti fleshes it out with a general reference to wars because of kingship. In this he agrees with Haly but his description follows quite logically from the significations of the tenth house and kingship. However, Bonatti’s reinterpretation of Zahel’s treatment of the Moon 68 In Tractatus II in his description of the sixth house Bonatti has the following: Et dicit adila quod significat famulos et bestias que non equitantur. – Bonatti, Ratdolt ed. , fol. 32r. 69 Et dixit alchabitius quod significat almaverith id est omne quod hereditatur ex mortuis scilicet tam extraneorum quam coiunctorum quod debent heredes post mortem eorum possidere. – Bonatti, Ratdolt ed., fol. 33r. 281 in this situation suggests that Bonatti had had an experience in accord with his interpretation, one that did not agree with Zahel’s. Bonatti’s description for the eleventh house brings in the military characterization of the eleventh house as the house of the king’s substance and his allies.70 In the case of the twelfth house Bonatti adheres quite closely to Zahel’s description and both are quite different from Haly’s. This entire section, however, reveals Bonatti’s willingness to correct, amend and depart from the interpretations of his predecessors. Again Bonatti is shown here to be active participant in the development of the tradition, not merely a passive transmitter of received doctrine, and definitely not a mere compiler. Bonatti Chapter §VI.2.7.25. Concerning whether Armies Are Large or Small. I have already discussed this chapter above concerning the principle of the counting the number of planets on the eastern and western sides of the chart. However, the first part of this chapter uses another technique altogether which is clearly derived from Zahel. Here is the Zahel text followed by Bonatti. Zahel - 9.18: If you are asked whether an army is great or small, take the number of signs from the Moon to Mercury which are between them. If the signs are even in number, the army will be large, but if they are odd in number, the army will be small.71 Bonatti - 9.22: If perhaps at some point one of the leaders of armies [involved in a conflict] is doubtful concerning [the size of] the army of his adversary, and wishes to know from you whether the adversary’s army is large or small, and you wish to examine this question for him, look at the place of the Moon and likewise Mercury with respect to their signs and degrees at that time [of the question].72 Subtract the place of the Moon from the place of Mercury and see how many signs remain for you. If the number of signs is even, the army will be large, and the more signs remain after the subtraction the larger the army will be. If the number of signs is odd, the army will be small, and the fewer the signs, the 70 For a passage from Omar which describes this general use of the eleventh house See p. 224. Zahel §7.25, lines 2-5 from “Et si interrogatus fueris…” to “…erit exercitus parvus.” 72 Unlike many of the descriptions given in this section, this has to be a question rather than the chart of commencing an action, i.e., an election. 71 282 smaller the army will be. But if the position of Mercury is not great enough that you can subtract the place of the Moon from it, add twelve signs to the place of Mercury, and then subtract the position of the Moon from that of Mercury just as has been described. Aside from clarifying certain points of the calculation, Bonatti does add something to Zahel’s terse description. Zahel uses only the odd or even number of signs as an indicator. Bonatti uses the number of signs as well. An even number for both indicates that the adversary’s army is large. Bonatti adds that the more signs there are between the two planets, the larger that army will be. Similarly, Zahel indicates that an odd number is a sign of a small army. Bonatti likewise adds that the smaller that number of signs, the smaller the enemy army will be. Haly has a similar technique but the method of measuring the arc between the Moon and Mercury is quite different. Here is the Haly text. Haly Abenragel - 9.15: If you [wish to] know about the smallness or largeness of the number of an army from the number [of signs] which exists between the Moon and Mercury, because if there are many signs and [they are signs] of long ascension,73 there will be many troops, and if a small number of signs and signs of short ascension, the troops will be few. And when the signs are [signs] of many children,74 it signifies that the troops will be many.75 In Haly the even or odd number of signs is not mentioned. It is the number of signs themselves that indicates the result combined with whether the signs are of long or short ascension. The main principle that Haly’s technique has in common with Zahel and Bonatti is the use of the arc from the Moon to Mercury but they are otherwise quite different. Bonatti has certainly innovated here and so it may be has Haly. Interestingly there is another reference to the use of the MoonMercury arc in the Liber novem iudicum in a passage from Omar, Liber novem iudicum, §7.169. It is a lot called the Part of Concord. In the Omar text it is not clear how one is supposed to use 73 See UPRIGHT AND OBLIQUE ASCENSION in the Glossary. Presumably this would be final sign, but Haly does not clarify this point. 75 Haly Abenragel, §II.42, lines 81-88 from “Et si scies multitudinem…” to “…significat quod militia erit multa.” 74 283 the lot. Omar - 9.1: a certain Part which has the name of Concord will be consulted in this place. We bid [you] to take the Part from the degree of the Moon to [the degree of] Mercury. Then when the addition has been made of the degree of the Ascendant, when you begin from the ascendant, it winds its way to the place of the Part at the prescribed termination point. This lot calculation does not appear to have anything to do with the size of an army. It is about the making of peace. Also, in the calculation of lots the number of signs or degrees between the two planets that compose the lot (along with the ascendant)is not relevant. The location of the degree of the lot is the primary concern. In Bonatti and the others, the number of signs or degrees between the Moon and Mercury is the critical variable and the position of a lot is not involved at all. So the use of the Moon and Mercury in the Lot of Concord and their use in Bonatti and the others is different, the first being about the possibility of peace, the second about the size and strength of an army and the method of Bonatti and the others has nothing to do with calculation of a lot. The only thing that Omar’s lot has in common with Bonatti et al. is that it involves the Moon and Mercury.76 In addition there is no textual evidence that the Lot of Concord has anything to do with texts from Bonatti, Zahel and Haly. Everything else suggests otherwise. Bonatti Chapters §VI.2.7.26 and §VI.2.7.27. Chapter §VI.2.7.26, entitled “How to Have Knowledge of All of the Implements and Other Things That Pertain to War,” is completely derived from Zahel §7.26 which is the last chapter on war in Zahel’s book on interrogations. Bonatti cites Zahel all the way through it. It does not need 76 In the literature of lots it is not uncommon to find within a single work or in the works of different authors different significations given to lots composed out of the same planetary pairs. For examples, see Al-Biruni, Book of Instruction, 283-296; Abu Ma‘shar, Abbreviation, 70-83; Al Qabisi, Warburg ed., 140-155. 284 discussion. But because it is the foundation of the material in the next chapter, I have placed here the shorter and more terse version of the house significations from Zahel §7.26. Zahel - 9.18: After this look in this chapter in all matters regarding war because this chapter is general for all matters of war, that is, you should know that the Ascendant is the significator for those who begin the war, its cause, what it might be that incites that war and whether the querent undertook the war with truth or deceit. And the second sign from the Ascendant signifies whether there may be war or not and whether it will be for gain or loss. The third from the Ascendant signifies arms and what kind they are and for which kinds of arms will there be victory or gain and what kinds of arms are not necessary in this particular war. The fourth from the Ascendant signifies the place in which the war will take place, namely, whether it will be flat or mountainous, or if it may be on the shore of a great or small sea, or next to a river, or if there are in the same place trees which bear fruit or a grove. The fifth from the Ascendant signifies the honesty and facility of the troops as well as their lack of chastity, also their boldness or laziness. The sixth from the Ascendant signifies the animals of the troops and what they are, that is, whether they are horses, asses, mules, or camels. The seventh signifies the enemy and the work of Almagenia, that is, the work of the instruments with which they project stones and whether they are [made] with cleverness and ingenuity, or contrariwise. And the eighth signifies blows, taking prisoners, death, also the breaking of things, and the flight of the conquered. The ninth signifies the work of scouts, and the knowledge of the affairs of the enemy, his rumors and plots. The tenth from the Ascendant signifies the habit and action of the supreme leader and of the rest of the leaders who are under his command. The eleventh signifies ordering and arranging of the troops, how their battle array and close order is, how they advance and what kind of order [they have] in the presence of an enemy. And the twelfth signifies the city and those who are besieged and captured in the city. Therefore look at these twelve places and the places of their lords and the aspect of those planets which aspect each one of the houses, namely whether they are malefics or benefics, those planets which are also in the houses, whether fortunes or infortunes, which one aspects the lord of each house, whether fortunes or infortunes.77 In his next chapter, §VI.2.7.27 Bonatti expands the rather brief statement in the last paragraph of the Zahel chapter just above. Bonatti’s chapter is entitled “How You Should Look 77 Zahel §7.25, lines 5-33 from “Post hoc aspice in universis rebus…” to “…uniuscuiusque domus ex ipsis fortunis et malis.” 285 At the Significations of the Twelve Houses.” It is a grand summation of all of the material that has been scattered through the texts on warfare with additional matter. It also elucidates principles that have been used throughout Bonatti’s text as well as those of authors that we have discussed in this work. Because this chapter exemplifies the different ways in which Bonatti altered and rationalized the tradition he received, it is worth examining in detail. The chapter introduction is as follows. Bonatti - 9.23: Although many of the matters in this chapter which pertain to the making of war or conflict may have been described previously, nevertheless, I will speak further about certain things which are useful, which it seems to me should not be omitted. Nor should you believe that I wish to contradict statements which have been made previously. For if you examine what has been said properly, understand them properly, and also understand those things which will be described [here], you will find no contradiction. From this, if you discriminate among the times correctly, those matters which must be in agreement will properly be in agreement. Therefore, when you look at all of the houses as described, and you wish to know what is signified by each of the houses, for the querent or the one beginning the action look at all of the houses according to the order written below beginning from the first house. [However,] for the enemy look at the seventh house and make that house the first house of the enemy, and make the eighth house [from the first] the enemy’s second, and make the ninth house [from the first] his third, make the tenth house his fourth, make the eleventh his fifth, make the twelfth his sixth, make the first his seventh, make the second his eighth, make the third his ninth, make the fourth his tenth, make the fifth his eleventh, and make the sixth his twelfth.78 This paragraph makes explicit a system which has been implicit throughout all of our material on warfare. It is well known in all traditions of astrology, Greek, Indian, Persian-Arabic and European up to this day in virtually every application of astrology. The practice is still referred to and employed in modern astrology but it does not have a satisfactory name.79 Claude Dariot, an early modern French astrologer refers to the practice. After describing the basic significations of the houses, he goes on to say the following: 78 Bonatti §VI.2.7.27, lines 3-15 from “Licet dicta sint superius…” to “…sextam fac eius duodecimam.” It is referred to colloquially among astrologers as “turning the wheel” or “turning the chart” but that is not a very descriptive term. See Patricia Dunn, Horary Astrology Re-Examined, 54. 79 286 These significations [of the houses] are not only gathered, beginning at the Ascendant (that is, in a horary Question), but [they] also take the beginning at every house, whereby it comes to pass that the other houses have more divers and infinite significations.80 Dariot also does not give a name to this principle. However, it is not difficult to create one for my purposes here. The primary significations of each house as counted from the first house or ascendant can be considered as their absolute significations. The significations derived from their relationship to the other houses can be termed relative significations. Also without giving the practice a name, Bonatti has stated that for the querent or initiator of the action one uses the absolute significations. For the adversary one uses the significations of each house relative to the seventh house. Then he advises us that everything he says about each house is correct for the querent or initiator as given but for the adversary one must count the house positions relative to the seventh in order to use the very same significations for the adversary. This is relative house signification. The following table illustrates the principle for the first house (querent/initiator) and the seventh house (adversary). 80 Absolute House for the Querent/Initiator is for the Adversary First Second Third Fourth Fifth Sixth Seventh Eighth Ninth Tenth Eleventh Twelfth the First the Second the Third the Fourth the Fifth the Sixth the Seventh the Eighth the Ninth the Tenth the Eleventh the Twelfth the Seventh the Eighth the Ninth the Tenth the Ninth the Twelfth the First the Second the Third the Fourth the Fifth the Sixth Claude Dariot, Dariotus Redivivus: Or a Brief Introduction Conducing to the Judgement of the Stars, Etc. Fabian Wither trans. (London: Andrew Kemb, 1653). 75. This is a seventeenth-century edition of the sixteenth century translation with spelling modified accordingly. 287 After making this principle clear81 Bonatti continues with the first house for the querent, the seventh house for the adversary. Bonatti - 9.24: Then see whether there is a malefic in the first house or one that aspects the first house from the square or opposition aspect. [If so,] it signifies that the querent will not well employ those things which must be employed for what is done in war, nor will he be sufficiently solicitous concerning those things. This could be the reason why it will not go well for him in war unless that malefic is the [domicile] lord of the Ascendant, or at least [the lord] of its exaltation. It also signifies that the querent, or the one who begins the battle, may not have a just cause but rather the contrary. However, if there is a fortune in the first or a fortune aspects from the trine or sextile, it signifies good; a malefic signifies the contrary.82 This paragraph on the first house follows quite logically from Zahel’s last paragraph. Bonatti does state explicitly something that Zahel does not. A malefic in the first or any other house is not harmful if it is in its domicile or exaltation in that house. This is consistent with general astrological principles but Bonatti clearly saw the need to make this explicit in this instance. He goes on to the second house. Bonatti - 9.25: If there is a malefic in the second which is not the [domicile] lord of the second house nor of its exaltation, or a malefic aspects the house from the square or opposition aspect, it signifies that there will not be war and if there is, it will be to the detriment of the querent and not to his advantage. However, if there is a fortune in that place or the aspect of one as has been described with respect to the first house, it signifies that there will be war and, if there is, it will be to the advantage of the querent.83 A modern reader may be surprised to discover that a fortunate planet in or aspecting the second house is an indication of war, a successful one if it is in good condition. An unfortunate planet may actually indicate that there will be no war. The goodness or badness of a significator is relative to the intention of the querent or initiator of the action. Now we have the third house. Bonatti - 9.26: However, if there is a malefic in the third house, and it is Mars, and he is in 81 This could have been introduced much earlier in the discussion of the astrology of warfare but it is difficult to criticize when one realizes the other authors never did it at all. They simply went ahead and applied the principle. 82 Bonatti §VI.2.7.27, lines 15-23 from “Deinde aspice si fuerit malus…” to “Malus significat contrarium.” 83 Bonatti §VI.2.7.27, lines 23-27 from “Si fuerit malus in secunda…” to “…erit cum utilitate querentis.” 288 good condition, there will be the necessary military armaments in that war. You should say the same thing if Jupiter is there, [and] it will be necessary for the querent to use these arms if he wishes to prevail. If Mars is in bad condition, it signifies that the arms which will be employed on his side will be the arms of thieves, highwaymen, and men who are not steady and who will be of no use to him.84 Here is an exception which needs to be stated explicitly, Mars, an “unfortunate” planet is the natural significator of war. Therefore, it is not bad to have Mars in a house if the house is appropriate to some aspect of military activity and Mars is dignified. If Mars is not dignified, it is bad for the side in question.85 In the fourth house a malefic planet is not a good indication whether dignified or not. Bonatti - 9.27: However, if there is a malefic in the fourth or an aspect of the aforesaid malefic, it signifies that the place of the war will be incommodious and unsuitable for the querent’s side if it is a level place; if the place is mountainous, the mountains will be rough, inhospitable and covered with woods. If the place is near the water, it will be swampy and muddy, and badly suited for battling.86 The material on the fifth house is a bit puzzling because throughout these chapters the querent’s troops have been signified by the second house from the ascendant. Here we find something different. This may be one of the apparent contradictions that Bonatti referred to at the beginning of the chapter. Bonatti - 9.28: Moreover, if there is a fortune in the fifth house or an aspect of the aforesaid fortune, or if Mars is in that place and is in good condition, it signifies that the soldiers and allies of the querent will be excellent in quality, bold, will advance properly and be well suited for doing battle. [on the other hand] if there is a malefic in that place or the aspect of one, or Mars [is there] and is itself in bad condition, it signifies that the troops will be worthless, lazy, reluctant to advance, slow and ill suited to do battle.87 Here again a dignified Mars is useful. However, I have no resolution to the apparent contradiction. Next comes the sixth house. 84 Bonatti §VI.2.7.27, lines 27-32 from “Si vero fuerit malus…” to “…nec erunt sibi utilia.” Depending on whether it is the absolute third house or the third relative to the seventh. 86 Bonatti §VI.2.7.27, lines 32-36 from “Si autem fuerit malus in quarta…” to “…et male aptus ad preliandum.” 87 Bonatti §VI.2.7.27, lines 36-41 from “Si autem fuerit in quinta…” to “…et mali apti ad preliandum.” 85 289 Bonatti - 9.29: If either a fortune or the aspect of one, or the Dragon’s Head, is in the sixth house, the animals that will be used for the battle will be horses of great worth; likewise, if Mars is in that place and is in good condition, the horses will be fierce, hardy, and impatient. If there is a malefic there, and especially if it is Saturn, the horses will be worthless, nags and other [kinds of] old horses, and mostly having little valor. Also in place will be donkeys and camels, if it is a region in which there are camels. If the Dragon’s Tail is in that place, there will be mules and other animals which are worthless and not well suited for doing battle.88 Here it is interesting to see that Bonatti gives specific indications for the Dragon’s Head, Mars, Saturn and the Dragon’s Tail. There is nothing of the sort in Zahel. Now we come to the seventh house. Recall the seventh house is the adversary’s house. What Bonatti has to say here is from the point of view of the querent or initiator of the action, that is, Bonatti describes the absolute signification of the seventh house. Bonatti - 9.30: And if there is a fortune or the aspect of one in the seventh house, it signifies that there will be machines with stones are projected, and these will be useful and well perform the purpose for which they will have been assigned. It also signifies benefit for the enemy. If there is a malefic or its aspect in that place, it signifies the bad quality of the aforesaid instruments, and that for the most part one will strive to do battle with cunning, deception, and treachery. It also signifies the vile nature of the enemy.89 It appears that what is good for the instruments of war may not entirely be in the interests of the querent or initiator. Next we come to the very important eighth house, important because of its signification of death. Bonatti - 9.31: If, however, there is a fortune in the eighth house, it signifies that few major blows [given] and little mortality [will] follow as a result of that battle, and that wounds will not be very serious, nor does much taking of prisoners result from it, and there will neither great defeats nor a rout. But if there is a malefic in that place, and especially if it is Saturn, and Saturn is retrograde, it signifies many major, dangerous blows, much killing, the taking of prisoners and destruction.90 This material is consistent with what has been presented in previous chapters about malefics in 88 Bonatti §VI.2.7.27, lines 42-47 from “Si fuerit in sexta…” to “…bellando et non bene assueta.” Bonatti §VI.2.7.27, lines 47-53 from “Si autem fuerit fortuna in septima…” to “…etiam vilitatem inimici.” 90 Bonatti §VI.2.7.27, lines 53-57 from “Si quidem fuerit fortuna…” to “…et captionem et confractionem.” 89 290 the eighth. The ninth house is relevant to the use of military astrology as a method of gaining intelligence. Bonatti - 9.32: If there is a fortune in the ninth house or the aspect of one, it signifies that the enemy is well situated and that he may have hope from rumors which he has [heard] and that these rumors may be useful to him. [It also signifies] that he may be a cunning man and that he may strive to deceive the querent if he can.91 Now we move on to the tenth house. Bonatti - 9.33: If there is a fortune in the tenth house, or the aspect of one, it signifies that the querent, or a senior officer or captain of the querent’s army is shrewd and learned in matters of such kinds as pertain to battle and [so are] others to whom is entrusted something of those matters which pertain to battle. But if there is a malefic in that place, it signifies that the querent, his principal commander or the senior officer of his army, and other leaders of the army to whom has been entrusted some aspect of the concerns of army, may be all, or for the greater part, men unsuited to such employments.92 In this house malefics do not appear to be very useful. Then comes the eleventh house. Bonatti - 9.34: But if there is a fortune in the eleventh, it signifies that the querent or leaders of the army are men of discernment who well know how to order their battle lines and lead them forth to battle, and that they will know how to go against enemies or adversaries properly, and how to do everything properly which pertains to these matters. But if there is a malefic or the aspect of one in this place, it signifies that leader of the army may be ignorant, undiscerning, and will not know how to order his lines of battle, nor how to lead them forth to battle, nor how to do those things which pertain to the leading of an army, even though he may be otherwise a man of good intention.93 The eleventh house is another house which has no use for malefics whether dignified or not. Then comes the twelfth and last house. Bonatti - 9.35: If there is a fortune in the twelfth house, it signifies that those who are in a city or in another country which is being besieged are well set up and suited for defending themselves, and that they are of one accord, properly strengthened, and seem to fear nothing. But if there is a malefic or the aspect of one in that place, it signifies that they are poorly set up, that they are not suitably prepared for defense, that they are not in accord with each other, and that they are timid and sorely afraid.94 91 Bonatti §VI.2.7.27, lines 58-61 from “Si autem fuerit fortuna in nona…” to “…decipere querentem si poterit.” Bonatti §VI.2.7.27, lines 61-67 from “Si autem fuerit in decima…” to “…sint inepti ad talia exercenda.” 93 Bonatti §VI.2.7.27, lines 67-73 from “Si vero fuerit in undecima…” to “…esse bone voluntatis.” 94 Bonatti §VI.2.7.27, lines 74-78 from “Si quidem fuerit in duodecima…” to “…quod sint timidi expaventes.” 92 291 There is an apparent contradiction here that Bonatti’s does resolve in §VI.2.7.29 which is the subject of the next chapter of this work. However, Bonatti does not end here. He has a final statement to make about the Head and Tail in the twelfth house. He concludes his entry on the twelfth house with the following. Bonatti - 9.36: Now you must not forget one particular thing which I have told you, because even though I have not found it in the sayings of the philosophers, yet I have found it proven by experience. One must always fear betrayal when Mars is in the twelfth house, and virtually the same thing can be said of the Dragon’s Tail.95 This last comment on the twelfth house appears to be a genuine innovation on Bonatti’s part which he clearly states is derived from experience.96 The last section of Bonatti’s chapter §VI.2.7.27 has to do with what happens if the significators of the two sides are in nearly the same condition of effectiveness. Bonatti - 9.37: But you should know this, that if you find the significators of the armies, namely, the lord of the first and the lord of the seventh equally strong and well disposed, or equally weak and badly disposed, then this signifies victory for the side of that one who begins the battle unless the combust hours97 mentioned previously should operate against this. If one significator is well disposed and the other badly, and the one whose significator is well-disposed initiates battle, he will obtain victory. But if the one whose significator is badly disposed initiates battle, he will succumb even if otherwise they are equally strong in all matters.98 Bonatti concludes by saying that the side whose significators are well-placed will defeat the side whose significators are not. The last shorter chapter §VI.2.7.28 – “Whether or Not There Will Be a Battle Between Armies,” deals with material already discussed at the beginning of §VI.2.7.21; the only thing 95 Bonatti §VI.2.7.27, lines 79-82 from “Nec obliviscaris unum…” to “…dici de Cauda.” The next part of the chapter is simply a summation once more of the principle of relative house analysis as described at the beginning of chapter §VI.2.7.27. We need not examine it again. 97 Hours during the lunar month that are unfavorable for taking action. See COMBUST HOURS in the Glossary. 98 Bonatti §VI.2.7.27, lines 94-100 from “Sed debes hoc scire…” to “…alias fuerint in omnibus equaliter fortes.” 96 292 that this chapter adds is an example chart, which I have placed in the appendix with a commentary in my “Introduction to Medieval Astrology.” Throughout the chapters of Bonatti’s work covered in this chapter we have seen examples at every turn of Bonatti’s working with the tradition; however, much of the material is not to be found anywhere in earlier authors. Some of it is derived simply by working out the implications of first principles. We have, for example, the passage on identifying the quality of a mediator from the exact mode of essential dignity possessed by that planet.99 The entirety of Bonatti’s chapter §VI.2.7.27 translated in the passages designated as 9.23 to 9.35 is a particularly good example of how Bonatti extends the tradition by the explicit and more complete working out of first principles augmented by his own experiences. Also some of his additions in these chapters appear to be genuine innovation with the tradition, for example, the east-west hemisphere emphasis of the passage 9.4.100 My purpose in pointing to all of these changes, amendments, expansions and innovations within the tradition made by Bonatti is not necessarily that these had a lasting influence upon the practice of military astrology. In most of the cases presented here the genuine innovations do not seem to have been passed along much like the lot calculation presented at the end of Chapter 7. Let me say again that the purpose of all of this is to show how astrology is changed by the actions of a practitioner, and that such changes can be used to indicate what an astrologer actually did in his practice. However, in the next chapter we will examine at length a fundamental alteration of the tradition whose consequences for astrological method can be traced down to the nineteenth century, a time when the medieval and early modern flowering of 99 See p. 271. See p. 268 100 293 astrology was long past. Yet even then the influence of his innovation remained. Chapter 10. The Astrology of Siege Craft. This chapter deals with Tractatus VI, chapter §VI.7.2.29, Bonatti’s final material on interrogations regarding war. I have devoted an entire chapter to the discussion of this one text for two reasons. First, his revision of the doctrine of the astrology of siege craft is important as it changes the assignments of the houses and significators, and second, there is little evidence of any of the previous work in this area having had much of an impact on Bonatti. Bonatti begins this chapter with the following statement. Bonatti - 10.1: Among astrologers the ancient ones did not give much attention to this matter, which astounds me because this issue is one which comes up very often, but perhaps it is possible that they did not give much attention to it because they considered it an easy matter, and reckoned that anyone should know how to do it, and for this reason they did not care to speak about it. Yet I will add something here for you.1 This statement seems strange because in fact there is a good deal of material on the astrology of siege craft prior to Bonatti, most of it in the Liber novem iudicum, the largest portion of which is from al-Kindī. Indeed, al-Kindī has more detail and substance on the subject of siege warfare than any other author, including Bonatti. One would expect that if al-Kindī were a major source for Bonatti on the subject of the astrology of siege craft, Bonatti would not have written such a statement and his material would closely resemble al-Kindī’s. As we shall see, it does not. Haly Abenragel also has much to say on the subject. However, despite the existence of this earlier material, Bonatti’s interjection is true, that he “will add something here…” His material on the astrology of siege craft departs significantly from all other authors on the subject, and does so primarily in the all-important area of assigning the houses to the principals in a siege and 1 Bonatti §VI.2.7.29, lines 2-6 from “Antiqui astrologorum non multum curaverunt…” to “…aliquid hic tibi subiungam.” 294 295 thereby the assigning the significators, the lords of those houses, as well. I would recall to the reader’s mind that the task of assigning the querent or the one initiating the action, and the quesited to the proper houses is the most critical part of analyzing a question or an election. So let us look at Bonatti’s to see what they had to say on the subject. The first passage is from the Liber novem iudicum and is attributed to Omar, Liber novem iudicum section §7.188. The chapter is entitled “On the Status of a Besieged City.” Omar - 10.1: With a city that is under siege it is mainly necessary to take note of the significator, to wit, the lord of the midheaven, and its sign, for Mars occupying that sign, strong, oriental, and in any of its dignities, [the attacker]2 enters the city by the sword with the consent of the citizens.3 The passage goes on to describe how various other conditions of Mars may affect the outcome for a besieged city. The passage does not state the negative, i.e., what would indicate that a city will not be or is not under siege, but it is implied that Mars’ not having anything to do with the sign of the lord of the midheaven would be such a sign. In this particular text Omar does not follow the normal logic of the astrology of warfare according to which one would look at the first house for the attacker and the seventh house for the opposition, i.e., the people in the city, or if the querent were from the city, the other way around. The emphasis in Omar’s text is on the tenth house and the sign of its lord. As we shall see, this is not completely unusual in astrological lore concerning sieges. In this area of inquiry the logic does not always seem to follow the usual pattern. In any matter, and in any kind of astrology, the fourth house is the place that signifies home, 2 The supplied noun, congressor, is explicitly indicated by the last sentence in this paragraph. The logic is as follows. The querent, who is presumably the attacker, is the first and the side being attacked is the seventh. The home of the side attacked is the fourth from the seventh, i.e. the tenth. This is again explicitly shown in the last sentence where the attackers’s own city is indicated by the fourth. 3 Omar, Liber novem iudicum §7.188, lines 2-5 from “Urbis equidem obsesse…” to “…gladio civium tamen assensu ingreditur.” 296 country, residence, and one’s land.4 Using the common principle of taking houses relative to other houses, the opponent’s home, country, residence and land or city, would be the tenth house. So Omar’s logic is consistent with the normal first house and seventh house polarity if one assumes that the question is taken from the point of view of an attacker. Following the same logic, if the question were taken from the point of view of an occupant of a besieged city, the city would be the fourth house. A difficulty with this passage as well as other passages on this subject, is that it is not entirely clear from whose point of view the question is taken. Is the querent an attacker, a defender, or some other third party who might have an interest in the matter? The next passage is also from the Liber novem iudicum section §7.189 and is again from Omar. The question is as follows: “Whether [a City] Is to Be Taken by Surrender or War.” Omar - 10.2: Furthermore, if there is an undecided question concerning a city which is to be taken by storm, if war is imminent, the ascendant, the Moon and their lords watch over the city.5 Here we have a different situation; the besieged city is assigned to the ascendant, the Moon and their lords. The question as to whom the querent or initiator of the action may be is not even raised. Here again the logic that we have seen previously would require that the querent or initiator is someone connected with the city, not the attacker. Omar does not clarify this point at all. Our next passage is again from the Liber novem iudicum section §7.198, “On Storming Castles” and is attributed to Dorotheus. This, as one can see immediately, is completely different from the above. See Introduction to Medieval Astrology on Houses beginning on p. 350. Omar, Liber novem iudicum section §7.189, lines 2-4 from “Amplius si de qualibet urbe…” to “…dominus urbem tueantur.” 4 5 297 Dorotheus - 10.1: If a question is presented about attacking any castle, strong angles6 preside over the besieged town. If malevolent stars enter into them, or stand within them, an entry [into the castle] by means of war is destined. Fortunate stars in the same position bring about peace. Likewise, if infortunes7 possess8 the angles, a surrender will be arranged with the assent of the citizens.9 Clearly the entire chart refers to the city, the angles being the most important part of a chart. No differentiation is made among the four angles as to which one signifies which party. From the point of view of any astrologer or scholar of the subject trying to find a consistent methodological approach this is no help. Al-Kindī weighs in here with a very clear and simple statement. This is from section §7.190 of the Liber novem iudicum entitled “On the Besieging of Cities.” al-Kindī - 10.1: For the question as to whether enemies may come who will besiege a city, consult the Ascendant.10 The fact that al-Kindī identifies enemies in this sentence as someone other than one asking the question makes it clear that the querent is someone from the city. Presumably, if it were an enemy, the question would be referred to the descendant. But this is not explicitly stated. Our next passage is from Haly Abenragel section §II.44, “On [the Matter] of Laying Siege to and Capturing Towns, and What their Conditions Will Be.” Haly Abenragel - 10.1: When a question is asked of you for any city or castle, whether or not it will be besieged, or if it will be besieged, whether it will be taken or not, and if it will be taken, whether [it will be] by peaceful means or violence, and if the citizens will be given assurances, and whether they will be firm in that security, or if afterwards betrayal 6 The Latin is cardines firmati. It does not appear that firmati has any reference to the fixed signs. It simply means ‘strong’. 7 ‘Infortune’ is a term of art in astrology that signifies a malefic planet. See BENEFIC AND MALEFIC PLANETS in the Glossary. The English word is commonly used in seventh-century English astrology and corresponds to the Latin infortunium. 8 possideant. Usually this means ‘occupy’ rather than ‘rule’, but that contingency has already been provided for. Therefore this time it must mean ‘rule’. 9 Dorotheus, Liber novem iudicum section §7.198, lines 2-6 from “Si de castro quolibet expugnando inquisicio detur…” to “…civium assensu fiet dedicio.” 10 al-Kindī, Liber novem iudicum §7.190, lines “Questioni utrum hostes urbem…” to “…ascendens consulit.” 298 will happen to them. If you know the ascendant of the city, and the place of the Sun in regard to the ascendant, and of the other planets, work according to this, and according to the firmness of the fortunes and infortunes in that figure, and their applications and movements. If you do not know this, and you know the nativity of their king, or the beginning when he gained rulership over that city, work according to this because if the significator of the king is damaged, the state of that city will be harmed and it will be taken. Also, if you do not know [any of these figures], compute the ascendant at the time of a question, and give the ascendant and the Moon to the city.11 Clearly Haly Abenragel prefers to answer such a question by means other than interrogations. He first asks for the chart of the city. This amounts to an application to a question of the method of nativities. However very few cities have now or had then a known nativity. Baghdad was a singular exception.12 Second, Haly asks for the nativity of the king or ruler or the date and time of either his coronation or beginning of his rule. Here again the apparatus of nativities could be employed. Finally if all else fails, one may ask a question and if so, then the ascendant and the Moon belong to the city. Here Haly resembles al-Kindī and follows the mainstream of such interrogations, assuming, of course once again that the querent is on the side of the city and not of the attacker. In the example from Haly which I discuss below, Haly does show that he understands this because in the chart of a besieged city which he discusses in his next chapter, the city is signified by the seventh house because the question is from the point of view of the attacker. Finally we turn to Zahel, Bonatti’s chief source. Here is all Zahel has to say in section §7.25. Zahel - 10.1: And the twelfth signifies the city and those who are besieged and captured in the city.13 This is imbedded in his general material on interrogations regarding warfare and has already 11 Haly Abenragel §II.44, lines 3-21 from “Quando a te quesitum fuerit…” to “…da ascendens et Lunam civitati.” 12 See p. 135. 13 Zahel §7.25, lines 28-29 “Et duodecimum significat civitatem et eos qui obsidentur et expugnantur in ea.” 299 been referred to in Chapter 9.14 This is the only mention of sieges in Zahel. This would explain Bonatti’s comment above regarding how little information was to be found about siege warfare in his predecessors if Zahel were his only source. I do not know whether or not this constitutes positive evidence that Bonatti was unaware of the Liber novem iudicum and its contents but it is suggestive. If this were true, then almost all of the differences between two would represent genuine originality in Bonatti in the places where he does not explicitly cite other sources. I am not prepared to go quite that far, however, because there are other places where Bonatti appears to have been influenced either by the Liber novem iudicum or some other unacknowledged source or sources of the Liber novem iudicum. As I show below, Bonatti clearly disagreed with Zahel on this matter, but went to some pains to show that it was more of an apparent disagreement than a substantial one. In what I have shown so far it is clear why Bonatti would be forced to come to his own conclusions, however much he may have studied his predecessors. Even if he knew about the older writings on the subject, his predecessors had not arrived at either consensus or clarity on this subject. This required Bonatti to examine both his experience and his understanding of first principles and to create his own method. Here again a compiler would not have done this. Let us now resume the discussion of Bonatti’s chapter on the astrology of siege, section §VI.7.29. Directly after the opening comment where he promises to show the reader something new Bonatti refers to an unknown source whom he cites twice in this section, once as Zodyal and later in the Ratdolt edition as Zodial.15 He states, “However, Zodyal [also] said something about this, the purpose of which I have not completely perceived.” Then he proceeds with the main 14 See p. 284. This divergence in spelling could of course be a copyist error at some point. I have used the ‘Zodyal’ spelling in both instances in the translation. 15 300 business at hand. I quote in full because not only is what he has to say completely different from any of the authors quoted above, but also because he is aware of that fact and explains his difference of opinion. Bonatti - 10.2: Whence if someone asks about a city or a castle which has been besieged, or is to be besieged, whether or not it may be captured by that siege, look at the first house which is the house of the querent, and the fourth house which signifies the besieged city or castle even though perhaps some moderns have said that the tenth house signifies the city. They were moved [to do so] for this reason, that the fourth house signifies the land of the querent by the same logic that the tenth house signifies the land of the enemy. In so doing they did not make any distinction between the land or inheritance of estates [on one hand], and a city or castle [on the other]. But it seems to me that we should give the fourth house to the city or castle because the fourth house signifies the inheritance, lands and houses of the querent; the tenth house signifies his honor and [there is] no honor greater than to rule16 [and] there is no disgrace greater than being deposed from one’s dominion. For this reason if the tenth house signifies the honor of the querent (which is signified more by a city or castle than by other kinds of wealth), it is necessary that the fourth house signify the honor of the enemy which is the opposite of the honor of the querent. So it seems that the fourth house signifies a city or castle of an enemy.17 Assigning the first house to the querent is perfectly reasonable and consistent with tradition: however, as we see below, this is because Bonatti takes the point of view of an attacker as querent, not someone concerned with or from the besieged city. Then he assigns the besieged city or castle to the fourth house. This is completely at odds with the tradition. None of the other authors have done this. He then refers to “some moderns18 who have said that the tenth house signifies the city.” The only source for this I have found is Omar in Liber novem iudicum §7.188 cited above. He argues that this view is incorrect because the possession of a city or castle concerns something beyond one’s property or real estate such as a home or a farm might be. Being the ruler of a city or castle is an honor, one which in the European middle ages determined 16 The logic here is that a siege is not about the possession of lands or a city but about the possession of rulership over these. 17 Bonatti §VI.2.7.29, lines 7-20 from “Unde si fuerit facta tibi questio…” to “…civitatem vel castrum inimici.” 18 Whom he does not specify. 301 one’s social status. As we have it in Zahel, the tenth house “…signifies the king and kingship, elevation in rank and command, glory…” The possession of a city or castle gave these to a medieval noble or monarch; the loss of a city or a castle threatened social rank. Therefore, since the querent was signified by the first house, the querent’s rank or status by the tenth house, and the enemy by the seventh house, the rank or status of the enemy would be signified by the fourth house! It is not clear that such elaborate reasoning could have been arrived at only by the logic of astrology. It looks much the like the kind of post facto reasoning that might have followed upon actual experience in the course of sieges. In other words, at some point, I conjecture, Bonatti may have found that the only way he could make sense out of what happened in a prior interrogation on a siege was to adopt this reasoning. As mentioned in Chapter 519 we know that Bonatti was personally involved in sieges at Forlì and Lucca, and in his career with Ezzelino da Romano it is likely that he was involved in others. Bonatti uses the siege at Lucca later in this chapter as a case study. Below I compare Bonatti’s analysis of that chart to one that Haly Abenragel gives in his work. In any case Bonatti concludes that in a siege, if the attacker asks the question, the city or castle under siege is signified by the fourth house. Before that, however, he seems to have felt a desire not to be seen to be seen contradicting Zahel. Bonatti - 10.3: You should not believe this to be the contrary of that which Zahel himself says, for he seems to wish to say that the twelfth house signifies the besieged city or castle. But his intention was [to speak] in regard to a city against which there is an army, with no siege involving a pitched camp around it [the city], but [rather] the city is entered by enemy forces [coming] violently into its area of control and [he spoke] in regard to the 19 In the section entitled, “Guido Bonatti’s Life and Its Relationship to the Astrology of Warfare” beginning on p. 147. 302 defenders of the city or castle itself [not the city as such, itself].20 This rationalization is plausible given the fact that this statement by Zahel was the only reference to a siege in his writings on interrogation and even in this instance sieges were not the topic under discussion. The twelfth house does in fact refer to imprisonment both literally or metaphorically.21 Then Bonatti gets to the issue of telling from the chart whether the city or castle will fall, using the first house and its lord, and the fourth house and its lord for the significators of the attacker or querent and the city respectively. Bonatti - 10.4: Wherefore, if you find the lord of the first strong and fortunate or you find it joined with the lord of the fourth house in the first house, or with the Moon, or in the tenth house, or even in the eleventh house or in any other place which is not unfortunate (as would be the twelfth, eighth, or sixth houses), such that the lord of the first receives the lord of the fourth, or even if the Moon receives the lord of the fourth (even if the Lord of the fourth does not receive it), this signifies the winning of the city and its being taken.22 Aside from his use of the first and fourth houses and their lords for the querent and besieged city or castle respectively, all of this is the normal treatment of significators. Just as in wars and lawsuits, it is bad for the ruler of one side to be in the house of the other side. Here, if the lord of the fourth (rather than the usual lord of the seventh) were in the first, it would be bad for the besieged city or castle (the quesited). It is also helpful in the usual manner of significators if the querent’s significator is in a good house rather than a difficult one and also if, while in that place, it receives the lord of the fourth. 20 Bonatti §VI.2.7.29, lines 21-25 from “Nec tamen credas hoc contrarium…” to “…seu castri defensoribus.” In other words, Bonatti argues that Zahel did not refer to the medieval style of lengthy siege but rather to the sudden overwhelming of a city occurring without a siege. 21 “Duodecima domus est cadens ab ascendente nec aspicit eum. Significat inimicos … carceres ac bestias.” “The twelfth house is cadent from the ascendant and does not aspect it. It signifies enemies, … prisons, and beasts.” Zahel, Omnibus ed. of 1493, fol. 123r. 22 Bonatti §VI.2.7.29, lines 25-29 from “Unde si tu inveneris dominum…” to “…significat adeptionem civitatis et eius captionem.” 303 Bonatti - 10.5: It is likewise if the lord of the fourth house is located in evil places which do not aspect its own house (except, if you will, if the lord of the seventh house is in the fourth because then it signifies that city will be held [against the siege]). If the lord of the fourth is with infortunes and impeded, it likewise signifies the capture of the city or castle. Also, if there are infortunes in the fourth house without any of the fortunes, or without the praiseworthy aspect of one, it signifies the capture of the city or castle. You should say the same thing if the Tail of Dragon is in the fourth because it signifies loss and evacuation.23 Here Bonatti continues with indications that the city would fall. There is nothing here that is especially unusual once one substitutes the ruler of the fourth for the ruler of the seventh to stand for the quesited. However, there is one consideration which Bonatti reiterates here, that proves to be decisive in the matter of the chart of a besieged castle. It is in the first sentence of the above paragraph where he refers to the lord of the fourth not aspecting the fourth house. It is always difficult, according to Bonatti, if the lord of a house does not make an aspect to its own house. Bonatti - 10.6: But if none of the things that I have described to you are present, see whether the lord of the fourth house is in the fourth strong or fortunate, such that it is not retrograde, not combust, and not besieged by infortunes, or [see] whether the lord of the seventh house is in the fourth free from malefics and other impediments, or [see] whether Jupiter, Venus, the Sun, or the Dragon’s Head is in the fourth and the lord of the first house does not receive the lord of the fourth nor does the lord of the first impede it. This signifies that the castle or city will not be captured by [the besieging] army, especially if the lord of the first is impeded while not having dignity in its place, even if one of the infortunes is in the fourth, so long as there is a fortune present in the house which comes to the cusp of the angle of the fourth house before the infortune [and] especially if the lord of the first house is weak as I have described.24 Now we have indications that should be present if the city is not to fall. Again most of these are not very unusual given the substitution of the fourth house lord for the seventh house lord. However, I have put in italics the portions that are of special interest, not so much for their originality, but either for the way they elucidate the logic of Bonatti’s method or for their 23 Bonatti §VI.2.7.29, lines 29-34 from “Similiter si fuerit dominus quarte…” to “…amissionem et evacuationem.” 24 Bonatti §VI.2.7.29, lines 35-43 from “Si autem non fuerit aliquid…” to “…dominus prime fuerit debilis sicut dixi.” 304 relevance to the sample chart which he gives near the end of this chapter. The first of these passages is a reference to the seventh house lord. If that lord is in the fourth house, it is a good indication. The logic behind this is that the seventh house and its lord are still, even for Bonatti, the indicators of the enemy, just not the castle or city. If the lord of the seventh is in the fourth it strengthens the possession of the city or castle (fourth house) by the enemy (seventh house). Also note the mention of the presence of the Dragon’s Head in the fourth as a sign that the city will not fall, and the passage that allows a malefic to be in the fourth house as long as there is a benefic “which comes to the cusp” before the malefic, which simply means that the benefic is closer to the cusp. The reference here is to the clockwise rotation of the diurnal motion (primum mobile), not the movement of the planets in the zodiac. Bonatti continues: Bonatti - 10.7: However, if there is a fortune in that fourth house, and the lord of the first is strong and fortunate, and itself aspects the fourth, or the Moon does so, this signifies the taking of the city or castle. If, however, the lord of the first does not aspect [the fourth] or is impeded, it signifies that the side of the querent, because of ineptitude or lack of vigor,25 will stand off from doing those things by which besieged castles are taken. So from the attackers’ negligence and ineptitude the castle which was besieged will remain [untaken] when it could have been taken.26 The interesting passage here is what happens if the lord of the first does not aspect the fourth house. We will see that it does so in the case of the example chart but it does no good for the querent in this case for reasons I explain below. Returning to Zodyal,27 whoever he may have been, his method of assigning the significators is one we have already seen. Bonatti - 10.8: But Zodyal has said that the Ascendant and its lord must be examined for the querent, but the seventh house and its lord for the city or castle. He also said that 25 26 vilitatem et pigriciam. Bonatti §VI.2.7.29, lines 43-48 from “Si vero fuerit ibi aliqua fortuna…” to “…castrum obsessum cum posset capi.” 27 Spelled Zodial here. 305 whichever of these is badly disposed, retrograde, or in its fall [the side signified] by that significator will be overcome. If the lord of the Ascendant enters the seventh house and the lord of the seventh house gives power to it,28 the city or castle will be taken. If the angles are joined to both fortunate and unfortunate planets, good judgments will come to both sides, namely, [both] to the city and to the attacking side. Also, one must always consider the Moon whether she is fortunate or unfortunate. If she is on the rising side [of the figure] in the tenth house to the beginning of the fourth, the good judgment will come for the querent, if in the other half [of the figure] the good judgement will come for the city.29 The use of the ascendant and the Moon is found in Omar, passage Liber novem iudicum §7.189, and Haly Abenragel, passage §II.44, and the ascendant is also referred to (without mention of the Moon) in al-Kindī, Liber novem iudicum passage §7.190, all cited above. I have not found the matter of the effect of the Moon in the rising or setting half of the chart which Bonatti refers to anywhere but here.30 This may be a peculiarity of Zodyal’s method. Finally, we come to the chart [Fig. 2] given as the example referred to above. It is a chart that Bonatti erected for a question Fig. 2 – An Example of a Siege Question 28 The phrase is dat ei vim. It is not clear what this means in this context especially since generally a significator in the house of the other side is a bad indication for that significator’s side. 29 Bonatti §VI.2.7.29, lines 48-56 from “Zodial vero dixit Ascendens…” to “…reliquo medio, suffragia venient urbi.” 30 Note the similarity to material mentioned in the previous chapter regarding which side will win the war. 306 involving a siege.31 This is the second of two charts related to the battle between Count Guido Novello and the Lucchesi. Bonatti’s account begins thus: Bonatti - 10.9: This is an example. When the aforementioned count was in a siege of a certain castle of the county of Lucca, he asked whether he was going to take it.32 In Bonatti’s text a listing of the planets and houses, house by house followed this chart. Fig. 2 is redrawn for readability using Bonatti’s positions from the original figure in the Ratdolt edition. In the following table I list the positions as given by Bonatti and as contained in the chart. The Houses. Asc. 2` Sagittarius 4th 20` Pisces Des. 2` Gemini 10th 20` Pisces (c), 2nd 7` (n), 5th 14` (d), 8th 7` (n) 11th 14` Capricorn (v), 3rd 10` Aries (a), 6th 11` Cancer (f), 9th 10` Libra (z) 12th 11` Aquarius Taurus Leo Scorpio (b) (s) (g) (x) The Planets. Moon Mercury Venus Sun Mars (w) (e) (r) (q) (t) 11` Aries 6` Scorpio 23` Libra 23` Libra 2` Libra (a) (x) (z) (z) (z) Jupiter Saturn Caput Cauda Fortuna (y) (u) (l) (L) (^) 16` 9` 2` 2` 18` Capricorn (v) Aries (a) Aries (a) Libra (z) Gemini (d) After listing the positions Bonatti continues: Bonatti - 10.10: Therefore, Jupiter which was in the 16th degree of Capricorn aspecting the fourth house signified the taking of the castle, especially because Jupiter was itself the lord of the first and also was the lord of the fourth house, and with one and the same planet being the lord of the first and fourth, it seemed that the castle ought to be had by means of an agreement provided that those things which had to be done for the taking of 31 The modern positions were computed with the program Solar Fire v.7.0. This program employs calculation routines developed in Switzerland based on Jet Propulsion Laboratory computations. While no planetary calculation routines can be considered completely precise this far back before modern times, the positions given by Solar Fire are certainly accurate within a few minutes of arc and are considerably more accurate than anything available to medieval astrologers. Using this software the best fit for this date is for approximately 9:35 AM Local Mean Time, October 11 1261 for Lucca Italy. Because this chart is for Bonatti’s own time and presumably erected by Bonatti himself, there is no problem with the zodiac in use. See the appendix to this chapter for the zodiac problem in dating the chart presented by Haly Abenragel later in this chapter. 32 Bonatti §VI.2.7.29, lines 56-57 from “Cuius rei exemplum…” to “…si esset occupaturus illud.” 307 the city were done first.33 Sagittarius (c) 2E was rising, a sign ruled by Jupiter (y). Therefore Jupiter is the significator for the querent. The fourth house cusp was Pisces (n) 20E. Jupiter is also the ruler of that sign. Jupiter was located in 16E of Capricorn (v). It is to the benefit of the querent that the ruler of the first is in a non-malevolent house which aspects the fourth (“in any other place which is not unfortunate, as would be the twelfth, eighth, or sixth houses”). Although Jupiter is a fortunate planet, there is a problem as it is also the ruler of the fourth, which signifies the besieged city, the quesited. This should also be good for the besieged city. How can one planet benefit both the querent and the quesited? One way would be for the matter to be resolved by peaceful agreement. Having the same ruler for both signs apparently has an effect similar to having the significators for both sides in an aspect to each other.34 It is a potential indicator of peace. However, Bonatti adds the qualifying remark, “provided that those things which had to be done for the taking of the city were done first.” The querent’s army could not get any results without exerting itself. Nonetheless, there were other indications that the querent’s cause was in good condition. Bonatti - 10.11: Also, the Moon which was in Taurus in her own exaltation signifies the honor [of victory] for the side of the querent. Mercury, also, which was near the twelfth house but not yet completely going forth away from it,35 signifies the weakness of the enemies of the querent…36 Recall that in Bonatti’s explanation the Moon doubles as a representative of the querent and the 33 Bonatti §VI.2.7.29, lines 67-71 from “Significavit itaque Iupiter…” to “…facienda erant ad capturam eius.” “[Aspectual connection between] signs in the ecliptic is true for every two signs that are the domiciles of one planet, such as Aries and Scorpio [that belong] to Mars, Taurus and Libra [that belong] to Venus, Gemini and Virgo [that belong] to Mercury, Sagittarius and Pisces [that belong] to Jupiter, Capricorn and Aquarius [that belong] to Saturn.” Ibn Ezra, Beginning of Wisdom, 83. Similar references may be found in Abu Ma‘shar and Alcabitius. 35 A planet this close to a house boundary or cusps was believed to be still affecting the house to whose cusp it is still close. 36 Bonatti §VI.2.7.29, lines 71-73 from “Et Luna que erat in Tauro…” to “…significat debilitatem inimicorum querentis…” 34 308 Moon was moving toward the trine (120E) of Jupiter from Taurus to Capricorn. Also Mercury (e) at 6E Scorpio (x) was near the cusp of the twelfth house at 11E of the same sign. This was close enough to still have a twelfth house connection.37 Remember that in Bonatti’s reasoning, the fourth house signified the besieged city or castle because possessing it was the source of the honor of the enemy (tenth house from the seventh) and that the enemy is indeed signified by the seventh house. With Sagittarius (c) rising, Gemini (d) signified the enemy, and Gemini is ruled by Mercury. Therefore, the ruler of the enemy having an association with an “evil” house puts the enemy at a disadvantage. But there are problems with this otherwise excellent situation (for the querent). Bonatti - 10.12: …however, even though Jupiter seemed to signify the taking of the castle, because he was in his own fall aspecting the fourth and not the first, and though the Moon was in her exaltation, nevertheless, she was in the sixth house in a house cadent from an angle and from the Ascendant,38… The first problem is that Jupiter, ruling both querent and quesited, was in its fall, Capricorn (v) being the fall of Jupiter (-4 fortitudes),39 and not very effective. Second, Jupiter in Capricorn makes a sextile (60E) to Pisces, the sign of the fourth house but does not make one to the rising sign, Sagittarius.40 Third, the Moon, while dignified in Taurus (+4 fortitudes), was also in the sixth house from the ascendant which is cadent to both the seventh house and the first. So whatever value the Moon had from its position in Taurus was not of use to the querent’s efforts. Bonatti continued as follows: 37 Compare to Bonatti’s discussion of planets near cusps in connection with an annual revolution for Frederick II. See p. 149. 38 Bonatti §VI.2.7.29, lines 74-76 from “…sed, licet Iupiter videtur significare captionem castri…” to “…ab angulo et ab Ascendente,…” The sixth house, like the twelfth, does not aspect the Ascendant and is therefore especially difficult. 39 See FALL and DIGNITIES in the Glossary. 40 Signs do not aspect the signs to either side of them, nor to the two signs opposite to those adjacent signs. See Introduction to Medieval Astrology p. 360. 309 Bonatti - 10.13: …this signified that so great was the ineptitude, lack of vigor, slowness, and weakness of those men, they did not persist in accomplishing the tasks requisite and necessary for the city to be taken. For that reason the city was not taken when it should have been, because although the Dragon’s Head was in the fourth house, yet Saturn was there near to it such that he was placed at the entrance to the fourth house.41 There is something here which Bonatti does not explain clearly. We have seen elsewhere that the second house signifies the querent’s or initiator’s troops and those who otherwise give him aid. We have Jupiter in the second which is good, but it is in its fall which is not good. It is a sign of the inferior condition of the troops. The ruler of the second house is Saturn at 9E of Aries (a). Saturn is also in its fall which means that both the planet which is in the second house and the planet which rules the second the house (the significator of the troops) are in fall. This is why he saw the danger of incompetent troops. He adds the Dragon’s Head (l) is in the fourth at 2E Aries (a) (which as a benefic should have helped the defenders of the castle) but that Saturn is nearby, very near to the cusp of the fifth house (14E Aries) at what seems to be the end of the fourth. I say “end of the fourth” but in fact the motion of the primum mobile42 is such that Saturn actually was moved from the fifth into the fourth by the clockwise motion of that sphere. Hence the weak Saturn actually was “at the entrance to the fourth house.” So the troops signified by the two weakened planets were likely to remain inactive just outside the city (the fourth house) near its entrance. Bonatti concludes as follows: 41 Bonatti §VI.2.7.29, lines 76-80 from “…significavit hoc quod tanta esset vilitas…” to “…ad introitum quarte domus.” 42 The apparent rotation of the heavens (actually the earth) in a twenty-four hour period. The planets are carried by the primum mobile in a clockwise motion opposite to the order of the houses as numbered. It may seem strange that the houses are numbered in an order contrary to the way the planets actually are moved through them. Here is the reason for this apparent inconsistency. Originally the houses were in fact the signs of the zodiac counted from the rising sign. The rising sign at any given time will be the first sign to completely rise starting at the moment for which a chart is erected. The second house and sign is the next sign that will pass over the eastern horizon, then the third house or sign etc. In other words the houses are numbered in the order in which they rise not in the order in which the planets are carried through them. See Robert Hand, “Signs as Houses (Places) in Ancient Astrology,” Culture and Cosmos 11, no. 1 and 2 (Autumn/Winter 2007): 135-162. 310 Bonatti - 10.14: For these reasons I gave a conditional response to the count. I said to him that so great did the unworthiness of the men seem to me that the castle would stand rather than be taken. In the end the men were so unworthy and weak so that in no way did they complete any of those tasks which they were doing in order to take the castle. So the castle remained virtually unharmed and the army was taken away from the field. Yet had they stayed arrayed for battle they could have well been able to attack the castle if they had wished to do the tasks that needed to be done in such situations. Finally, before they left from the field they consulted me concerning the weather and I found that from the day of the question up to three days later the weather was due for a great change, and so it was that they were happy when they turned back [to go] home for it happened that for the first time in four months it did not rain.43 This case from Bonatti is a brilliant example of the way in which medieval astrology was supposed to work. The situation on the ground and the arrangement of the planets in the heavens were supposed to be in as near a perfect parallel to each other as the mind of the astrological interpreter could see it. For those who might understandably be skeptical of the ability of medieval astrology and astrologers to do this kind of thing, this is not intended to be an example of how well astrology actually did work but rather an illustration of how it was intended to work. More important for the issues of this chapter, however, is this: If Bonatti had not assigned the fourth house and its rulers to the castle under siege, he would not have been able to derive this interpretation. If he had used the seventh and its lord for the city, then we would have had Mercury as the sole significator of the enemy who controlled the city while Jupiter would have remained the significator of the querent. Of those two Jupiter is a superior planet while Mercury is an inferior planet. Jupiter, though in fall, was in the second house which is better than the twelfth with which Mercury which was still connected. With this arrangement of significators, the querent should have been able to take the city, although probably not easily. The very best that could be said is that had Bonatti followed the methods of his predecessors, he either would 43 Bonatti §VI.2.7.29, lines 80-89 from “Unde respondi ei…” to “…quod non pluerat.” 311 not have been able to make a judgement at all or would have made the wrong one. This is a superb example of Bonatti basing his astrology on his own, real experience and method rather than slavishly following his predecessors. A Siege Chart from Haly Abenragel. In this section I present an analysis of another example of a siege chart by way of showing the contrast with Bonatti. This is from Haly Abenragel who followed methods more closely allied with previous astrologers as shown earlier in this chapter. I present this analysis not only to demonstrate how an alternate method might have worked but also to show, for reasons that I will reveal below, how the very example that Haly uses suggests that, unlike Bonatti, Haly was a compiler (at least in this area of astrology) not a practitioner. Earlier in this chapter I quoted Haly Abenragel in passage §II.44 as having stated that if you do not have the chart of the city, or of its ruler then, “compute the ascendant at the time of a question, and give the ascendant and the Moon to the city.” Presumably the attacker would then be assigned to the seventh house and its lord. Then in §II.45 he gives a chart as an example. The positions are given as follows: Jupiter (y) Saturn (u) Mars (t) Moon (w) Sun (q) Venus (r) Mercury (e) Ascendant Leo Sagittarius Libra Cancer Leo Virgo Leo Aquarius 29E g 22E c Retrograde m44 21E z 9E f 16E g 15E h 3E g 5E b45 I have added the astrological characters for the signs which were not given in the Latin text. 44 45 That Saturn is retrograde is implied in the commentary. It is not indicated in the list. All of the positions here except the ascendant are given in tabular form at the beginning of the chapter. 312 Haly begins his commentary on the text as follows: Haly Abenragel -10.2: The ascendant was five degrees of Aquarius. The places of the planets were as they appear here.46 Before I get to the particulars of his chart analysis I wish to point out the prominent use of the first person in the text [in italics]. Haly Abenragel -10.3: Therefore, the ascendant and its lord, and also the planet from which the Moon [would have] separated I gave to the enemy…47 Haly Abenragel - 10.4: …the Moon in this matter had not separated from any planet48 because of which we did not mention her in this judgement.49 As presented it appears that this is an example drawn directly from his own experience. Also, note that he gives the ascendant and the Moon to the attacker here, not to the city as he states in the previous chapter.50 However, there is a problem. Using modern software, I searched to find dates in which these positions or something close to them would have occurred.51 The program returned a span between July 28 and August 28, 782 C.E. As stated in Chapter 5, Haly died no earlier than 1040 C.E. If I have dated the chart correctly then Haly could not possibly be the original source of the chart. He clearly derived it from an earlier source which he does not acknowledge.52 There is also another more significant clue that the chart does not date from his own time. In the siege chart that I have just shown, Bonatti not only gives all of the planetary positions and the ascendant, he also gives the midheaven and the other house cusps. From his listing one 46 Haly Abenragel §II.45, lines 11-12 “Fuit Ascendens Aquarius quinque gradus.” Haly Abenragel §II.45, lines 13-14 “Ascendens igitur et eius dominum ac planetam a quo separatur Luna dedi inimico…” 48 Because the Moon was near the beginning of the sign. 49 Haly Abenragel §II.45, lines 20-22 from “…Luna in hoc…” to “…non nominavimus eam in hoc iudicio.” 50 Haly Abenragel §II.44, lines 19-20 “Et si hoc etiam nesciveris, apta ascendens hora interrogationis, et da ascendens et Lunam civitati.” 51 See below and the appendix to this chapter for the particulars of the search. 52 Given that plagiarism as we know it was not an issue for medieval authors, this is not surprising. 47 313 could easily reproduce the entire chart even if it had not already been reproduced in the printed edition. This chart from Haly, by contrast, gives the ascendant but no midheaven nor any of the other house cusps. This is remarkable in that by the eleventh century it had become common practice to use the house system that North refers to as the “standard system.”53 Charts surviving in the works of astrologers contemporaneous with my tentative date of 782 C.E. very commonly used the signs as houses.54 These include Zahel, Omar, Masha’allah and Abu ‘Ali al-Khayyat.55 But by Haly’s time it is unlikely that he would have used the older system if he had actually been the astrologer who erected the chart. Further narrowing down the date I came to August 10 782 C.E. at about 6:15 in the evening Local Mean Time.56 The particulars of how this date was arrived at are given in an appendix to this chapter, along with the comparison of Haly’s reported positions with modern calculations for the date in question. As it turns out the positions given by Haly are quite accurate but not in the standard zodiac in use in Haly’s day.57 The next pair of illustrations (Figs. 3 and 4) shows two versions of Haly’s chart and positions. The first is the chart using the signs as houses, the other using the standard system assuming Tunis as a location.58 In each chart the houses are numbered with roman numerals with the rising sign or house in the middle left triangle. 53 See Chap. 2, p. 16, n. 39. Again see Hand, “Signs as Houses (Places) in Ancient Astrology,” cited earlier in this chapter. 55 Bonatti early in Tractatus VI gives a chart from Zahel (with attribution) where the original chart as given by Zahel was clearly one that used the signs as houses or places, but Bonatti not realizing this, attempts to reframe the chart in terms of the “standard” house system. The result is a definite distortion of Zahel’s original interpretation. 56 For a discussion of Local Mean Time versus Apparent Solar Time see Glossary under HOUR. 57 See the appendix to this chapter for a discussion of the zodiac problem. 58 Changing the location would have some affect on the degrees of the other house cusps and the midheaven but not enough to vitiate the dating and approximate time. 54 314 Fig. 3 – Haly’s Chart with “Standard System” Houses. Fig. 4 – Haly’s Chart with Signs as Houses. Only two planetary house placements are affected by changing the house system. The Moon (w) changes from the sixth house in the Sign System to the fifth in the Standard System and Mercury changes from the seventh house in the Sign System to the sixth in the Standard System, although if one used Bonatti’s criteria, Mercury is so close to the Standard seventh house cusp that one could regard Mercury as a seventh house planet in both systems. Since Haly is completely silent about house system issues, at least here, we have no idea what he might have done. Now let us return to the commentary. Haly Abenragel - 10.5: Therefore, the ascendant and its lord, and also the planet from which the Moon [would have] separated I gave to the enemy who went to the besieged city because the initiative for [asking the] the question was made by him. The seventh and its lord and also the planet to which the Moon applied [I would have given] to the city.59 Giving the ascendant and its lord to the querent would be standard procedure. However, this would be only standard procedure if the querent were the attacker or an agent of the attacker. 59 Haly Abenragel §II.45, lines 13-18 from “Ascendens igitur et eius dominum…” to “…cui applicat Luna civitati.” 315 The same also applies to his assignment of the planet from which the Moon had separated to the querent or attacker. We have seen this before. Similarly the assignment of the seventh house and its lord as well as the planet to which the Moon is applying to the city, i.e., the querent’s opponent, is also common practice although not so common in siege warfare as in conflicts on the battlefield. Haly Abenragel - 10.6: The Sun was the lord of the seventh in an angle and in his own domicile applying to Saturn the lord of the ascendant and the Moon in this matter had not separated from any planet because of which we did not mention her in this judgement.60 Aquarius is rising in the chart, therefore Leo, the domicile of the Sun, is setting. The Sun in Leo indicates the strength of the Sun as a significator, a fact which Haly notes below. Here, however, he explains why the Moon is not a factor in his judgement. Following Zahel, Haly does not use the Moon because the Moon is early in its sign and therefore not separating from one planet and applying to another within the same sign; in other words the Moon is applying but not separating. Therefore it should not be used. In what follows I have inserted material in square brackets that will, I am hopeful, make what comes next easier to follow. Haly Abenragel - 10.7: Because the lord of the seventh [the Sun] goes to the lord of the ascendant [Saturn] by trine [four signs, or 120E], which is an aspect of friendship, it is already something of a signification that peace will come to pass between the two sides, and that the people of the city will take the initiative to seek for and request the peace. [This is so] because the Sun is in the angle of the seventh going toward Saturn and applying to him.61 We have seen before that an application by trine or sextile between the significators of the two sides is an indication that the two sides would come to peace.62 Also our sources, including Haly, 60 Haly Abenragel §II.45, lines 18-23 from “Et fuit Sol dominus septime…” to “…quod non nominavimus eam in hoc iudicio.” 61 Haly Abenragel §II.45, lines 23-28 from “ Et quia dominus septime vadit…” to “…ad Saturnum et applicans ei.” 62 See Chap. 8, p. 243. 316 indicate that the more inferior (as in superior and inferior planets) of the two significators has to make the application63 astrologically speaking and, therefore, the side signified by the faster planet takes the initiative in making peace. Now Haly indicates why the querent or attacker actually has very little leverage in this situation. Saturn, the ruler of Aquarius and the significator of the querent or attacker, is retrograde. Haly does not say this directly as we shall see. Haly Abenragel - 10.8: I say likewise that the impediment the side which initiates the conflict will have, will be on account of his own bad planning because the lord of the ascendant is unfortunate, either combust or retrograde. [On the other hand] if the lord of the seventh has this condition, the querent will have success and the one who begins [the action] will be victorious.64 Haly says that the lord of the ascendant is unfortunate because it is either “combust or retrograde” almost as if he does not know which. However, Saturn cannot be combust because it is too far away from the Sun. Saturn is retrograde whenever it is more than approximately 98E degrees from the Sun in either direction. This is the case here as the Sun is more than 120E from Saturn although moving towards it.65 Haly then concludes this chapter and his section of interrogations involving warfare.66 Astrologers generally felt free to use examples from other astrologers’ writings. We have examples up into the early modern period; they are too numerous to mention. However, astrologers typically did not do this is if they had personal experience of the matter under 63 Faster planets always apply to slower planets assuming both are direct. Haly Abenragel §II.45, lines 28-33 from “Dico similiter quod…” to “…querens prosperitatem habebit et vincet incipiens.” 65 In 782 C.E. Saturn ceased its retrograde motion and went direct on about August 29. 66 The concluding passage of this section (not relevant to our discussion here reads: “It is also bad for a king or a combatant moving out for the sake of going to a battle, if the lord of the ascendant is in the eighth, or for anyone else making a journey even if the is a merchant. Also I say that the east is of Saturn, the west is of Mars, the south of Venus, and the north of Jupiter. Also, [I say] that it is evil and horrible if the Sun is in the ascendant, or joined to the lord of the seventh unless the ascendant is Aries.” 64 317 discussion. For example, William Lilly, the noted seventeenth-century English astrologer, practiced the kinds of astrology that he describes in Christian Astrology. Out of scores of charts there is not a single chart in that work which did not arise from his own practice. By contrast, Johannes Schoener, who wrote about a century before Lilly, made his entire work, De iudiciis nativitatum libri tres, revolve around the study of one nativity, the nativity of the emperor Maximilian of Hapsburg, complete with an error in the computation of Mercury which he appears to have derived from a work by Luca Gaurico.67 Bonatti, however, was like Lilly in this respect,68 except that he does not have anything like the number of examples that Lilly provides. In general it was not the custom in the middle ages to include many examples of chart analyses in texts. Bonatti’s Influence on Later Astrologers and a Modern Example of Bonatti’s Influence on The Astrology of Siege Craft. So there is a question: did Bonatti’s change of method in siege craft have a lasting influence? Remember that Bonatti departed completely from all previous astrologers in assigning a besieged city, castle, or fort to the fourth house. Unless an earlier source than Bonatti is found that followed that same practice, we can safely say that any astrologer after Bonatti who followed that same practice learned from Bonatti. One such astrologer is the seventeenth-century English astrologer, William Lilly, who was, like Bonatti a practicing astrologer who went even beyond him in giving examples from his own practice, and like Bonatti was perfectly willing to 67 Johannes Schoener, De iudiciis. For Gaurico’s version see Luca Gauricus, Tractatus astrologicus: in quo agitur de praeteritis multorum hominum accidentibus per proprias eorum genituras ad unguem examinatis (Venice: Curius Troianus Navo, 1552), fol. 50v. 68 It is clear that Schoener was perfectly capable of erecting a chart but it does not seem that he was a practicing astrologer. 318 make modifications in the material he inherited from his predecessors including Bonatti.69 However, in his introduction to the astrology of siege craft he has the following: The ascendant and his Lord are for the querent, and those that doe or shall besiege; the fourth house shall signifie the Towne, City or Fort besieged, or to be besieged, the Lord thereof the Governour; the fift house, Planets therein, and his Lord, the Ammunition, Souldiery and Assistants [that the] the Governour and Towne may expect to relive or assist them.70 Here we find exactly the same system as in Bonatti. However, Bonatti’s influence does not end with Lilly. Before concluding this chapter, I present an astrological chart from a yet more recent time to make a point about Bonatti’s revision of the traditional method of assigning the houses in the chart of a siege, whether an interrogation or an inception. The purpose of this is to show that Bonatti’s methodological change had a lasting impact. The following example is from a chart presented in a nineteenth-century textbook by Richard James Morrison (1795-1874) on interrogations based on Lilly’s earlier work.71 Morrison’s work consisted of a reworking of Lilly’s rules and methods of interpreting interrogations. He “reworked” Lilly because it had happened since Lilly’s time, in fact very shortly after his time, that changes occurred in the 69 This is not the place to do a point by point comparison of Bonatti and Lilly in general, but a quick perusal in almost any area of interrogations shows that Bonatti was a powerful influence on Lilly. However, in general Lilly moved in the direction of simplifying Bonatti’s methods in practice. The following passage from Lilly’s autobiography reveals both his willingness to modify his predecessors and the extent of his daily practice. When I came to frame the second part thereof, [Christian Astrology] having formerly collected out of many manuscripts, and exchanged rules with the most able professors I had acquaintance with, in transcribing those papers for impression, I found, upon a strict inquisition, those rules were, for the most part, defective; so that once more I had now a difficult labour to correct their deficiency, to new rectify them according to art; and lastly, considering the multiplicity of daily questions propounded unto me, it was as hard a labour as might be to transcribe the papers themselves with my own hand. See William Lilly, William Lilly's History of His Life and Time from the Year 1602, to 1681, 2nd ed. (London: J. Roberts, 1715), 56. 70 Lilly, Christian Astrology, 379. 71 A biography of Morrison is contained in the following work: Patrick Curry, A Confusion of Prophets (London: Collins and Brown, 1992), 61-108. 319 practice of English astrology, most notably the use of the house system attributed to Placidus de Titis72 rather than the “Rational System” introduced to the West by Regiomontanus.73 As Lilly’s work was not readily available in the nineteenth century, and also because of the change of house method, Morrison (writing under the pen name Zadkiel) created a simplified version of Lilly’s work entitled in full An Introduction to Astrology; by William Lilly: Being the Whole of That Celebrated Author's Rules for the Practice of Horary Astrology, Divested of the Superstitions of the Seventeenth Century.74 For the most part the book is faithful to Lilly’s methods and the case studies in it are almost all taken directly from Lilly’s Christian Astrology. One of the exceptions, however, is his case study of the siege of Antwerp which took place in November of 1832. The chart is erected “for the latitude and longitude of Antwerp, and is an exact representation of the heavens at the time the French troops opened ground, (or began the siege), before the citadel of Antwerp.”75 The time given is 6:00 PM Local Mean Time for the meridian of Antwerp November 29, 1832. I have reproduced the chart as presented in Morrison’s work.76 72 Placidus de Titis(1602-1668) was a reformer of astrology who attempted to return astrology to a completely Ptolemaic basis. In particular he promoted the house system which has been named in his honor despite the fact that he did not claim to have invented it, and others used the system before him. His major works are Questionum physiomathematicarum libri tres (Milan, 1650) and the Tabulae primi mobilis (Padua, 1657). Under the influence of the English astrologer John Partridge this became the standard system house division in the English speaking world until the late twentieth century. See Holden, History of Horoscopic Astrology, 178-9. 73 Neither Lilly nor Morrison, however, used the standard system of the middle ages. 74 Richard James Morrison, An Introduction to Astrology; by William Lilly: Being the Whole of That Celebrated Author's Rules for the Practice of Horary Astrology, Divested of the Superstitions of the Seventeenth Century (London: Sherwood, Gilbert and Piper, 1835). The title is sufficient explanation for why Morrison felt the book should be produced whether one might agree with the sentiment or not, hereafter to referred to as Morrison, Introduction. 75 Morrison, Introduction, 245-6. 76 Morrison’s work is in the public domain. 320 Morrison’s analysis as follows: The ascendant and its lady, the w [Moon], are for the besiegers, the 7th and its lord for the besieged, the 4th is for the town, and its lord for the governor. The 10th is the house of honour for the besiegers, and we find y [Jupiter] potent therein, denoting decidedly that they should gain honour by the siege. The l [Caput Draconis] in the ascendant shewed success to the French, and L [Cauda Draconis] in the 7th the reverse to their enemies. The lord of the 4th, e [Mercury], is in his detriment, cadent, and in exact D [square] to the evil u [Saturn], denoting disgrace to the governor, who is thereby shewn to be extremely obstinate, as, Fig. 5 – Morrison, Introduction, 245. indeed, he was. The malefic [Saturn] in the 4th denoted that the place should be taken, and, as w [Moon] was in close D [square] to t [Mars], it would be by much loss of men and bloodshed on the part of the besiegers. The w [Moon] is in the terms of t [Mars], and he in her exaltation and triplicity, which reception denotes courageous conduct on the part of the besiegers; and although the w [Moon] is in D [square] to t [Mars], yet, there being mutual reception, it shews success in a martial exploit; but with much difficulty, because of the D [square] aspect. The garrison were denoted by the 5th, and its ruler r [Venus]; and as r is in the 6th, (the 12th from the enemies' ascendant), it shewed that all the enemies’ party would be made prisoners, which was the case.77 Here is a table of the positions in the above chart.78 The Houses (Placidus’ Method) Asc. 4th Des. 77 78 10`22' Cancer (f), 7` Virgo (h), 10`22' Capricorn (v), Morrison, Introduction, 246. Morrison’s computations. 2nd 26` Cancer (f), 5th 12` Libra (z), th 8 26` Capricorn (v), 3rd 14` Leo (g) 6th 29` Scorpio (x) 9th 14` Aquarius (b) 321 10th 7` Pisces (n) 11th 12` Aries (a) 12th 29` Taurus (s) The Planets. Moon Mercury Venus Sun Mars (w) (e) (r) (q) (t) 28`48' Aquarius (b) 26`50' Sagittarius (c) 9`23' Capricorn (v) 7`40' Sagittarius (c) 25`09'm Taurus (s) Jupiter Saturn Uranus79 Caput Cauda (y) (u) (i) (l) (L) 19`12' 26`48' 15`00' 21`41' 21`41' Pisces Virgo Aquarius Cancer Capricorn (n) (h) (b) (f) (v) There is more to his description but this is the core of it. All of it is based on Bonatti’s methods. The besiegers initiated the siege by digging trenches. They are the first house with the ascendant in the sign Cancer. 80 Their success and “honour” is the tenth house. The defenders are signified by the seventh house with the descendant in the sign Capricorn. Their success and “honour” is signified by the fourth house. This is exactly Bonatti’s logic. The Moon is in square to Mars but they are both in each others’ dignities. This means great difficulty for the side of the first house (the besiegers) but that the effort would be successful. The decisive factor, however, for Morrison is that Saturn, a malefic, is in the fourth (the castle), while Jupiter, a benefic, is in its own domicile in the tenth (the “honour” of the besiegers). In addition, Mercury, which rules the defenders, is in its detriment, Sagittarius. Also note Morrison’s medieval use of the fifth house to designate the troops in the castle, and that Mercury’s placement in the sixth house (the twelfth relative to the adversaries of the French who in turn are signified by the seventh) is a sign that the members of the garrison would be taken prisoner, which according to Morrison they were. In conclusion, whatever Bonatti’s astrological experiences with siege warfare may have been, it is clear that they led him to an important change in the method of the astrology of siege 79 Known in Britain at the time as Herschel. Note that this is an inception chart, not an interrogation. Even in the nineteenth century we see closeness of the two branches of medieval astrology. 80 322 warfare. The example from Morrison given just above demonstrates that this innovation had a significant impact on astrologers who came after him. By contrast Haly, who appears to have been a compiler of other people’s work (see the appendix to this chapter), took an example of a chart from an earlier author without any further thought or contribution to method on his part. He was apparently unaware of the fact that the author used a zodiacal system81 which produced positions that were several degrees different from the one in use in his own time and he did not even give, or possibly even take, notice of the fact that this same source used a system of houses or places that he did not use. None of this made any difference for him. Haly was possibly fortunate in that none of this made any difference in the resulting analysis except to show that the analysis was not his own. Perhaps Haly never actually did any of the kind of astrology involved in this practice. Bonatti, on the other hand, did and he found it appropriate to change the method based on his own experience. This is the most striking example of Bonatti’s methodological innovation within the received tradition. In his work for patrons who sought practical results, Bonatti was compelled to rework a tradition that he had received either in an incomplete form, or in a form that he found did not work in the field. He was respectful of the tradition, but he was also willing to reshape astrological methodology in the light of his own experience. 81 See appendix to this chapter below. 323 Appendix — Dating Haly’s Chart. The date of the chart was established using the following method. I employed a modern astrological computer program known as Solar Fire. This software has been described elsewhere.82 The program has the ability to search for combinations of astrological positions using AND/OR logic. In this particular case I searched for all periods in which the following criteria were met. Saturn in Sagittarius AND Jupiter in Leo AND Mars in Libra AND Sun in Libra. These are the positions of these four planets given by Haly. I did not use the positions of the Moon, Mercury or Venus because these, especially the Moon and Mercury, were especially problematical for medieval astronomy. The Sun by contrast is an especially useful planet for narrowing down dates because of the close correspondence of the calendar and the Sun’s positions.83 I searched for all such dates between January 1, 500 C.E. and January 1, 1200 C.E. The program responded with two periods that met the criteria. The following table is from the program’s report. 82 Enters Leaves July 26 0545 11:07:43 am (GMT +0:00) Aug. 12 0545 8:46:03 am (GMT +0:00) Enters Leaves July 28 0782 Aug. 28 0782 5:19:11 am (GMT +0:00) 3:46:40 am (GMT +0:00) See p. 306, n. 31. This is even true of the Old Style calender. It is just that the relationship between the Sun and the Julian calendar changed slowly over time. The Gregorian calendar changes much more slowly but will eventually require an extra day to be added in. 83 324 Checking the earlier period84 I found no dates that even closely corresponded with Haly’s. In the later period I found the best fit was with August 5 at about 6:20 PM. The time was derived simply by computing the time at which 5E of Aquarius rose at Tunis. The following table compares the positions given in Haly with modern computations. Haly’s Positions Jupiter (y) Saturn (u) Mars (t) Moon (w) Sun (q) Venus (r) Mercury (e) Ascendant Computations for 6:20 PM Aug. 5, 782 C.E. Leo Sagittarius Libra Cancer Leo Virgo Leo Aquarius 29E g 22E c m 21E z 9E f 16E g 15E h 3E g 5E b86 1E h85 28E cm 22E z 14E s ! 16E g 22E h 28E f 5E b We have decent agreement although three planets are in different signs, Jupiter, Mercury and the Moon. Mercury and Jupiter are near sign boundaries and a small error would have been sufficient to change the signs but the Moon is another matter. The two Moons differ by 55 degrees. Could that have been a copyist error? Perhaps, but there is another explanation. I initially assumed that the positions given by Haly were in the zodiacal system advocated by Ptolemy, many of the other Greek sources, most Arabic sources by the time of Haly, and by all Latin sources. This is the system still in use in the West in which the vernal point is defined as exactly 0EAries. This system is known as the tropical zodiac. However, charts given in works of Masha’allah show evidence of a different standard. In India today the dominant practice is to use a zodiac that is stationary with respect to the fixed stars, that is, not subject to the precession of 84 This earlier period also seemed on the face of it to be too early as it was before the Islamic conquests but if the positions had agreed with Haly’s positions, it would have not been the first time that an Islamic source had used a chart from a Hellenistic source. 85 The computed positions are rounded up following the medieval custom. See DEGREE in the Glossary. 86 All of the positions here except the ascendant are given in tabular form at the beginning of the chapter. 325 the equinoxes.87 It is also very clear that this was commonly the case in the early middle ages in both India and Persia. Kennedy and Pingree88 discuss the problem and conclude that Masha’allah’s charts in De receptione were cast in such a zodiac which differed at the time from the tropical zodiac by -4.5E degrees.89 The charts in their work date from the year 791 to 794 which is the same period as this chart recorded by Haly. If in fact this chart was done in such a system, then to get the Sun’s position to be correct in this sidereal form of the zodiac we would have to add 4.5E to the Sun’s position to get the equivalent of 16E Leo in this zodiac. The following table shows the end result. Note that the chart is for five days later. Haly’s Positions Jupiter (y) Saturn (u) Mars (t) Moon (w) Sun (q) Venus (r) Mercury (e) Ascendant Computations for 6:15 PM Aug. 10, 782 C.E. Leo Sagittarius Libra Cancer Leo Virgo Leo Aquarius 29E g 22E c m 21E z 9E f 16E g 15E h 3E g 5E b90 28E g 24E cm 21E z 10E f 17E g 24E h 1E g 5E b The agreement now is much better! All of the planets are in the correct signs and the error is within the norm for early medieval computations. Even if this chart were taken from someone other than Masha’allah, it would not affect the modern re-computation of the positions by more than a degree or so on the ascendant or the Moon. It is also possible that the chart was not in fact from Masha’allah but was computed by someone else using the same tables, but certainly not 87 The precession of the equinoxes is a gradual backward motion of the solstitial and equinoctial points with respect to the fixed stars. Each year when the Sun is at 0E of Aries, it is 50.25" of arc further backward with respect to the fixed stars than the previous year. 88 Kennedy and Pingree, Astrological History, 67. 89 I discuss this issue for Masha’allah in my translation of his De receptione. See Masha’allah, On Reception, Robert Hand, trans. (Reston, VA: ARHAT, 1998), 84-89. 90 All of the positions here except the ascendant are given in tabular form at the beginning of the chapter. 326 Haly! So we have two possible dates for this chart. The earlier date requires that we accept either very inaccurate calculations even by the standards of the time, bad copying or both. The second date only requires a zodiacal system that we know was used by Masha’allah at about the date of this chart and with it we get a much greater degree of agreement with the positions as given by Haly. However, either way the point made in the body of this chapter about Haly’s use of a chart that was not derived from his own practice stands, and it stands, if anything, more firmly in light of what I have raised here. Chapter 11. Summation, Conclusions, and the Implications of this Study. Further Suggestions Concerning the Relationships Between Bonatti and his Sources. Before offering some concluding remarks, I wish first to summarize and discuss patterns that have emerged in this analysis that point more precisely to Bonatti’s lineage and sources. I have commented throughout about the authors numbered among his presumed sources for which there is real evidence in the texts of having been directly or indirectly truly among his sources. For example, in the case of Dorotheus of Sidon (at least the Dorotheus whose work appears in the Liber novem iudicum) the comparison of his texts with parallel texts in Bonatti suggests that the Dorotheus of Liber novem iudicum was an influence (whether direct or indirect one cannot say). On the other hand, the Dorotheus of the Arabic Carmen astrologicum1 translated from Persian does not seem to have been much of an influence.2 An obvious reason for this is that the Carmen astrologicum contains only one passage on conflict whereas the Dorotheus of the Liber novem iudicum passages includes a good deal of material on this topic both civil and military. A comparison of Bonatti with both Dorothean corpora might conceivably show more similarity between the Arabic Carmen astrologicum and Bonatti. However, my preliminary conclusion is that these two authors, both of whom called Dorotheus, are different persons, if indeed the Dorotheus of the Liber novem iudicum is a single individual. While most of the Carmen astrologicum seems directly derived from the original Greek work, if not precisely a translation, it seems probable that the Dorotheus of the Liber novem iudicum should be designated as 1 That is the title that Pingree gives the work in his edition. It is also referred to as the Pentateuch because it consists of five books. 2 The chief difference between the two authors called Dorotheus is that the material in the Carmen astrologicum does not use planetary rulers or significators to any extent, where the material from the Liber novem iudicum does so in exactly the manner one finds standard in medieval Arabic, and, hence, Latin astrology. 327 328 “Pseudo-Dorotheus.” So whoever he or they may have been, my comparison of passages from Bonatti with those from this second Dorotheus suggests that the latter was a source, directly or indirectly. I have already stated that our second possible source, Theophilus of Edessa, was not a direct source for Bonatti because his work was never translated into Arabic, and there is no evidence that Bonatti had any but Arabic sources in Latin translation. Theophilus was at best an indirect source. Anything more awaits further study on the surviving fragments of his work. Omar (as Aomar) is referred to extensively throughout the Liber astronomicus. However, he is never cited in the chapters on civil conflict and warfare. There is a definite similarity between the passages from Omar in the Liber novem iudicum and Bonatti that suggest either direct or indirect influence, or that Omar and Bonatti’s sources share the same lineage. Masha’allah is also referred to through Bonatti’s work but again not explicitly in the passages on conflict and warfare. However, Masha’allah was a strong influence on the astrologer that the Liber novem iudicum does refer to, Albenait, who is now believed to have been Abu `Ali al-Khayyat, a student of Masha’allah. I discuss him just below.3 This means that Masha’allah was at least a close but indirect source for Bonatti on the astrology of conflict. Referring again to Abu `Ali al-Khayyat, the similarity of his material on conflict and warfare with Bonatti’s indicates either that he is a direct source, if unacknowledged, or again possibly a close indirect source. If so, as mentioned above, he may have been the channel whereby Masha’allah influenced Bonatti. 3 Bonatti refers to him in some parts of the Liber astronomicus as Alboali but in the chapters presented in this work as Albenait. He apparently did not understand the two names to refer to one person. For that matter no one has made that connection in modern times until recently. See Chapter 5, note 36. 329 Now we come to Zahel or Sahl ibn Bishr who is one of only two sources4 Bonatti acknowledges in his material on conflict and war. I have shown how strongly Zahel influenced Bonatti, to the point of not only accepting much of what Zahel said but even organizing his own presentation of the material in much the same way as Zahel. Nonetheless, Bonatti amplified, altered, organized and augmented the material. Zahel was an honored source, but he was not treated with uncritical reverence. As I have argued, Bonatti clearly saw himself as an equal with respect to his sources. He did not see himself as a follower. The situation with al-Kindī is more difficult. Al-Kindī is cited frequently as Alkindus or Alkindius but not in the passages on conflict and war. This is most strange because al-Kindī wrote more on this subject than any other author including Bonatti. Yet Bonatti’s material is very different from al-Kindī’s once one moves beyond basic principles such as the houses and significators. In chapter §VI.2.7.29 on siege warfare Bonatti clearly shows that he does not know al-Kindī’s work at all, neither mentioning al-Kindī nor following his methods. This and other discrepancies mentioned above between sources that are derived from the Liber novem iudicum and Bonatti’s own methods raise questions as to the exact role of the Liber novem iudicum as one of Bonatti’s sources. I return to this topic below. As for Abu Ma‘shar I have already stated that his influence on Bonatti was not so much in the area of the astrology of war and conflict as in the area of revolutiones annorum mundi and possibly in revolutiones annorum nati. Abu Ma‘shar also provided the foundation of Bonatti’s philosophical defense of astrology in Tractatus I. However, there is nothing in Bonatti’s material on the astrology of conflict that can be traced to Abu Ma‘shar. 4 The other source is the mysterious Zodyal or Zodial whom Bonatti cites twice in the chapter on siege warfare, §VI.2.7.29. About him we know nothing else. 330 Returning to the Liber novem iudicum, I have already mentioned that it should be a major source for Bonatti. In Chapter 8 I demonstrated an instance where Bonatti did seem to be following the translation of Zahel rather than the more common translation by John of Seville. In other instances it appears that the Seville translation was used. However, elsewhere, when there are similarities between authors presented in the Liber novem iudicum and Bonatti, they could easily be the result of these authors having the same lineage as Zahel. And where they differ from that lineage, they differ from Bonatti as well. Thorndike argues in Michael Scot that the Liber novem iudicum was available in Bonatti’s circle, specifically to Michael Scot who, like Bonatti, was associated with the court of Frederick II.5 Yet the divergences between Bonatti and the authors of the Liber novem iudicum are so great that they suggest either that Bonatti disagreed with most of what they had to say or was not aware of the work. Is it possible that Bonatti had access to manuscripts of some of the authors in the Liber novem iudicum that were not part of that compilation? We do not know except in the case of manuscripts of Zahel and alKindī’s Forty Chapters both of which certainly existed separately from the Liber novem iudicum. But in the case of the Forty Chapters almost all of the material in it is also contained in the Liber novem iudicum, and, as I have already stated, there are no signs that Bonatti used that material whether derived from the Forty Chapters or the Liber novem iudicum. This makes it questionable as to whether Liber novem iudicum was indeed one of Bonatti’s sources even if some of the authors in it may have been available to him in individual manuscripts, specifically Pseudo-Dorotheus, Omar and Albenait. With regard to Haly Abenragel I am forced to conclude that he was not a source for Bonatti, 5 Lynn Thorndike, Michael Scot (London: Thomas Nelson, 1965), 104. 331 at least not for the interrogational material. A source named “Haly” is mentioned frequently in Tractatus VII on elections, but the similarities between that material of that “Haly” and Haly Emrani, a completely different author, suggest that Emrani, not Abenragel, was Bonatti’s source. None of that material, however, pertains to warfare. By contrast, Haly Abenragel frequently presents material very similar to Bonatti’s in his material on interrogations, usually with small and not so small differences. However, Haly Abenragel’s organization of this material, or lack of, contrasts strongly with Bonatti. His extensive use of aphorisms with little or no explanation of, or even appearance of, the application of first principles contrasts strongly with Bonatti’s greater degree of organization and systematization, along with Bonatti’s tendency to explain what he presents almost to excess. All of this suggests that Abenragel was not one of Bonatti’s sources. The similarities that do exist can be explained by assuming that Abenragel, like Bonatti, used Zahel as a source and probably Albenait and Omar. Also, based on the random and unsystematic nature of much of Abenragel’s presentation on conflict and warfare, his use of another author’s chart example without attribution without even taking note of the fact that his source used a very different methodology from that advocated by Abenragel, I strongly believe that, in this area at least, Abenragel was a compiler rather than a practitioner. If the sources that I have compared with Bonatti in this work are indeed not his sources, then we have to conclude either that Bonatti’s level of originality was far greater than I have maintained based on the evidence that we have, or that Bonatti had manuscripts and works that we do not know about. The evidence does not tell us which. Therefore, it seems to be most appropriate to stay with the evidence that we have, the texts I have presented in this work, and to conclude that Bonatti did at least display the kind of originality I have described in this work, an 332 originality that did not fundamentally disturb the paradigms of medieval astrological method. Anything more than that awaits new discoveries. Summary and Concluding Remarks. By this time I believe the truth of Thorndike’s observation quoted in Chapter 1 is clear that Bonatti “made additions of his own, and many passages demonstrate that he has made detailed practical application to the present problems of medieval life of the principles of his art established in the past.”6 This has never been a question for anyone who has studied Bonatti’s work and that of his predecessors. My purpose in this work has been to explore the effect of the use and practical application of a branch of astrology upon the work of Bonatti whom we know was employed in the application of astrology to military matters. However, it is also important to place Bonatti in his historical context. Bonatti was the first European astrologer of the middle ages to assume for himself the position of an equal to the masters of the tradition who preceded him in the Arab world. As a result Bonatti cites no medieval Latin authors at all; he clearly regarded himself as the first, at least the first of any consequence. And while he was clearly influenced by Zahel more than any other source, it is also clear from his citations7 that he intended to present an astrological summa of the Arab tradition along with his own personal syntheses and revisions. In Chapter 18 I mentioned Bonatti in comparison with the work of Albertus Magnus and Aquinas in theology and philosophy (and Roger Bacon in the sciences) and suggested that the same systematizing tendencies that these men employed can also be seen in Bonatti, once one takes into consideration the differences in the subject matter. Bonatti 6 Thorndike, H.O.M.E.S., vol. 2, 826-7. This is more clear in sections of his work that deals with other applications of astrology. 8 See chap. 1, p. 8. 7 333 modified the medieval tradition as he received it and made the tradition his own. Bonatti’s importance to the practice of medieval and later astrology is clear. He is cited, often for purposes of argument, by nearly every major astrologer of the Latin West. However, in regard to interrogations and elections as applied to any subject, not much was written after Bonatti until Lilly in the seventeenth century. When Lilly emerges as the chief astrologer of the English school of the mid-seventeenth century, the stamp of Bonatti is upon his work. And, as I have shown, Bonatti’s influence extends beyond Lilly’s time as well.9 9 Since the later twentieth century, among English and American astrologers specifically, there has been a major revival of interest in medieval astrology. Bonatti’s work along with Lilly’s is central to this revival. Appendix I – An Introduction to Medieval Astrology. The problem that astrology poses for the historian of any period or culture in which astrology played a role is that the subject itself is vast and complex. However, understanding the point of this work does not require complete or advanced expertise, but does require some knowledge especially in the kinds of astrology studied here. It therefore seemed expedient not to assume that the reader of this paper has any special knowledge of astrology beyond what one can assume in a typical literate person of our time. Therefore, I lay out here some of the basics of medieval astrology in particular as it was in both Arabic astrological literature and the Latin literature derived from it. I have also provided a glossary in Appendix II. In Chapter 6 in a note at the end1 I mentioned two works that may be useful in assisting those who need an introduction to medieval astrology, Eade’s Forgotten Sky, and J. D. North’s Horoscopes and History. However, these two works are deficient in one important respect. They do not go into the technical peculiarities of the two types of astrology that were chiefly employed in military applications, interrogations and elections. These have already been defined in Chapter 2. These two applications of astrology share very similar methods of analysis, methods which are mentioned in the introductory texts, such as the one of Alcabitius, but not shown in use. The introduction that is provided here is specifically oriented toward these two applications rather than toward nativities although the basics are quite similar. 1 See chap. 6, p. 183, n. 57. 334 The Basic Components. The main components of medieval and most horoscopic astrology are as follows: the planets, the signs of the zodiac, and what are called “houses” or “places.” The members of each of these three sets of components may vary in condition with a chart in a variety of ways which affect the manner in which they are interpreted. In addition there are all of the possible relationships among these component groups both to other elements within each group and among members of each group to members of the other groups. To clarify, planets have relationships with other planets, as well as with signs and houses. The signs have relationships with each other and form groups of signs within the twelve signs of the zodiac. The houses (of which there are also twelve) have relationships with each other and also form groups of houses. And finally there are relationships between planets and houses, and houses and signs. All of this forms the structure of the syntax of astrology. The basic medieval astrological textbook, the Introductorium or Isagoga, consisted of a description of all the above. This can, of course, get quite complicated and that is precisely what makes the study of astrology so challenging. I might add that these comments apply in varying degrees to all other major forms of astrology, Hindu, Hellenistic and modern Western. I will now take up each of the three sets of components in the order in which I introduced them above. The Planets. In medieval astrology these are the seven planets of ancient astronomy which consisted of Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, the Sun, Venus, Mercury and the Moon. The table at the right shows 335 Planet Symbol Moon Mercury Venus Sun Mars Jupiter Saturn Caput Draconis Cauda Draconis w e r q t y u l L characters commonly associated with the planets.2 The Sun and the Moon are of course no longer considered planets. This is the result of post-Copernican astronomy which changed the definition of ‘planet’ so that the term no longer applies to the Sun and Moon. The word planet is derived from the Greek word planēs (πλ÷νης), meaning ‘vagabond’ or ‘wanderer’. In particular it is a shortening of the phrase planētes asteres (πλάνητς •στέρς) or wandering stars. Originally a planet was a body visible to the naked eye that appeared to move with respect to the background of the fixed or ‘inerrant’ stars. The Sun and Moon do this just as much as those bodies modern astronomy still considers to be planets. A ‘star’ in turn was any body in the heavens. The term was used both for fixed stars and for planets in the sense described here. In post-Copernican astronomy a ‘planet’ is a relatively large body, which is not self-luminous, orbiting a ‘star’ which is. The Planets and the Four Qualities – Each planet was believed to have, or to signify, particular qualities which distinguished it from all of the other planets. At the most basic level astrologers, following Ptolemy, believed that each planet had as its basis a mixture of two of the qualities derived from Greek physics, in particular Aristotle. These qualities are the Hot, the Cold, the Wet and the Dry.3 Here is a breakdown of the qualities of the planets as given by Ptolemy. All of the passages from Ptolemy are from the Robbins translation.4 The Sun – “The active power of the sun’s essential nature is found to be heating and, to a certain degree, drying.” Hot and dry but more hot than dry. 2 The two additional “planets,” Caput l and Cauda Draconis L, are not planets at all but were used in some ways similarly to planets. They are the degrees of the zodiac in which the Moon crosses the zodiac going from below to above (caput) and from above to below (cauda). 3 These are derived from Aristotle’s on Generation and Corruption although in practice the astrological use of these qualities is not easy to derive from Aristotle’s descriptions. 4 Robbins, 35-39. 336 The Moon – “Most of the moon's power consists of humidifying…” Wet. Saturn – “It is Saturn’s quality chiefly to cool and, moderately, to dry.” Cold and dry but more cold than dry. Mars – “The nature of Mars is chiefly to dry and to burn…” Hot and dry but dryer than it is hot. Jupiter – “Jupiter … both heats and humidifies…” Hot and wet, although not as hot as Mars and the Sun but warmer than it is wet. Venus – “Venus has the same powers and tempered nature as Jupiter, but acts in the opposite way…” Venus is hot and wet like Jupiter but wetter and not quite as hot. Interestingly enough in the Arabic literature and those who followed, Venus is considered cold and wet.5 Mercury – “Mercury in general is found at certain times alike to be drying and absorptive of moisture, …and again humidifying, because he is next above the sphere of the moon, and to change quickly from one to the other…” Mercury can be either dry or wet depending upon circumstances. This is typical of Mercury which in most respects is described as having almost no qualities of its own but rather picks them up in various ways according to its environment. The illustration here (Fig. 1) from a 16th century text shows the relationship of the planets and the qualities.6 Note that Venus is categorized in the Arabic manner following Alcabitius and other sources as wet and cold rather than wet and hot. Benefic and Malefic – One of the most important but problematical classifications Fig. 1 – The Planetary Qualities from Schoener’s of the planets in medieval astrology (and Opusculum Astrologicum. 5 6 Alcabitius describes Venus as such. See Al-Qabisi, Warburg ed., 74-75. Schoener, Opusculum astrologicum, fol. D4r 337 other traditions as well) was the classification of the planets as ‘malefic’ and ‘benefic’. The benefic planets, also known as ‘fortunes’, were planets whose “influence” was suppose to bring about positive events and outcomes, as opposed to the malefics, also known as ‘infortunes’, whose influence was supposed to bring about unfortunate events and outcomes.7 The origin of this classification is not clear and is beyond the scope of this paper, but with Ptolemy it became rooted in Aristotelian and Stoic natural philosophy. The qualities Hot and Moist were considered to be “fertile and active,” while Cold and Dry were “destructive and passive.”8 For a planet to be benefic, it had to possess the one or both of the ‘fertile’ qualities (Jupiter and Venus both have the Hot and Moist qualities) and to have them in a tempered or moderate degree. The malefic planets had to have one or both of the negative qualities and also in an intemperate or immoderate degree. Mars possesses the Hot (which is benevolent) and the dry (which is not). But its heat is immoderate and extreme. The Sun also possesses the Hot and the Dry but neither is immoderate. However, the Sun is considered to be malefic under certain conditions by later astrologers, while Ptolemy considered the Sun to be neutral. Saturn, which possesses the Cold and the Dry, has both ‘destructive’ qualities and has Cold in the extreme. So the benefics tend to be tempering as well as temperate while the malefics are not. The Moon having the Cold and the Moist does not have the Cold to an intemperate degree and is therefore normally benefic. Venus, which possesses the Cold rather than Hot in the Arabic tradition, is like the Moon. Mercury can go either way because it acquires the quality of whatever planet it comes into combination with. The qualities in the planets can also be changed somewhat according to their relationship 7 In Latin there were a variety of terms used to designate these including benefici and malefici, or simply boni and mali, fortunae and infortunae, and fortunati and infortunati, or if the reference was the Latin word stella, fortunatae and infortunatae. 8 Robbins, 39. 338 with the Sun, however, this is not an important issue in the kinds of astrology that I deal with here. The Sex of the Planets – All of the planets, except Mercury, are clearly masculine or feminine. The Sun, Jupiter, Saturn and Mars are masculine. The Moon and Venus are feminine. Mercury is somewhat masculine but again can be transformed according to what it encounters. Ptolemy is a bit unclear on the issue, but the following seems to be the logic of the classification. The Hot and the Dry are masculine qualities, one benefic and one malefic quality. The Wet and the Cold are the feminine qualities, again one benefic and one malefic quality. The Sun has both the Hot and the Dry, so does Mars. They are masculine. Jupiter and Saturn are both mixed, Jupiter Hot (masculine) and Wet (feminine). But Jupiter is masculine because the Hot is stronger than the Wet. Saturn seems a bit misplaced in that its distemperate quality is its Cold (feminine) while its more temperate quality is the Dry (masculine). This would seem to make a feminine planet but it is invariably classified in the astrological literature as masculine. Venus, like Jupiter, is a mixture of the Hot and the Wet, but the Wet is the stronger of the two, therefore Venus is feminine. The Moon possesses both the Wet and the Cold and is feminine. Mercury can be either in practice. Placement can also affect the sex of the planets, but this arises from the relationships between the planets with the signs and houses. This, however, is not important in interrogations and elections. The Sect of the Planets –Another classification is according to the ‘sect’ of the planets, i.e., either diurnal or nocturnal. In Greek the word is hairesis (αËρεσις).9 All of the planets except 9 This word it usually translated into Latin as condicio and in English as ‘condition’ which does not capture the essence of the word in Greek. Liddell and Scott give the following words in their definition of the Greek word. 339 Mercury are considered to be either of the sect of the Sun (diurnal) or of the sect of the Moon (nocturnal). As one can see in the passage from Ptolemy below, Mercury can be of either sect depending upon how it is situated in the chart. Ptolemy has this to say about the sect of the planets. Similarly, since of the two most obvious intervals of those which make up time, the day is more masculine because of its heat and active force, and night more feminine because of its moisture and its gift of rest, the tradition has consequently been handed down that the moon and Venus are nocturnal, the sun and Jupiter diurnal, and Mercury common as before, diurnal when it is a morning star and nocturnal as an evening star … they assigned Saturn, which is cold, to the warmth of the day, and Mars, which is dry, to the moisture of the night, for in this way each of them attains good proportion through admixture and becomes a proper member of its sect, which provides moderation.10 Simply put, diurnal planets are said to operate better in daytime births, and nocturnal planets in nighttime births. There are other conditions of sect as well but this will do for our purposes as this is a classification that has little use in interrogations and elections. Other Qualities and Significations of the Planets – In addition to these fundamental qualities derived by Ptolemy from Aristotelian doctrine, the planets also possessed more complex qualities that may have come in part from the gods after whom the planets were named. However, this is difficult to demonstrate because the astrological planets acquired their godnames from deities that were originally Mesopotamian. The original Mesopotamia names were then translated to their near, but not precise, Greek equivalents. In this process astrological doctrine also appears to have been modified by the mythology and character of roughly A taking, esp. of a town, choice, inclination, choice, purpose, course of action or thought, asystem of philosophic principles, or those who profess such principles, sect, school, religious party or sect, faction, party, In astrology ‘condition’. Note the Liddell and Scott follow the conventional translation as ‘condition’ in the last part of the definition. However, the logic of the other words is much closer to the astrological spirit of the usage. 10 Robbins, 43. 340 equivalent Egyptian deities. Whatever the behavioral qualities of the planets became, the medieval texts followed Ptolemy’s lead in giving the planets rather abstract qualities as a foundation for their effects and then listing various kinds of entities in the world that especially manifested the qualities of each planet. Such entities were said to be signified by the planet whose qualities each one bore. The best way to illustrate this is to look at one early modern author (but fully medieval in his methods) whose descriptions of the planets and their significations are typical. I give here such a list for the planet Saturn from Schoener’s Opusculum Astrologicum.11 Saturn u Nature and Constitution: Cold, dry, earthy, masculine, diurnal, the greater infortune, very maleficent, melancholic. Parts of the Body and Illnesses: The right ear, spleen, bladder, bones, and their infirmities, quartan fevers, all diseases of a cold and dry nature, morphew, leprosy, elephantiasis, cancers, disorders relating to the black bile, rheumatism, wasting disease, hectic fever, colic, tenasm, black jaundice, tremors, melancholy, palsy, dissolving of the stomach. Conditions and Peoples: Judaeans, Moors, farmers, stone-cutters, masons, potters, tanners, sewer workers, the dregs of humanity, people who are tenacious, very hard working, greedy, jealous, lean, beardless, solitary, sorrowful, taciturn, voracious, deceivers, or treasurers. Endowments and Professions: The cultivation of the earth, the fullers' art, the tanners' works, hereditary possessions, buildings and prisons. Colors: Black, bluish, leaden, dusty. Precious Stones: Brooches, black and dusky stones. Metal: Lead. Flavors: Astringent, sour. Regions: First clima, Dextrum Orientis, Baioria, Saxonia, Styria, Romandiola, Ravenna, Constantia, Ingolstadt. While the headings of such lists may vary a bit from author to author, such lists of significations are to be found in authors from the second century C.E. up to English texts of the seventeenth century such as the Christian Astrology of William Lilly12 and later. In astrological texts of the twentieth century on the other hand one finds elaborate descriptions of the natures of the planets 11 12 Schoener, Opusculum Astrologicum, Part II Canon 2. This work is not paginated. Lilly, Christian Astrology, 57-85. 341 in characterological terms as if the planets had personalities, or induced personality characteristics in human beings, which, indeed, it is believed they do. While the ancient and medieval authors would not have disagreed with this, lists of significations such as these given above would have been all the student would find. It was clearly intended that the student derive the natures, as quasi-personalities, of the planets from these lists. Inferior and Superior Planets – There is one more important distinction, the division of planets into superior and inferior. This comes from the Ptolemaic model of the solar system which was of course earth-centered or geocentric. Of the planets (other than the Sun) Saturn, Jupiter and Mars were called ‘superior’ planets because their spheres were said to be above that of the Sun, while Venus, Mercury and the Moon were called ‘inferior’ planets because their spheres were supposed to be below that of the Sun. The terms ‘superior’ and ‘inferior’ for the most part do not refer to the excellence or efficacy of one group of planets over the others. It simply means ‘higher’ and ‘lower’ as in farther away (superior) or closer to (inferior) the earth. However, there is one important respect in which the terms mean superior and inferior in power and efficacy. If one side in a conflict or question is signified (the precise meaning of which term will be described below) by a superior planet and the other side by an inferior planet, which gives an edge in the matter to the side signified by the superior planet all other things being equal.13 The Signs of the Zodiac. The signs of the zodiac are twelve divisions of the apparent path of the Sun, or ecliptic (known in Latin as the orbis signorum, or circle of the signs) of exactly thirty degrees each. 13 See p. 241. 342 Although they bear the name of constellations, they are not the same as constellations and in medieval astrology came to coincide less and less with the constellations due to the precession of the equinoxes.14 In astrology the signs serve two functions. The first is as a simple measurement device, i.e., thirty degrees, although each sign by definition starts at an exact multiple of thirty degrees from zero as in the table below.15 Aries a Taurus s Gemini d Cancer f Leo g Virgo h 0E– 30E 30E– 60E 60E – 90E 90E – 120E 120E– 150E 150E – 180E Libra z Scorpio x Sagittarius c Capricorn v Aquarius b Pisces n 180E– 210E 210E– 240E 240E – 270E 270E– 300E 300E– 330E 330E– 360E So a position given as 16E Gemini (16Ed) is equivalent to 60E + 16E = 76E measured from the beginning of the zodiac. 14 A slow backwards movement in the constellations of the point at which the Sun in its apparent counterclockwise movement in the zodiac moves from below to above the celestial equator. The change occurs at the rate of 50.25 seconds of arc per year. 15 In the eighteenth century long after astrology had fallen out of favor the signs survived for a time as pure measuring units with no astrological significance. In the Nautical Almanacs of the period the Sun and other “planets” had ecliptic positions listed as follows: July 4, 1776 – Sun’s Longitude – 3. 12. 55. 27 which corresponds to 3 signs, or 90E+ 12E 55' 27" or 102E 55' 27". The only difference from the medieval (and modern) sign notation is that the number of signs simply represent 90E and has none of the symbolic significance of the sign Cancer. In later astronomical ephemerides even this last stand of signwise notation was abandoned and the position of the Sun give above would have only been just as it was above as 102E 55' 27". See The Nautical Almanac and Astronomical Ephemeris for the Year 1776 (London: Commissioners of Longitude, 1775), 74. 343 The second function is the more astrological. Each sign is considered to designate an arc or region of the zodiac which corresponds to certain qualities which modified the qualities of any planets or other points that lay within it. This is the origin of the wellknown newspaper columns etc. that feature forecasts for the signs based on the day of the year of someone’s birth. These actually Fig. 2 – Signs of Zodiac represent not the signs themselves but the qualities supposedly represented by the Sun’s presence in those signs. The calendar is fairly stable with regard to the astronomical year and the Sun enters each sign on roughly the same day every year. In addition each sign is said to have an influence or affect upon each planet that is different from its influence or affect on any other planet. The student seems to have been intended to deduce these general qualities for the signs as well from the same kind of list of correspondences as we saw for Saturn above. While the signs have always been defined as exactly thirty degrees, they did originally coincide with the constellations, that is, they had a fixed relationship with them. This was before the discovery of precession in the fifth century BCE.16 At some point Greek astronomers began 16 For a discussion of the first appearances of the signs in cuneiform tablets pertaining to the destinies of individuals and other issues pertaining to the early relationship of the signs and constellations see Francesca Rochberg, Babylonian Horoscopes, Transactions of American Philosophical Society (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1998). This work also contains the text and translations of these earliest “horoscopes.” First the earliest and still authoritative discussion of the sign-constellation relationship in cuneiform sources see Peter Huber, “Über Den Nullpunkt Der Babylonischen Ekliptik,” Centaurus 5, no. 3-5 (1958): 192-208. 344 to settle on the vernal point as the beginning of the zodiac of the signs.17 It did not become the universal norm in the classical world.18 Then somewhere between c.700 CE and c.1000 CE, astrologers in the Arabic world, and the medieval Latins who learned from them, settled on the above definition of the signs which placed the first degree of the sign Aries exactly and permanently at the vernal point on the ecliptic. Each subsequent sign then occupied exactly 30E of the ecliptic following the order presented above. The Signs and the Seasons, the Quadruplicities – For the reasons already described the signs are linked to the seasons such that starting with Aries, every three signs constitute a season as below. Spring – Aries, Taurus, Gemini. Autumn – Libra, Scorpio, Sagittarius. Summer – Cancer, Leo, Virgo. Winter – Capricorn, Aquarius, Pisces. Ptolemy refers to Cancer and Capricorn as solstitial (tropika, τροπικά) because they begin with the summer and winter solstices respectively. The signs Aries and Libra he termed equinoctial (isoēmerina, Æσοημρινά) because they begin with the spring and autumn equinoxes respectively. Medieval astrologers referred to all four of these signs as moveable (mobile) and later, modern astrologers came to refer to them as cardinal.19 The signs that follow these, Taurus, Leo, Scorpio, 17 See Otto Neugebauer, A History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy, 3 vols. (Berlin-New York: SpringerVerlag, 1975), 600, where he states: Aries 0E E. Usually called the “first degree” or “day 1,” of Aries, a terminology which upset ancient and modern arithmetic alike. Since this norm has been used consistently by Hipparchus and by Ptolemy it remained the basis of reckoning in mathematical astronomy, Aries 0E being the vernal point, i.e., the intersection of the equator and the ecliptic. We know from Hipparchus that the majority of the “old” mathematicians divided the ecliptic in this form. This statement agrees with sources still available to us: Euctemon (about -430) placed all four cardinal points on the “first day” of their respective signs. The same norm holds for Callipus (about -330) and is underlying the era of Dionysius (beginning -284/3). As far as we know this norm is attested nowhere in Babylonian astronomy. 18 O. Neugebauer, and H.B. van Hoesen, Greek Horoscopes, 172-3. This last term is unfortunate because in older literature the word cardinalis and its associated noun cardo (hinge), was reserved for the rising, culminating, setting and anti-culminating signs, or degrees of the zodiac, at the time and place for which a chart was erected. 19 345 and Aquarius were designated solid (sterea, στρά, solidum), firm (firmum) or fixed (fixum).The next signs in each season are Gemini, Virgo, Sagittarius, and Pisces. These are called double-bodied (disoma, δισομά, bicorpor, bicorporealis) or common (commune). These designations arise from the fact that in the moveable signs the qualities of a new season are asserted. In the fixed signs, those same qualities become stabilized or fixed, and in the doublebodied or common signs the qualities of the next season begin to blend with the qualities of the current season. In other words the three categories of four signs each correspond to the beginning, middle and end of each season. In modern astrology these three groups of signs are called quadruplicities because they contain four signs each.20 I have found no such usage in premodern texts, although the classification itself is commonly referred to in the mention of moveable, fixed and common signs. The Triplicities – A second mode of classification is into the triplicities or triangles (trigonon, τριγώνων, triplicitas, ternaria). These consist of the arrangement of the signs into four equilateral triangles. As one can see from the texts, terms corresponding to triangle or triplicity are found in ancient and medieval literature. The origin of this classification is not clear but it is quite old. There are hints of it in the cuneiform literature. It is almost fully developed in Ptolemy but a feature of the system which became extremely important medieval literature is wholly absent in Ptolemy, namely, the association between the four triplicities and the four elements. However, the signs which comprise the triplicities are the same from the beginning of horoscopic astrology to the present day. The following table presents the complete system of sign classification as it was known in 20 Nicholas de Vore, Encyclopedia of Astrology (New York: Philosophical Library, 1947), 327. 346 the middle ages. Element Moveable Fixed Common Sex Sect Fire Aries Leo Sagittarius masculine diurnal Earth Capricorn Taurus Virgo feminine nocturnal Air Libra Aquarius Gemini masculine diurnal Water Cancer Scorpio Pisces feminine nocturnal As one might expect mathematically, there is a moveable, fixed and common sign in each triplicity. The Sex and Sect of the Signs – The table given above also shows that the signs have gender and sect. Unlike the planets all of masculine signs are also diurnal and all of the feminine signs are also nocturnal. The relationship between gender and sect is suggestive, but that discussion is beyond the scope of this introduction. Other Modes of Classifying the Signs – Two other modes of classifying the signs may be relevant here. Upright and Oblique Ascension: These are now usually referred to as signs of long and short ascension. Signs of long ascension rise more nearly perpendicular to the horizon and therefore take longer than two sidereal hours to ascend.21 Signs of short ascension rise more obliquely to 21 This requires some explanation. A normal hour is based on the average movement of the Earth or the Sun (from a geocentric perspective). The normal day is defined as the time interval between two successive passes of the Sun over the meridian of any place. However, there are two relevant factors here. First, the Sun is moving (or rather the Earth is) and second, this motion is not quite constant. It is a bit less than 1 degree per day, to be exact, 59' 08"on average but can vary from 1E01'10" in late December to 00E57'12" in early July. This causes the time between passes of the Sun over a meridian to vary somewhat between winter and summer (northern hemisphere). However, mechanical clocks do not deal gracefully with these variations, so over the years, mostly in the nineteenth century, the apparent Sun with its variations was replaced by a fictive mean Sun that moved exactly 59'08" per day and did so on the celestial equator (the plane of the Earth’s rotation) rather than the in the zodiac. Except for some extremely refined subtleties that have been added to this definition, now our solar day has exactly the same length every day of the year, and that day is defined as the interval between two passes of the mean Sun over the meridan. One solar hour is 1/24th of that time. However this rotation is more than a 360E rotation because the mean Sun moves in that 24 hour interval 59'08", so the rotation of the Earth in that time period is actually 360E59'08" not 360E. A sidereal 347 the horizon, and rise in less then two sidereal hours. (A sidereal hour is 9.86 seconds less than a normal hour.) Signs of short or oblique ascension are also referred to as ‘crooked’. This distinction depends on whether the latitude of a place is in the northern or southern hemisphere. Signs of long ascension in the northern hemisphere are signs of short ascension in the southern and vice versa. In the northern hemisphere, the signs Cancer through Sagittarius are signs of long ascension, while the signs Capricorn through Gemini are signs of short ascension. The matter of signs of long and short ascension sometimes does appear in interrogations and elections. Commanding and Obeying: This has to do with signs whose degrees are located above (north) the celestial equator versus those whose degrees are located below (south) it. Anything on the celestial equator rises exactly due east and sets due west of an observer anywhere on the earth. Any body which is located north of the celestial equator will rise somewhat north of east and set north of west. A body which is located south of the celestial equator will rise somewhat south of east and set somewhat south of west. When the Sun is located north of the equator, the day lasts longer than twelve hours, when south, the day is less than twelve hours. This is basis of the seasons. When the Sun is in the commanding signs it is also located north of the celestial equator. When the Sun is in the obeying signs, it located south of the equator. These signs are grouped into commanding and obeying pairs as indicated in the table below. Aries Taurus Gemini Cancer Leo commands Pisces commands Aquarius commands Capricorn commands Sagittarius commands Scorpio obeys obeys obeys obeys obeys day is the exact 360E rotation and it is slightly short than the solar day being 23:56:03.5 measured in terms of solar hours. A sign is 30E long, so a sign is equivalent to two hours (360÷24 = 15E, 360E÷12 = 30E). If the signs of the zodiac lay upon the celestial equator, they would rise in exactly 2 sidereal hours. Because they lie on the ecliptic, sex signs rise in more than two sidereal hours and six signs rise in less than two sidereal hours, butthe average is exactly two sidereal hours ber sign. 348 Virgo commands Libra obeys These relationships would be reversed in the southern hemisphere.22 Commanding signs (as the term implies) were considered in some way to be dominant over the obeying signs. This doctrine does not seem to have been very important in practice in medieval astrology. However, another relation between the commanding and obeying signs was more important. The signs of each pair rise in exactly the same amount of sidereal time. This distinction does not figure strongly in the practice of military astrology. Signs Which Behold Each Other: A relationship similar to the one above involves the following pairs of signs. Cancer Leo Virgo Libra Scorpio Sagittarius and and and and and and Gemini Taurus Aries Pisces Aquarius Capricorn see each other. see each other. see each other. see each other. see each other. see each other. These sign pairs are also called equipollent because the length of daylight is the same when the Sun is in each of these signs. To be completely accurate, when the Sun is in the last degree of Cancer, daylight is the same as when it is in the first degree of Gemini. The next to last degree of Cancer matches the second degree of Gemini and so forth. This distinction also does not figure strongly in the practice of military astrology. Barren, Fruitful and Semi-fruitful: This classification is important in interrogational and electional astrology because it often is involved in computing whether something is going to be abundant or scarce. This was originally applied to numbers of children but came to be applied to quantities of anything. The signs of the water triplicity, Cancer, Scorpio, and Pisces, were all 22 However, no form of traditional astrology that has survived to this day came from any culture located south of the equator. 349 said to be fruitful, that is, to aid in conceiving and begetting children. For reasons that are not clear, Gemini, Leo, and Virgo, three signs which have no other obvious relationship were considered barren or sterile. All other signs were considered more or less average in this respect. This classification is not important in military applications of astrology. As with the planets I reproduce here a section on the sign Aries from Schoener’s Opusculum.23 Aries a Nature: The secondary domicile of t. Fiery, hot, dry, choleric, masculine, diurnal, northern, of the eastern triplicity, moveable, of oblique ascension, bitter [taste], domestic, bestial, quadrupedal, vocal, of few children, luxurious, infirm and defective because of limbs that are cut off, irascible, commanding, crooked, a great and strong beginning, a feeble and weak ending. Parts of the Body and Illnesses: Head, face, eyes, ears, and also their infirmities. Pustules, leprosy, red spots, itches, impetigo, deafness, stuttering, baldness, thinness of beard, toothache, epilepsy, fevers of the blood. Regions: England, France, Germania, Bastarnia, Syria Cava, Britain. Elections: You should speak with princes and wealthy men. Begin that which you wish to be done quickly. Bloodletting is good for phlegmatic persons. The section labelled election is simply a general indication of what kinds of activities each sign does or does not favor. How a particular sign may or may not been seen to be relevant to an election is beyond the scope of this introduction but that this was so has been made clear in the discussions of the text. Houses or Places. In the middle ages these came to be a second division of the 360E of the zodiac into twelve divisions separate from the signs. The function of this division was to create sections of the 23 Schoener, Opusculum astrologicam, Part II, canon 1. 350 horoscopic chart which pertained to special areas of activity or existence, either for an individual whose chart was the subject of interpretation (known in English as the ‘native’ and in Latin as natus), or for different components of an interrogation, or of an activity that was about to be undertaken (an election). The original term for these was τόπος (topos) in Greek, and locus in Latin, both words meaning ‘place’. The word ‘house’ (domus) did not become the dominant term until the later middle ages and early modern times.24 However, for the remainder of this section I will use the word ‘house’ following the most common usage in medieval astrology. Each house was assigned a definite range of significations. These significations were settled upon with small variations by the end of the classical era. In medieval and early modern astrology the significations of the places were often summarized by the Latin sequence.25 1 Vita uxor 7 2 lucrum mors 8 3 fratres pietas 9 4 genitor regnum 10 5 nati benefactaque 11 6 valetudo carcer 12 In English these words would be as follows: House 1 House 2 House 3 House 4 House 5 House 6 Life Wealth or Gain Brothers (Siblings) Father or Parent Children Health (Illness) House 7 House 8 House 9 House 10 House 11 House 12 24 Wife (Spouse) Death Piety (Religion) Kingship Good Deeds Prison ‘House’ originally meant the sign or signs most favored by a particular planet. See below. There are variations. This sequence is from John Partridge, Mikropanastron: Or an Astrological Vade Mecum (London, 1679), 47. A similar sequence is cited in the old Catholic Encyclopedia. See Maximilian Jacobi, “Astrology.” The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 2 (New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1907). There the Latin is as follows: Vita, lucrum, fratres, genitor, nati, valetudo, uxor, mors, sapiens, regnans benefactaque, daemon. No source is cited in the Catholic Encyclopedia. The Partridge version cites one Pezelius who appears to be Christoph Pezel (1539-1604). His work is not generally known at the present time but the likely source seems to be Christoph Pezel, Praecepta genethliaca (Frankfurt, 1607). J. D. North also cites the same list as Partridge but give no source. See John David North, “Kalenderes Enlumyned Ben They: Some Astronomical Themes in Chaucer.” The Review of English Studies New Series vol. 20, no 78, (1969): 137. 25 351 It is not clear how these significations were derived and any possible explanation is beyond the scope of this introduction. However, the list given above is not a very complete one for a listing of the significations give to the places or houses. I can do no better than to append at this point Zahel’s passages on the significations of the houses from his Introduction. Zahel’s listing is especially relevant as he and Alcabitius were major influences upon Bonatti. A Chapter on What Each Sign Consists of and What It Signifies.26 Understand that for each question and for each matter than can be inquired about we have found a particular indication by which is signified whatever good or evil there may be in regard to that same question. [These have been derived] from several methods which the sages have expounded on the signification of questions and matters [obtained] from the essence of the twelve signs and the natures of the seven planets. We will arrange the description of the places [houses] from which these matters are to be observed according to [their own] natures and significations like those the planets have, accordingly as God wills it. The First House, That of the Ascendant and Everything Which There Is in it Concerning Interrogations, and also for the Rest of the Twelve Signs. The first house is that house whose beginning rises or ascends in the east at the time of an interrogation, nativity, or the beginning of any working. This signifies life and death because it is the ascending of that life which came before this life when the native went forth from his mother’s belly into the world. For this sign, [the ascending sign], rises from the lower side of the earth to the upper side as if from darkness into the light and likewise the native goes out from the darkness of the [his mother’s] belly into the light of this world, from the narrowness of the womb to the openness of the air. Also the querent discloses his question from the secret place of his heart and the matter of the question which was previously hidden shines forth and is made manifest. Therefore, the ascendant signifies bodies, life, and every beginning and movement of a body, and also whatever comes from any happening and the commencement of each matter or event, and everything which moves or is rational, and the beginnings of all things. The Second House. The second house from the ascendant does not aspect the rising sign. It signifies the gathering of substance, the maintenance of live, the condition of serving men and women, also the receiving and giving of gifts. 26 The Latin text and the citation for this passage is located in the Appendix of Latin Texts. See p. 467. 352 The Third House. The third house is cadent from the ascendant, but not completely so. It signifies brothers and sisters by blood, neighbors, kin and their condition. Also, [it signifies] patience and counsel, faith and religion, also contentions within sects, letters, and also legations and legates, traveling and dreams. The Fourth House. The fourth house which is called the Angle of the Earth, signifies fathers and their condition, that is, their origin and background, and also kinship, prisons, lands, and country regions, cities, every edifice, and everything which is covered or hidden or hidden treasures, also death and that which come to be after death, that is, that which happens to the dead, namely, relating to the disposal of the body, to with, whether a dead person may be buried or cremated, placed on a gallows, or thrown out in some place, and all of the other things that happen to the dead as well as everything which is buried under the ground. The Fifth House. The fifth house succeeds the Angle of the Earth. It is a place of love because it is of the triplicity and the joy of the ascendant. It also signifies sons and daughters and everything in which there is trust, also legates, gifts, honor, and the seeking of women, friendships and friends, cities and the condition of their citizens, and the fruits of inheritances. The Sixth House. The sixth house is cadent from the ascendant, does not aspect it, and is a malignant place. It also signifies infirmities both separable and inseparable,27 and the causes of infirmities, also serving men and women, injustices and moving from one place to another. The Seventh House. The seventh house is the Angle of the West and it signifies marriages and matters associated with them, battles and conflicts, opposition, also agreements and buying and selling, [things] which happen between two parties, [also] that person about whom a question is asked such a fugitive and thief, also lost things and matters like these, journeys, and the loss of things and the causes of that. This sign is the enemy of the ascendant and every planet which is in this sign is opposed to the ascendant. The Eighth House. The eighth house succeeds the Angle of the West and signifies death, killing, and lethal 27 In other words, curable and incurable. 353 poisons, also fear, also whatever may be inherited from the dead, and everything that perishes, suffering and sadness, also wars and conflicts, also the attendants, and those who are in the service of adversaries or ones with whom one is conflict, and those who have been entrusted [to them] for safekeeping, also estate management, dilatoriness and talents. The Ninth House. The ninth house is cadent from the ascendant and signifies wandering and journeys, the worship of a deity and all houses of religion, philosophy and the foreknowledge of all things, the wisdom of the stars and divination, letters, also legates and legations, rumors, dreams, faith and divine wisdom, also holiness and religion, and all things that have gone before and are receding, also a man deposed from his honor and work, and matters that concern ages to come and the foreknowledge of the future. The Tenth House. The tenth house is called the Angle of Heaven. It signifies the king and kingship, elevation in rank and command, glory, also memory and the voice of praise, also mothers, and substance which has been stolen and carried off, judges, princes, prelates and every kind of mastery in workmanship. The Eleventh House. The eleventh house succeeds the Angle of Heaven and signifies friends, faith and fortune, the substance of the king and its return or tribute, also his soldiers, attendants, and the man who succeeds the king, his first prince; and it signifies praises and adoptive children. The Twelfth House. The twelfth house is cadent from the ascendant and does not aspect it. It signifies enemies and suffering, lamentations and grief, whispering, deceit, envy and malevolent slyness, also journeys, malice, hard work, prison, and beasts. The Ascendant, Descendant, Midheaven, and Imum Caeli – These are four important degrees of the zodiac that played a very important function in dividing the chart into houses. The ascendant28 degree (ascendens or oriens) was simply the degree of the zodiac rising in the east. The degree opposite the ascendant setting in the west is called the descendant29 (descendens or 28 Although strict derivation from Latin would suggest that the proper spelling of ‘ascendant’ should be ‘ascendent’, and indeed that spelling is often used, it has become conventional to use the spelling with the ‘a’. 29 See previous note on the spelling of ascendant. 354 occidens). The midheaven degree (medium coelum, or medium coeli) was that degree of the zodiac that was exactly due south of an observer, where the Sun would be at noon as determined by a sundial. It is also that degree of the zodiac which is exactly halfway in time between its own rising and setting. Where the ascendant may be significantly north or south of east, the midheaven is always exactly due south and above the horizon. The opposite point, the imum coeli usually abbreviated as I.C. (there is no common English expression), is exactly due north of an observer but is below the horizon. It is where the Sun would be at midnight if one could use a sundial at night. Types of Houses – Just as the signs are divided into moveable/cardinal, fixed and common/mutable, so the houses are also divided into three categories, angles or cardines, succedents, and cadents. In all systems of houses, the houses that contain the ascending degree (ascendant) and the descending degree (descendant) are houses numbered one and seven. In the oldest method of defining houses the houses were conterminous with the signs. In this system the fourth and tenth signs as counted from the rising sign were the fourth and tenth houses.30 In the later systems that developed, which were in use in the later middle ages, the house that contained the midheaven became the tenth house, and the opposite house which contained the I.C. was the fourth house. In these later systems, the methods for deriving the other houses, 2, 3, 5, 6, 8, 9, 11 and 12, was a matter for somewhat complicated mathematics which varied from system to system. However, in the medieval period up to the late 1400's the most common 30 In this older system the Midheaven was often the degree 90E clockwise from the Ascendant, rather than the point of the zodiac due south, and the I.C. was the point opposite. Some authors used both points. Consequently there is much confusion in the ancient literature on the subject of the Midheaven. 355 system by far was the one associated with Alcabitius.31 This is the system that Bonatti used.32 North’s book, Horoscopes and History, mentioned previously, is an excellent technical description of the house method used in the middle ages. North refers to the system of Alcabitius as the ‘standard’ system which it was in the Latin West. The succedent houses were the ones that followed the angular houses, namely houses 2, 5, 8, and 11. The cadent houses were numbers 3, 6, 9 and 12. The three categories of houses were said to differ in the strength that they conveyed to planets within them. The angular houses were said to be the strongest followed by the succedent houses, and the weakest were the cadent houses. As one examines the literature one finds a certain amount of confusion here. Although no one has ever completely straightened this out, the confusion appears to stem from a mixing up of the concepts of strong and weak with benefic and malefic. In virtually all of the authors of the period, the cadent houses 6 and 12 are both weak and malefic. In the original system which identified the houses with signs, these houses made no significant angular relationship or aspect to the first house. (See the discussion of conjunctions and aspects below.) But houses 3 and 9 not only have aspectual relationships with the first house, they have the “best” kind. Therefore they may be weak, but they are not usually considered malefic. House 8, however, makes no significant angular relationship with the first house even though it is one of the succedent houses. Therefore, it seems to have been considered malefic, but not necessarily weak. Recall that it is the house of death. 31 The system is actually much older than that and is found in charts attributed to one Rhetorius from the sixth or seventh century CE. The system is found in a chart given in O. Neugebauer and H.B. van Hoesen, Greek Horoscopes, 138-140, where it is designated as L428. 32 Bonatti does not explicitly say this, but modern computations of his charts demonstrate it to be so. The different methods of house division yield considerable differences in the locations of the beginnings (cusps) of the intermediate houses. 356 The significance of the houses in the chart – The houses are not a minor part of the basic symbol system of astrology. All forms and traditions of horoscopic astrology employ systems of houses of some kind. Where the symbolism of the planets and signs consists of rather abstract “energies” or “virtues,”33 (the latter term is the one used in the medieval literature), the houses bring these into manifestation. Each of the subject areas listed in connection with each of the houses consists of an area of concrete action and experience. Consequently in all of the branches of medieval astrology, but especially in interrogations, elections, and nativities, the houses and the ways in which they interact through the signs and planets, are the most important of the three primary elements of horoscopic astrology, planets, signs, and houses, when it comes to making an actual judgement about a new beginning (nativities and elections) or a question (interrogations). The judgements of judicial astrology consist chiefly of judgements pertaining to houses. 33 Vires or virtutes in Latin. 357 Combinations of the Basic Components. Conditions of the Planets by Themselves. There are conditions of the planets which arise from the characteristics of their orbital motion. These were held to have both a positive and a negative impact upon a planet’s effectiveness. Among these is a planet’s swiftness in orbital motion, whether said motion is forward or backward, whether it was increasing or decreasing in brightness, and finally a variable referred to as “increased” or “decreased in number.”34 This last derives from a technical condition of Ptolemaic astronomy and need not be considered here. Also, it is not usually used in interrogations for evaluating the effectiveness of a planetary significator.35 Therefore, in this section I will deal only with the others. Swiftness of Motion – This refers to the 24-hour rate of change in a planet’s position. The table at the left gives the average motion of each of the seven planets of medieval astrology. Because from the geocentric perspective the motion of Mercury and Venus are tied to the Sun’s motion, Mean Motion of the Planets Moon Mercury Venus Sun Mars Jupiter Saturn 13° 10' 36" 00E 59' 08" 00E 59' 08" 00E 59' 08" 00E 31' 27" 00E 04' 59" 00E 02' 01" all three bodies, the Sun, Mercury, and Venus have exactly the same mean motion. However, the movements of Mercury and Venus vary from their mean much motions more than does the motion of the Sun. For the Sun and Moon whenever the 24hour rate of change is greater than the mean motion, they are said to be “swift in motion.” When their motions are less than the mean, they are termed “slow in motion.” The motions of the other five planets are similarly classified, however, there is one major 34 35 This is found in Haly Abenragel but does not play a role in Bonatti’s material on interrogations. Haly Abenragel does occasionally refer to it. 358 difference between these planets and Sun and Moon. The Sun and Moon always move forward in the order of the signs, that is, their longitude is always in creasing. Such motion is called ‘direct’. The other five planets not only can be swift or slow, then can appear to go backwards or ‘retrograde’.36 Therefore, for Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn, motion can be described as ‘direct’ which includes swift in motion and slow in motion, and ‘retrograde’ or backwards in motion. Swiftness of motion is beneficial to a significator; slowness is not beneficial but retrograde is the worst of the three. For the Sun and Moon, swiftness of motion is beneficial; slowness of motion is harmful. Increasing in Light – Here is the passage from the English Dariot of 1653 which defines increasing or increased in light. A planet is increased in light when he departeth from q, or q from him, and on the contrary he doth diminish in light.37 This criterion does not apply to the Sun at all. It is always at more or less the same brightness.38 The moon is the most obvious example; it increases in light from New to Full and diminishes in light from Full to New. The planets do the same although any crescent phases they may have are not visible to the naked eye. A planet is more efficacious when it is increasing in light and brighter than average. This matter is sometimes raised in interrogations, especially in Haly Abenragel, but there are no examples in the Bonatti passages on conflict and war. It is quite important in elections. 36 For a more detailed description of direct motion versus retrograde see DIRECT and RETROGRADE in the Glossary. 37 Dariot, Withers trans., 57. 38 This is true as far as observation with the naked eye can detect. 359 Relationships Among the Planets. Aspects, Application and Separation – Astrologers did not merely describe planets by location in a sign or house. The planets also had relationships among themselves as well. When the positions of planets within the zodiac were either close to or in the same degree, or their degree locations formed certain significant angles with each other (with the center of the earth as the vertex of the angle), they were said to be joined together. The Latin terms for this are all derived from the verbs iungo and coniungo.39 When this happens, the planets were believed to be interacting, combining their symbolism, and in some manner exchanging virtues with each other. There are two basic types of joining in this way both referred to by the noun coniunctio or ‘conjunction’. The more important of these is the ‘bodily’ or ‘corporal’ conjunction (coniunctio corporalis). The condition exists when two planets are in the same degrees of the same signs or within an arc of separation sufficiently close for there to be an interaction. The second type of conjunction was known as the ‘aspectual’ conjunction (coniunctio aspectualis) or simply ‘aspect’ (aspectus or respectus). An aspect exists when two planets are not in the same degree of the same sign, but are in the same degrees of different signs (counting the degrees from the beginning of the respective signs) that were said to look at each other (aspicere or respicere). Each sign was said to aspect, first of all, the opposite sign by opposition (180E), second, the two signs exactly one-third of the circle away on both sides by trine (120E), third, the two signs onequarter of the circle away on both sides by square or quadrature (90E), and, fourth and last, the two signs one-sixth of the circle away on both sides by sextile or hexagon (60E). Each sign had no aspectual relationship with the signs immediately on either side of it, nor the signs opposite 39 ‘To join’ and ‘join together’ respectively. 360 those two signs. The table below shows the relationship of all of the signs to each other along with the symbols used to designate the bodily and aspectual conjunctions. Table of Relationships Among the Signs Symbols Used – A = Bodily Conj., S = Opposition, D = Square, F = Trine, G = Sextile a s d f g h z x c v b n a A -- G D F -- S -- F D G -- s -- A -- G D F -- S -- F D G d G -- A -- G D F -- S -- F D f D G -- A -- G D F -- S -- F g F D G -- A -- G D F -- S -- h -- F D G -- A -- G D F -- S z S -- F D G -- A -- G D F -- x -- S -- F D G -- A -- G D F c F -- S -- F D G -- A -- G D v D F -- S -- F D G -- A -- G b G D F -- S -- F D G -- A -- n -- G D F -- S -- F D G -- A Figure 3, which, may be easier to grasp, shows the relationship between any sign and every other sign. Consider any particular sign as 1. The sign in opposition is 7, the signs in trine are 5 and 9, the signs in square are 4 and 10, and the signs in sextile are 3 and 11. An important note: Creating some confusion in the texts is that in many references to the word Fig. 3 – Aspect Relationships 361 ‘conjunction’ without any qualification means a bodily conjunction. However, in those texts the Latin equivalent of the term ‘aspect’ was also used by itself to distinguish. Also, in some texts one must be aware that conjunction (coniunctio) without qualification was often used for what we now call the New Moon. The context must be used to determine what usage is employed. “Good” and “Bad” Aspects – Some modes of aspectual conjunction came to be considered “good” while others were “bad.” (The bodily conjunction is either good, bad or indifferent depending upon what planets were involved and what condition they are in.) There is no generally accepted theory as to why this should be so, and what is meant by “good” and “bad” but Bonatti presents a theory also found in other authors from this period. It is said that the sextile aspect is a good aspect, and that it is an aspect of medium, but not perfect, friendship and concord. It is called an aspect of medium friendship because it is derived from [the relation] of Venus to the luminaries. The domiciles of Venus aspect the domiciles of the luminaries by the sextile aspect as has been described previously. From this the aspect is called the aspect of medium friendship because Venus is a fortunate planet, of medium but not perfect strength. The square aspect is called the aspect of medium evil, and it is an aspect of medium but not perfect hostility and discord. It is called an aspect of medium hostility because the aspect is derived from [the relation] of Mars to the luminaries. The domiciles of Mars aspect the domiciles of the luminaries by the square aspect as has been described previously. From this the aspect is called the aspect of medium hostility because Mars is an infortune [malefic] to a lesser degree than Saturn just as Venus is a fortune [benefic] to a lesser degree than Jupiter. However, the trine aspect is called a good aspect and an aspect of perfect friendship, perfect concord and complete goodness. It is called an aspect of perfect friendship and concord, because it is derived from the [relation] of Jupiter to the luminaries. The domiciles of Jupiter aspect the domiciles of the luminaries by the trine aspect. From this the aspect is called the aspect of perfect friendship because Jupiter is the strong and perfect fortune [benefic] beyond all other fortunes. There is no goodness lacking in Jupiter. But the aspect of opposition is called an evil aspect, and it is the aspect of ultimate enmity, ultimate malice and ultimate discord. It is called such an aspect of ultimate enmity because it is derived from [the relation] of Saturn to the luminaries. The domiciles of Saturn aspect the domiciles of the luminaries from the opposition. From this it is called the aspect of ultimate hostility because Saturn is the greater infortune [malefic] and it is stronger [as such] 362 than all other infortunes [malefics].40 If the reader will consult the sign descriptions from Bonatti, it will be apparent that what Bonatti says is correct. The domiciles of the luminaries (the Sun and the Moon) are Leo and Cancer respectively. If one counts backward two signs (sextile) from Cancer one will come Fig. 4 – Aspects and Domicile Relationships to Taurus which is a house of Venus. If one counts forward two signs from Leo, one will come to Libra, the house of Venus. Similarly, if one counts three signs backward (square) from Cancer one will come to Aries a house of Mars, and four signs forward from Leo brings one to Scorpio a house of Mars, and so forth.41 Orbs or Orbs of Light – As mentioned above, both kinds of conjunction, bodily and 40 Et dicitur quod aspectus sextilis sit aspectus bonus et est aspectus medie amicicie atque concordie sed non perfecte. Et dicitur aspectus medie amicicie atque concordie quoniam ipse trahitur a Venere et a luminaribus quia domus Veneris aspiciunt domos luminarium a sextili aspectu ut dictum est supra. Et ob hoc dicitur ille aspectus medie amicicie quoniam Venus est semi fortis fortuna et non perfecta. Et quadratus aspectus dicitur mediocriter malus et est aspectus medie inimicitie atque discordie sed non perfecte. Et dicitur aspectus medie inimicitie quoniam ipse trahitur a Marte et a luminaribus quia domus Martis respiciunt domos luminarium a quarto aspectu ut dictus est supra. Et ob hoc dicitur ille aspectus medie inimicitie quoniam Mars est minor infortuna quam Saturnus sicut Venus est minor fortuna quam Iupiter. Aspectus autem trinus dicitur aspectus bonus et est aspectus perfecte amicitie et prefecte concordie atque complete bonitatis. Et dicitur aspectus perfecte amicitie atque concordie quia ipse trahitur a Iove et a luminaribus quoniam domus Iovis aspiciunt domos luminarium a trino aspectu. Et ob hoc dicitur ille aspectus perfecte amicitie quoniam Iupiter est fortuna fortis et perfecta pre ceteris aliis fortunis cui nihil bonitatis deest. Sed aspectus oppositionis dicitur malus aspectus et est aspectus ultimate inimicicie et ultimate malicie atque ultimate discordie. Et dicitur talis aspectus ultimate inimicitie quoniam ipse trahitur a Saturno et a luminaribus quoniam domus Saturni aspiciunt domos luminarium ab oppositione. Et ob hoc dicitur ille aspectus ultimate inimicitie quoniam Saturnus est infortuna maior et fortior pre ceteris aliis infortunis. Note: The spelling of the forms of ‘amicitia’ and ‘inimicitia’ change between the 'c' and the 't' in the original text. I have left the spelling as it is. Bonatti, Ratdolt ed., fols. 18v-19r. 41 Bonatti’s description is quite detailed and explicit, however, the same observation is to be found in Ptolemy. See Ptolemy, Robbins trans., 78-83. 363 aspectual, did not have to be exact to be operational. Throughout the history of astrology there has always been some acceptable value by which an aspect could be more or less than exact and still considered at least somewhat effective. Although it is difficult to be completely exhaustive in any classification scheme, the ways of expressing this fall into four categories. The first category, which may be the oldest, allows any planet in a sign that aspects another sign, to aspect any planet in that sign. Many of the surviving charts from Vettius Valens show this approach.42 Hindu astrology to this day treats aspects as going from sign to sign, that is, all 30E of each sign aspect all 30E of any sign that is aspected.43 The second category consists of allowing aspects to be out of exactitude by some fixed amount. This amount may or may not vary according to the aspect. It does not vary according to the planet. A system that does not appear to distinguish according to the aspect is found in Antiochus of Athens Thesaurus.44 A system that does vary the amount of allowable error according to the aspect has been in use by modern astrologers since about 1900. The amount of allowable error varies from author to author but the allowable error is determined by the aspect not by the planets involved.45 42 For translations of all of the charts from Vettius Valens see Otto Neugebauer and H.B. van Hoesen, Greek Horoscopes. A professor of Classics CSU Sacramento, Mark Riley, has done a complete and serviceable translation of Valens Anthologia . It is available as a download from http://www.csus.edu/indiv/r/rileymt/. Another but incomplete set of translations done by Robert Schmidt of the Golden Hind Press exists but is hard to find. They are listed in the bibliography. 43 However, the kinds of aspect used in most forms of Hindu astrology are not the same as those used in the Arab-Latin tradition. 44 An English translation of this is as follows: Antiochus of Athens, The Thesaurus, translated by Robert Schmidt (Berkeley Springs, WV: Golden Hind Press, 1993), passim. 45 Nicholas de Vore, Encyclopedia of Astrology (New York: Philosophical Library, 1947), 20. 364 The third method which is found in medieval astrology is according to the value known as an ‘orb’. The discussion of this system will occupy the rest of this section as it was the most common system in use in the middle ages and even more so in the later middle ages and early modern period. Here each planet is assigned a number of degrees over which its influence extends. This influence extends not only from the body of the planet46 (the Fig. 5 – Aspects and Orbs, Medieval System actual degree in which a planet stands) but also from all of the degrees that the planet aspects. The planet is said to “cast rays” from the degree which it occupies to all of the degrees which it aspects, and each of these degrees becomes the center of a circle of influence, orbis or ‘orb’ in English. Fig. 5 illustrates this principle. The diameter, or radius of the orb is determined by the planet involved. The table below lists the degrees of orbs of light assigned to each planet by Alcabitius. While other authors give different values, Zahel’s47 and Alcabitius’48 values are typical with Bonatti using exactly the same. 46 The phrase “body of the planet” seems to imply that the center of measurement is to be made the observable position even if the planet is above or below the ecliptic. On occasion this is correct. However, most of the time practically speaking this is not the case. That planet’s bodily position is treated as if the planet were on the ecliptic exactly. 47 Zahel, Omnibus 1493, f123v. 48 Al-Qabisi, Warburg ed., 65, 67, 71, 73, 77, 79, 83. 365 Saturn = 9E Jupiter = 9E Mars = 8E Sun = 15E Venus = 7E Mercury = 7E Moon = 12E The origin of these values has not been established. The following passage from Zahel is one of the clearest descriptions of how they were used. Understand that the orb of light of the Sun is thirty degrees, half of which is before the Sun and [half] after him, in the fifteenth degree before the Sun, and the fifteenth degree after him. And when between the Sun and some planet there are from one to fifteen degrees, then the Sun projects his light over that planet and it is joined to him. The light of the Moon is twelve degrees before and after. The light of Venus and Mercury, each of them, [is] seven degrees before and after. According to the quantity of its light one planet is joined to another. The light of Saturn and Jupiter, each of them, is nine degrees before and after. The light of Mars is eight degrees before and after. When a planet aspects another planet, it strikes the degree of the planet with its light. [Then] it is said to be joined together with that planet. Unless it strikes that planet with its own light, it is not said to be conjoined with it, but going toward conjunction until it is joined to it.49 This is one of the few texts that describes the use of orbs in early medieval astrology at all clearly. The inference that one may draw from the text is that if two planets are applying to an aspect, the aspect begins to be effective when the planet with the larger orb encloses the other planet within its orb but when the two planets have become close enough so that the planet with the smaller orb also encloses the planet with the larger orb, the aspect becomes stronger. This is confirmed by the following passage from Abu Ma`shar’s Greater Introduction. After a passage in which he gives exactly the same value for the orbs as Zahel, he goes on as follows: The orbs of the seven planets have a quantity of strength in their houses which we have already described in the preceding section. When, therefore, planets are joined one to 49 Scito quod orbis luminis solis est .xxx. graduum cuius mediatas est ante illum et post illum in .xv.mo gradu ante ipsum solem et .xv.mo retro. Cumque fuerint inter solem et aliquem planetarum gradus ab uno usque ad .xv. tunc prohicit [proicit] lumen suum super eum et coniungitur ei. Et lumen lune .xii. gradus ante et retro. Lumen veneris et mercurii uniuscuiusque eorum .vii. gradus ante et retro. Huius luminis quantitate alter alteri iungitur planete. Lumen saturni. et iovis uniuscuiusque istorum .ix. gradus ante et retro. Lumen martis est .viii. gradus ante et retro. Cumque aspexerit planeta alium, suo lumine percusserit gradum illius. Dicitur coniungi illi et nisi percutiat eum lumine suo, non vocatur ei coniunctus sed vadens ad coniunctionem, donec incipiat iungi ei. — Edited from Harley 5402, f19v, viewed at http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=harley_ms_5402 December 29, 2012. 366 another, if between them there is a quantity of degrees of one half of the orb of each of them, that is, before or after, the signification of their joining to each other will be more appropriate and fitting. However, if one of them is in the degrees of the orb of the other, but the other is not commixed with the degrees of the orb of strength of that same planet which is joined to it, their signification will be weaker. For example, if Saturn and the Moon are in one sign, and the longitude between them is less the twelve degrees before or after, Saturn will be in the strength of the orb of the Moon, but the Moon will not be in the strength of the orb of Saturn until there is a bit less then eight degrees between them.50 The values of the orbs that I have cited here are fairly consistent, but how they are used is subject to variation. For example, Alcabitius, as stated above, gives the same value for the orbs as do Zahel, Abu Ma`shar and Bonatti, but elsewhere in his Introduction makes the following statement: 95. With regard to the conditions of one of them in relation to another, one of these is application. This is when two planets are in two signs aspecting each other, and the degrees of the <light> planet in its sign are less than the /97/ degrees of the heavy <planet> in its sign and <the distance> between them is six degrees or less than that; in this case it is said the light <planet> is entering into application with the heavy <planet>. When their degrees are the same, its application is complete.51 This seems to imply that the orbs of light of the planets are not to be used for this purpose, but rather a fixed value of six degrees. Also, here and elsewhere it is implied that this only applies to aspects not bodily conjunctions. Finally we have another variant on the method which was popular in the later middle ages and early modern period. Here we have Claude Dariot in his introduction to astrology. 50 Et est orbibus planetarum VII. quantitas ex fortitudine in locis suis, quam iam narravimus in precedenti differentia. Cum ergo iunguntur planete unus alteri, si fuerit inter eos ex gradibus quantitas dimidii orbis uniuscuiusque eorum vel minus, <hoc est> ante vel retro, erit <aptior significatio> coniunctionis eorum ad invicem. – Si vero fuerit unus eorum in gradibus fortitudinis orbis alterius, sed alter non fuerit commixtus gradibus fortitudinis orbis eiusdem planete qui ei coniungitur, erit eorum significatio debilior. Verbi gratia: ut Saturnus et Luna cum fuerint in uno signo, et fuerit longitudo que fuerit inter eos infra XII. gradus ante vel retro, erit Saturnus in fortitudine orbis Lune, sed Luna non erit in fortitudine orbis Saturni donec sit inter eos infra <VIII.> gradus per modicum. — Abu Ma'shar, Liber introductorii maioris ad scientiam judiciorum astrorum, vol. 5, edited by Richard Lemay (Napoli: Istituto Universitario Orientale, 1995-96), 282. 51 Al-Qabisi, Warburg ed., 95-97. 367 The application of a planet is when the orbs of the rays [of planets] commingle according to the half of the semi-diameter of their orbs, or when a planet connects to another by six degrees52 or by the half of the rays of the aspecting planet. But orbs are various and diverse because some are greater and some are smaller. In fact Saturn throws his rays circularly nine degrees before and after, whence the semi-diameter of orb of the rays of Saturn is nine, but the diameter is eighteen. The orb of the rays of Jupiter is the same quantity. However, the quantity of the diameter of the rays of Mars is sixteen degrees, but of the semi-diameter eight. The Sun sends his rays in a circle of fifteen degrees, whence it is obvious that quantity of the diameter of the whole is thirty degrees, the semi-diameter fifteen degrees. Moreover, Venus and Mercury lay out their rays to a distance of seven degrees in every direction. Finally the Moon pours out her rays circularly according to a quantity of twelve degrees, whence the diameter of her orb comprises twenty-four degrees, the semi-diameter twelve degrees. Therefore, the application of the Moon with Saturn by a dexter sextile aspect is when between the centers of the two bodies forty-nine degrees and thirty minutes have been placed between them or [at most]53 fifty-four [degrees], but by the sinister [sextile aspect] when [there are] seventy degrees and thirty minutes or [at least]54 sixty-six degrees between them. [This is] because the half semi-diameter of the orb of Saturn is four degrees and thirty minutes, but the half semi-diameter of the rays of the Moon contains six degrees. However, those two quantities added together make ten degrees and thirty minutes. If these degrees are taken away from sixty degrees in the dexter [sextile] aspect, or are added to the same in the sinister aspect, the application will be manifest. One must judge according to this method regarding all aspects and radiations of the planets. However, it is termed separation when one planet has left the other planet by one degree from the true aspect and it is said that separation is happening at all times until the first planet has escaped the rays of the other. For example, the Moon is said to be separating from the union with Jupiter when she has left him by a single degree and is said to be separating at all times from Jupiter until ten degrees away. However, this must not be overlooked; the inferior planets apply to the superior ones, and are separated from them and not to contrary that superiors apply to inferiors and are separated from them because of the fact that [their] motions are slower and more ponderous than the [motions of] the inferiors.55 52 Here is a survival of Alcabitius’ six degrees. Adding this from the English translation of Dariot because it does clarify the Latin. Claude Dariot, Dariotus Redivivus: Or a Brief Introduction Conducing to the Judgement of the Stars, Etc., Fabian Wither, trans. (London: Andrew Kemb, 1653), 45. This is a seventeenth century reprint of a translation originally published in the sixteenth century but augmented to a considerable degree by one “N.S.” who identified in the Wing microfilm print of this as one N. Sparks. 54 Again following the Withers translation. 55 Applicatio est quando orbes radiorum planetae per medium semidiametri ipsorum orbium aspectu aliquo commiscent vel cum per gradus sex, aut mediatatem radiorum aspicientis alteri adhaeret. Sed orbes varii sunt ac diversi quoniam alii sunt ampliores, breviores vero alii. Saturnus quippe circulariter novem gradibus ante et retro suos iaculat radios, unde semidiameter orbis radiorum Saturni novem, diameter vero graduum decem et octo. Eiusdem quantitatis est orbis radiorum Iovis. Martis autem diametri orbis radiorum quantitas est sexdecim graduum, semidiametri vero octo. Sol radios suos circulariter quindecim gradus mittit, unde sit manifestum diametri totius quantitatem esse graduum triginta, semidiametri graduum quindecim. Venus autem et Mercurius undequaque suos radios in septem graduum longitudinem expendunt. Luna denique suos radios circulariter ad duodecim graduum quantitatem fundit, unde ipsius orbis diameter gradus quatuor et viginti complectitur, semidiameter gradus 53 368 These half semi-diameters were called in English “moieties” from the French for ‘half’. It also should be noted that for the most part early medieval astrologers did not allow orbs to cross sign boundaries.56 Table of Moieties of Orbs for All Planetary Pairs. Moon w Merc. e Venus r Sun q Mars t Jup. y Sat. u Moon w — 9E 30' 9E 30' 13E 30' 10E 00' 10E 30' 10E 30' Merc. e 9E 30' — 9E 00' 11E 00' 7E 30' 8E 00' 8E 00' Venus r 9E 30' 9E 00' — 11E 00' 7E 30' 8E 00' 8E 00' Sun q 13E30' 11E 00' 11E 00' — 11E 30' 12E 00' 12E 00' Mars t 10E 00' 7E 30' 7E 30' 11E 30' — 8E 30' 8E 30' Jup. y 10E 30' 8E 00' 8E 00' 12E 00' 8E 30' — 9E 00' Sat. u 10E30' 8E 00' 8E 00' 12E 00' 8E 30' 9E 00' — Application and Separation – In every case in which conjunctions of either type, bodily or aspectual, between planets were judged (assuming that they were signs where such relationships could happen) the most important matter to consider was whether the combination was forming, duodecim. Lunae itaque cum Saturno applicatio sextili aspectu dextro est, quando inter duorum corporum centra, quadraginta novem gradus cum minutis triginta interiecti sunt, vel quatuor et quinquaginta. Sinistro vero cum gradus septuaginta et minuta triginta, aut sex et sexaginta. Quoniam dimidium semidiametri orbis Saturni est quatuor graduum et triginta minutorum, dimidium vero semidiametri orbis radiorum Lunae sex gradus continet. Illae autem duae quantitates simul collectae, gradus decem minuta triginta efficiunt. Qui si in aspectu dextro ex gradibus sexaginta auferantur, vel in sinistro gradibus iisdem addantur, manifesta erit applicatio. Atque hac ratione de omnibus aspectibus et radiationibus planetarum est iudicandum. Separatio autem dicitur quando uno gradu a vero aspectu planeta unus alterum relinquit, et semper separari dicitur quousque alterius radios evaserit, ut (gratia exempli) Luna a Iovis congressu separari dicitur, quando eum unico gradu relinquit, et semper separari dicitur quousque a Iove gradibus decem. Illud tamen non est praetereundem quod inferiores ad superiores applicant, atque ab eis separantur, non autem contra superiores inferioribus applicant, ac ab illis separantur, propterea quod motus tardiores et graviores inferioribus existunt. — Claudius Dariotus, Ad astrorum iudicia facilis introductio (Lyon: Maurice Roy and Louis Pesnot, 1557), 20-1. 56 Directly after the passage from Zahel cited above, there is a brief passage describing a planet in the last degrees of a sign whose orb goes over the sign boundary onto a planet in the next sign. Unfortunately the Latin is unclear regarding exactly what this means. 369 exact or dissolving. A combination that was forming was said to be ‘applying’ or ‘in application’. In a combination that was dissolving, on the other hand, the planets were said to be ‘separating’. ‘Exact’ or ‘partile’ meant that the two planets were in the degree of the exact bodily or aspectual conjunction. If a combination were applying, a second important consideration was whether any other aspect is to become exact involving either planet before the combination under consideration becomes exact or partile, or one of the planets changes sign. If such occurred to either planet, the application was regarded as blocked in some way that prevented whatever was presaged by the combination of the two planets from coming to pass. Such events included the following: as mentioned, either planet crossing a sign boundary before the exact aspect; one of the planets changing direction and starting to move away from the degree of exactitude; another, third, faster moving planet coming in and making an exact conjunction (bodily or aspectual) with one of the planets (usually the slower moving planet) before the combination of the first two becomes exact. Most of the medieval texts contain detailed descriptions of all of these “blockages” of conjunctions and the literature indicates that these were taken very seriously in judging the outcome of either an interrogation or an election. They appear to have been less important in nativities but we are not dealing with nativities here. However, I have deemed it best not to outline all of the possible blockings of an applying aspect. When these come up in the texts, the reader is referred to the Glossary for an explanation. It was also considered very important to understand what each planet had done or undergone before the time of the chart. Prior to the time of the chart each planet may have done or undergone one of the following: it may have just entered the sign in which it is posited and has not yet made an exact combination or aspect with another planet, or it may be separating from a 370 previous conjunction or aspect with other planets. However, only the last such joining that preceded the moment of the chart was considered important. Every planet in every chart in the time prior to the time for which a chart is erected has to have done one or the other of these two things. Other factors may enter into consideration when judging the significance of planet’s motions but the two most important are what the planet did or what happened to it before the moment of the chart and what was going to happen to the planet or what the planet was going to do first after the moment of the chart. Why was this consideration of application and separation of planets conjunctions, bodily or aspectual, so important? What follows is a characteristic of medieval astrology (both Arabic and Latin) that distinguishes it to some extant from both Hellenistic astrology of classical antiquity and from Hindu astrology. Every chart, erected for whatever purpose, was treated as moment within a continuous flow of change, a present moment between past and future. What a planet did before the time of the chart, either entering a new sign or forming an exact conjunction, indicates the past before the moment of the chart. Whatever the planet was about to do indicated the future. This was especially important with regard to the Moon which was the single most important planet in interrogations and elections. Relationships Between Signs and Planets. There were two especially important ways in which planets interacted with the signs of the zodiac or particular degrees within the signs. These are broadly classified as essential dignity and debility, and rulership or disposition. Essential Dignities – A planet’s efficacy and even the quality of its “action” changed for better or worse according to what signs or degrees within the signs it might be located in. I refer 371 to “signs or degrees within the sign” in the preceding sentence because in some cases an entire sign affected a planet while in others only certain degrees of a sign had that affect. This will become clear below. When a planet was situated in such a sign or degree that it was improved in its effects it was said to be in its dignity (dignitas). When the planet was negatively affected, it was said to be in its debility (debilitas). The dignities and debilities were believed to vary in intensity and for the most part in the medieval period Arabic and Latin authors assigned a point system for the various intensities of dignity or debilities. In the Greek literature there is no evidence of weighting the intensities. There, all of these dignities were treated as more or less equal, or at least the differences were not overly quantified. These point scores were referred to as ‘fortitudes’ (fortitudines). In texts of the early modern period this type of dignity came to be called essential dignities (dignitates essentiales) in order to distinguish them from other modes in which planets could be positively or negatively reinforced collectively known as accidental dignities (dignitates accidentales). The exact nature of the affect upon planets that were essentially dignified is not precisely clear. Words such as ‘good’ and ‘strong’ for the dignities and ‘bad’ and ‘weak’ or ‘damaged’ for the debilities are found but it is not clear what kind of strength, goodness, or difficulty is implied. However, generally speaking one can derive from the material that a dignified planet was more likely to deliver whatever kind of outcome the planet was likely to deliver, and a debilitated planet was not. This is evident in the texts covered in this work. In the medieval system there were five ways in which a planets could be essentially dignified and three ways in which it could be debilitated. The five dignities were domicile (domus), exaltation (exaltatio, altitudo), triplicity (triplicitas), term (terminus or finis) and face (facies). The first four of these can be found in Ptolemy (although the doctrine is probably older than 372 that). The face is found in other ancient sources, but was not incorporated into the complete of scheme of dignities until the medieval Arabic period. The complete scheme is present in Alcabitius. It is not clear when before him it had taken its classic medieval form. Domicile57 and Exaltation – I place these two dignities together because they are simple, are the two most powerful of the dignities and they extend over all thirty degrees of the signs. Note that for each domicile a planet has a sign opposite where it is in detriment (detrimentum) and that for each sign of exaltation there is an opposite sign in which it is in its fall (casus, depressio). Unfortunately in some texts including Bonatti casus is used for both detriment and fall. These are the first two of the three modes of essential debility. Table of Domiciles, Detriments, Exaltations and Falls. Moon Mercury (w) (e) Venus (r) Sun Mars (q) (t) Jupiter (y) Saturn (u) Domicile (+5) Detriment (-5) Exaltation (+4) Fall (-4) Cancer (f) Gemini (d) Virgo (h) Taurus (s) Libra (z) Leo (g) Aries (a) Scorpio (x) Sagittarius (c) Pisces (n) Capricorn (v) Aquarius (b) Capricorn (v) Sagittarius (c) Pisces (n) Scorpio (x) Aries (a) Aquarius (b) Libra (z) Taurus (s) Gemini (d) Virgo (h) Cancer (f) Leo (g) Taurus Virgo (s) (h) Scorpio Pisces (x) (n) Pisces (n) Virgo (h) Aries (a) Capricorn (v) Libra Cancer (z) (f) Cancer (f) Capricorn (v) Libra (z) Aries (a) A planet located within its domicile is said to have five (+5) fortitudes. The signs of detriment have a dignity (or more accurately debility) score of negative five (-5) fortitudes. The exaltation works the same way as the domicile except that there are four (+4) fortitudes when a planet is in 57 I will use the term ‘domicile’ here so as not to confuse ‘house’ or domus as used in connection with dignity with ‘house’ used to designate a ‘place’ as defined above. Unfortunately, this double use of the term ‘house’ or domus is found all over the medieval Latin literature. 373 its exaltation and negative four (-4) fortitudes when it is in the sign of its fall. As shown above every planet except the Sun and Moon have two signs of domicile and two signs of detriment, whereas every planet including the Sun and Moon has but one sign of exaltation and one of fall. The dignities that follow were usually classed as “minor” dignities but the first of these, that of triplicity, actually had quite a major role in medieval astrology. Triplicity – This mode of dignity is somewhat more complicated than domicile and exaltation. This is because there may be either two or three planets in each sign which are dignified according to triplicity in that sign. In most ancient and medieval texts there are three planets which are said to be dignified according to triplicity. The word triplicity used here is the same word and is in fact derived from the four groupings of three signs each described above in connection with the types of signs. The dignity of triplicity is a kind of hybrid dignity arising from the dignity of domicile and exaltation combined with the sect of the planets and the signs. Recall that the odd-numbered signs are of the diurnal sect and the even-numbered signs are of the nocturnal sect. The odd-numbered signs are the signs of the triplicities of Fire and Air, while the even-numbered signs are the signs of the triplicities of Earth and Water. So for a planet to be dignified by triplicity it should first of all be of the same sect as the triplicity. To be strongly dignified by triplicity it must also be in a sign of a triplicity in which it has dignity by domicile or exaltation (the two strongest dignities) in one of the signs of that triplicity, not necessarily the sign that it is in. The matter of possessing a strong dignity in a triplicity arises because, in what is clearly the older of the two systems of triplicity, there are three planets which may have the dignity. These planets are ranked in order of how strongly they are dignified. The first two are both strongly dignified in the triplicity and exchange the first and second position in strength according to whether the chart itself is diurnal 374 or nocturnal (which depends on whether the Sun is above or below the horizon). The third planet is much more weakly dignified and is often ignored. Typically, it has no strong dignity in the triplicity and only agrees with the triplicity by sect. Saturn as the third ruler in the fire triplicity is a good example. Saturn has no strong dignity in fire but is of the same diurnal sect. The other system of dignity by triplicity is found only in Ptolemy and his later followers. In all of the triplicities except for the Water triplicity (Cancer, Scorpio, and Pisces) there are only two planets which may be dignified. In Water he gives strong dignity by triplicity only to Mars, and weak dignity to Venus and the Moon. The three planet system of dignity by triplicity works as follows and the two planet system appears to be just a simplified version of it. The Fire Triplicity – The three planets that have dignity by domicile in Fire are Mars (Aries), the Sun (Leo) and Jupiter (Sagittarius). The Sun is also exalted in Aries. Of these Mars is of the nocturnal sect so it does not have dignity by triplicity in Fire. Remember that diurnal planets are ranked in order of how diurnal they are. The Sun is the most diurnal of all planets so it has the strongest dignity in day births, and Jupiter by night because it is closer (but not very close) to being nocturnal. Saturn is the third and most weakly dignified planet in Fire because Saturn is diurnal but has neither dignity by domicile nor exaltation. This is an example of a planet dignified in a triplicity having only a connection by sect. The other three triplicities follow a similar pattern. The Earth Triplicity – This triplicity is nocturnal. Planets which have major dignity in this triplicity include Venus (Taurus), Mercury (Virgo), and Saturn (Capricorn) by domicile, and the Moon (Taurus), Mercury (Virgo) and Mars (Capricorn) by exaltation. We have to discard Saturn because it is diurnal. In discussions of the sect of the planets, Mercury is classified as belonging 375 to either sect depending upon what it combined with, however, it does appear to have been considered at least weakly diurnal, enough so that it was rejected for the dignity of triplicity in Earth. This leaves Venus, the Moon, and Mars. Venus is the least nocturnal of these so it is given the strong dignity by triplicity in diurnal charts and the Moon as most nocturnal, in nocturnal charts. Mars which does have a major dignity in Earth, exaltation in Capricorn nevertheless brings up the rear as the most weakly dignified of the three by triplicity in Earth signs. The Air Triplicity – This is a diurnal triplicity. The three planets dignified by domicile in Air are Mercury (Gemini), Venus (Libra), and Saturn (Aquarius). Saturn is also exalted in Libra. Venus cannot qualify for dignity in Air signs because it is a nocturnal planet. Saturn is the most diurnal of the three remaining, so it gets dignity in diurnal charts, Mercury is less diurnal so it gets dignity in nocturnal charts. That leaves the Sun and Jupiter as the third possible planet. Neither has a major dignity in Air. The logic of the choice is unclear but unanimous in the sources. Jupiter gets the nod as the weakly dignified third planet. I would hazard a guess that the Sun was simply considered too powerful to be given a weak dignity, so it was given none. The Water Triplicity – This is a nocturnal triplicity. Here the planets with dignity by domicile are the Moon (Cancer), Mars (Scorpio), and Jupiter (Pisces). Planets exalted in Water include, Jupiter (Cancer), and Venus (Pisces). The logic of this system so far has been consistent if not always clear in its rationale. In Water things break down a bit but not quite completely. Jupiter must be rejected because of its sect. This leaves the same three planets that we had in Earth. Venus again gets the nod for the strong dignity in a day chart. However, unlike Earth, Mars comes in as the strongly dignified planet in night charts even though the Moon is more nocturnal. One can only assume that part of the intention was not to have precisely the same dignity scheme as Earth. So the Moon despite its having a domicile in Water (Cancer) gets third 376 position as the least strongly dignified in Water. In the early modern period, among German astrologers, efforts were made to improve the rationale of the system by making some changes but all of these efforts do seem to have misunderstood the theoretical foundation of this dignity which has its foundation in planetary and zodiacal sect. A planet strongly dignified by triplicity got three points in the medieval system of scoring dignities. There is no debility corresponding to dignity by triplicity. The following table summarizes all of the preceding material on dignity by triplicity. Three Planet System Element Fire Signs Earth Signs Air Signs Water Signs Day Night Sharing q r u r y w e t u t y w Ptolemaic System Fire Signs Earth Signs Air Signs Water Signs y w e t q r u t None None None None Terms, or Bounds – This is the dignity for which there is the least clear rationale of any of the essential dignities. Yet it does seem to be quite ancient. No one knows where it came from and what is its foundation. This is the dignity by ‘term’ or ‘bound’, the two words meaning the same thing, and ‘term’ is the more common word. Dignity by term is further complicated by the fact that there are two different systems which (unlike the two systems of dignity by triplicity) have no apparent connection except for one that is rather obscure. Also, one of these systems, 377 that of Ptolemy, survives with innumerable variants.58 In the table below there are three columns under each sign. The first contains the symbol of the planet that is dignified in each term, the second column indicates the number of degrees in the term, and the third column contains the ending degree of each term.59 Terms According to the Egyptians60 Aries y 6 Taurus 6 r 8 Gemini 8 e 6 Cancer 6 t 7 Leo 7 y 6 Virgo 6 e 7 7 r 6 12 e 6 14 y 6 12 r 6 13 r 5 11 r 10 17 e 8 20 y 8 22 r 5 17 e 6 19 u 7 18 y 4 21 t 5 25 u 5 27 t 7 24 y 7 26 e 6 24 t 7 28 u 5 30 t 3 30 u 6 30 u 4 30 t 6 30 u 2 30 Libra u 6 Scorpio 6 t 7 Sagitt. Capri. 7 y 12 12 e 7 Aquar. 7 e 7 Pisces 7 r 12 12 e 8 14 r 4 11 r 5 17 y 7 14 r 6 13 y 4 16 y 7 21 e 8 19 e 4 21 r 8 22 y 7 20 e 3 19 r 7 28 y 5 24 u 5 26 u 4 26 t 5 25 t 9 28 t 2 30 u 6 30 t 4 30 t 4 30 u 5 30 u 2 30 58 Ptolemy, Αποτελεσματικα, 51-2. Ptolemy's terms as presented below are almost exactly the same as those used by William Lilly and the other astrologers of 17th century England. The only difference is in Gemini where Lilly has y 6, r 14, e 21, u 25 and t 30, due to a difference of one degree in the length of the term of r and the reversal of the Mars and Saturn positions. However, there are many other variants. For a detailed survey of the problem with the transmission of Ptolemy’s terms see Deborah Houlding, “The Transmission of Ptolemy's Terms: An Historical Overview, Comparison and Interpretation,” Culture and Cosmos, 11 (2007): 261-307. 59 There is a convention here that must be observed which is probably a legacy from the Greeks who did not possess the 0. This convention applies alike to signs, terms and faces. The sign Aries does not begin at 0E of Aries. There is no such thing. There is 30Eof Pisces which is equivalent to 30.0000000 ad infinitum, or exactly 30.0E. The same is true of the terms and faces. The first term of Aries begins at 0.0+ an arbitrary indefinitely small number larger than 0.0E exactly. The first term ends at 6.0E exactly. Then the second term begins at 6.0+ and extends to 12.0E exactly, and so forth. This can be a bit confusing because when the medieval astrologers drew charts, they were perfectly content to write a position such 0E 15' of Aries. But they would refer to it as the first degree if they were referring to the entire degree. Just as in modern times there was no “0th” degree. The tables which follow must be read in that manner. 60 Claudius Ptolemy, Αποτελεσματικα, edited by Boll and Boer (Leipzig: Teubner, 1957), 47. 378 The Terms According To Ptolemy Aries y 6 Taurus 6 r 8 Gemini 8 e 7 Cancer 7 t 6 Leo 6 u 6 Virgo 6 e 7 7 r 8 14 e 7 15 y 6 13 y 7 13 e 7 13 r 6 13 e 7 21 y 7 22 r 7 20 e 7 20 r 6 19 y 5 18 t 5 26 u 4 26 t 6 26 r 7 27 y 6 25 u 6 24 u 4 30 t 4 30 u 4 30 u 3 30 t 5 30 t 6 30 Libra u 6 Scorpio 6 t 6 Sagitt. 6 y 8 Capri. 8 r 6 Aquar. 6 u 6 Pisces 6 r 8 8 r 5 11 y 8 14 r 6 14 e 6 12 e 6 12 y 6 14 y 8 19 r 7 21 e 5 19 y 7 19 r 8 20 e 6 20 e 5 24 e 6 27 u 6 25 t 6 25 y 5 25 t 6 26 t 6 30 u 3 30 t 5 30 u 5 30 t 5 30 u 4 30 379 The Terms According To Ptolemy – Bonatti Variant61 Aries y 6 Taurus 6r 8 Gemini Cancer 8e7 7t 6 Leo 6u 6 Virgo 6e 7 7 r 8 14 e 7 15 y 6 13 y 7 13 e 7 13 r 6 13 e 7 21 y 7 22 r 7 20 e 7 20 t 5 18 y 5 18 t 5 26 u 2 24 t 6 26 r 7 27 r 6 24 u 6 24 u 4 30 t 6 30 u 4 30 u 3 30 y 6 30 t 6 30 Libra u6 Scorpio 6t 6 Sagitt. Capri. 6y8 8r 6 Aquar. 6u 6 Pisces 6r 8 8 r 5 11 r 7 13 r 6 14 e 6 12 e 6 12 y 6 14 e 5 16 y 8 21 e 5 19 y 7 19 r 8 20 e 6 20 y 8 24 e 6 27 u 6 25 u 6 25 y 5 25 t 5 25 t 6 30 u 3 30 t 5 30 t 5 30 t 5 30 u 5 30 The matter of the origin of these divisions is beyond the scope of this introduction, but both of these systems (the Egyptian and the various Ptolemaic systems) were used in the middle ages especially in nativities. Any planet that is in one of its designated terms got two fortitudes. There is no essential debility that corresponds to dignity by term. However, in medieval astrology it was considered to be an accidental debility if a planet was located in a term of Mars or Saturn. 61 Bonatti. Ratdolt ed., fol. 19v. The symbols and number in boldface and italics are the ones that differ from the Teubner edition. 380 Faces – Table of Faces or Decanic Rulerships Deg. a s d f g h z x c v b n 0-10 t e y r u q w t e y r u 10-20 q w t e y r u q w t e y 20-30 r u q w t e y r u q w t This dignity is not found in Ptolemy but is attested to in a variety of other ancient sources most notably one Teucer of Babylon.62 The planets are assigned to ten degree sections or the faces (lat. facies) of the signs (also known as decans) according to the classical order of the spheres descending from Saturn.63 For no obvious reason, however, instead of starting with Saturn and going down the order, it starts midway through with Mars. After the counting reaches the Moon, it starts over again at the top with Saturn and repeats the pattern repeatedly until it ends again with the last face of Pisces again as a dignity of Mars. Thus the zodiac begins and ends with a face of Mars. When a planet is in its own face, it gets one fortitude. There is no debility corresponding to this dignity. Peregrine – A planet is peregrine if it has no essential dignity in the sign or degree in which it is located. This is considered to be an essential debility, with -5 fortitudes. Rulership and Disposition – When a planet was not located in a sign or degree that affected its dignity in either direction, the planet was still considered to be connected to every sign and degree in which it possessed dignity. A planet that had dignity in a sign or degree was believed 62 For texts in Greek relating to the development of the decans see Franz Boll, Sphaera (Leipzig: Teubner, 1903.). For other references see Hermes Tresmegistes, “Hermes Trismegisti de triginta sex decanis” in Hermes Latinus, Tome 4, Part 1, edited by Simonetta Feraboli (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 1994); Wilhelm Gundel, Dekane und Dekansternbilder: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Sternbilder der Kulturvölker, (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1969). 63 See Glossary under ORDER OF THE CIRCLES OF THE SEVEN PLANETS. 381 to have rulership (dominium) depending on the nature of the dignity that the planet would have had in that degree and was referred to as a ruler or lord of the position (dominus). The ruler or lord disposed of whatever signification the signs or degrees ruled had for the chart. It determined the outcome of any signified event or the overall worthiness and quality of some particular domain of life or entity signified by the ruler. The concept of rulership is extremely important to understanding all horoscopic astrology and gives rise to the significator. A significator may be nothing more than the domicile ruler of a house, or it may be a planet which has several modes or rulership at once giving rise to an especially complex form of significator commonly known in Latin as the almuten, almutes, or almutem.64 The ruler as significator is found with some variation in Greek, Arabic, Hebrew, Latin and Sanskrit texts. It is one of the lynchpins of the astrological technique and it figures large in all of the astrology employed in interrogations and elections. In medieval Arabic and Latin astrology planets were given fortitudes of rulership based on the fortitudes that said planet would have had were it actually in the degree in question. For example, if the sign Aries were rising, then Mars would have +5 fortitudes of rulership over the ascendant, regardless of where it might be placed in the zodiac, derived from the fact that Mars is the domicile lord of Aries. The Sun would have +4 fortitudes of rulership over the ascendant based on the Sun’s exaltation in Aries. If the chart were diurnal, the Sun would also have +3 fortitudes of rulership over the ascendant by virtue of the Sun as the strong, daytime triplicity lord of Aries. Combining the exaltation and triplicity rulerships of the Sun actually gives the Sun +7 fortitudes of rulership over the ascendant as compared to +5 for Mars. This results in the Sun 64 The original Arabic form is al-mubtaz which means the victor or winner. 382 becoming the effective ruler of the ascendant. Also, the Sun would be significator of whatever is signified by the ascendant in Aries in such a chart, a querent for example. If the chart were a night time chart, then Jupiter. not the Sun, would have +3 fortitudes over the Ascendant so that the ascendant would then be ruled predominantly by Mars with its +5 fortitudes. Therefore in a daytime chart the Sun would be the almuten of the ascendant, in the nighttime Mars. Not all authors consistently paid attention to almutens in which case the ruler of the ascendant would always be the domicile ruler of the sign. An important point must be made here. While planets have fortitudes in signs that give rise to rulership, for the purposes of rulership negative fortitudes, such as one finds in the debilities of detriment, fall and peregrine, do not figure in the computation of rulership. If a planet is debilitated in a sign in which it is not present, it simply has no rulership over the sign.65 What I have just described is most important function of a ruler as significator, to rule or dispose of an entire house. In earlier medieval astrology in which the houses were complete signs, the ruler of a house would be the planet which had the most overall dignities in the entire sign. This practice tended to exclude the rulers of terms or faces in determining the ruler of a house because they did not have rulership throughout the sign. When the beginnings of houses came to be individual degrees within a sign, then the significator could be a planet which gained fortitudes of rulership over terms and faces as long as its rulership included one of those which extended over an entire sign, i.e., it was also a domicile, exaltation or triplicity lord. Determining the significators correctly was an important issue in medieval astrology, much more so than in contemporary astrology. In the early nineteenth century James Wilson could say 65 It might still have rulership over the entire sign due to triplicity, or over a degree due to term or face rulership, but it would be unlikely to be the ruler of a house or a significator. 383 in his Dictionary of Astrology that “admitting for argument sake, that the planets really possessed such domal dignity and strength in certain signs, they could have no effect in such places when not posited there.”66 And elsewhere he states “. . . the essential dignities are all nonsense and absurdity.”67 Wilson writing in1819 shows in these words the near death of the medieval tradition of astrology until its revival in the late twentieth century.68 Once a significator is identified, as it moves in the zodiac, forms aspects to some planets and separates from the aspects of others, as it goes direct in the zodiac, stops, goes retrograde, stops again and turns direct again, the affairs of life over which the significator has rulership evolve and move in ways that parallel the movement of the planet. It is very much a matter of the old Hermetic dictum, “as it is above, so it is below,” at least as far as the medieval astrologer was concerned. Next in this introduction I have provided examples from Bonatti and others of interrogations and elections in addition to the ones Chapter 10 to demonstrate the principles involved in signification. Two More Example Charts. Example #1 — Bonatti: §VI.2.7.28: Battle With the Lucchesi. Bonatti: If someone asks you whether or not there will be a battle between [two] armies, then look at the first house and its lord, the Moon, and the seventh house and its lord. See if they are joined bodily in any of the angles. This signifies that there will be battle between the armies. But if they are not joined bodily, see if they are joined by the opposition or square aspect because this likewise signifies that there will be a battle. If neither of these conditions is true, see if any planet is transferring light between them by the square or opposition aspect because this signifies a future battle if this [joining] is without reception. But if the slower of the significators receives the planet which transfers the significators’ light between them, it signifies that there will not be a battle, and if so, they will conclude peace either in the very act of mustering their armies, or shortly after mustering. If the situation is otherwise, that is, 66 Wilson. Dictionary of Astrology, 275. Ibid., 281. 68 A number of twentieth century systems of astrology followed Wilson in this respect and attempted to do without this entire system of dignities and rulerships. 67 384 the significators of the armies, namely, the lord of the first and the lord of the seventh, are not joined anywhere, have not encountered each other, nor is there any planet which transfers light between them as has been described, it signifies that there will be no battle. Commentary: As with most questions of a military nature, this is a question involving the first and seventh houses with the first house representing the querent and the seventh the opposing side. We have the following significators: the first house and its lord, the Moon and the seventh house and its lord. If this were a civil conflict, the first house and its lord, as well as the Moon would signify for the querent with the seventh house and its lord for the adversary. Since this is a military matter, we should expect that the first house and its lord would stand for the querent. The last planet the Moon has separated from (if any) would signify for the querent, and the first planet (if any) that the Moon applies to would signify for the adversary. The seventh house and its lord signify for the adversary. The following conditions indicate that the there will be a battle. First, if the first house and seventh house significators are joined bodily in an angular house, that is, they are in the same house and sign and the house is the first, fourth, seventh, or tenth, and one of the significators is applying to the bodily conjunction of the other. If so, there will be a battle. The second indication would be if the two significators were applying to a square or opposition. Bonatti does not mention whether the houses have to be angular or not. The third indication is that a faster moving planet is separating from one significator and applying to the other by the square or opposition aspect without reception. This is a translation or transfer of light (or nature as Bonatti prefers). If there is reception involving the slower of the two planets in the transfer, there will be no battle even if the aspect involved is the square or opposition. Note the emphasis on squares and oppositions. These are the aspects of conflict. Trines and sextiles are not mentioned because they would actually indicate peace. Also, if none of the above is true and there is no way in 385 which the significators of the two sides are connected, there will be no battle. Bonatti: This is an example. When Count Guido Novello was the podestà of Florence and we were in the army above the district of the Lucchesi, and the Lucchesi were holding on to the heart of the district with their own army of close to a thousand or less, the count asked whether or not there would be a battle between the armies. The text which follows gives the position of the planets and the houses. Rather than give Bonatti’s text here, I have elected to tabulate the positions in a table with a column for each house. Ascendant Asc. 4`c Seventh cusp ^ 4`d 29`d Second cusp y 9`v 13`v Eighth cusp 9`f Third cusp Fourth 13`b cusp l u Ninth cusp t r e 24`n 3`a 13`a Tenth 13`g 13`h 17`h 17`h M.C. q L 24`h 26`h 3`z Fifth cusp w 18`a 21`a Eleventh cusp 18`z Sixth cusp 14`s Twelfth cusp 14`x Planets and Points: w= Moon: e= Mercury: r= Venus: q= Sun: t= Mars: y= Jupiter: u= Saturn: ^= Part of Fortune: l= Caput Draconis: L= Cauda Draconis Zodiacal Signs: a= Aries: s= Taurus: d= Gemini: f= Cancer: g= Leo: h= Virgo: z= Libra: x= Scorpio: c=Sagittarius: v= Capricorn: b= Aquarius: n= Pisces 386 Bonatti: Therefore I looked at the Ascendant of this question and its lord which was Jupiter, and at the seventh house and its lord which was Mercury. Of these one [Jupiter] was in the second house in Capricorn, namely, in its fall, which seemed to indicate a poor state of affairs on the side of the querent such that he should not seek battle, but because Jupiter was in the second house at the time, it signified some strength for him. Next I looked at the Moon which was in Aries void in course, which signified in a like manner weakness and the poor state of affairs on the querent’s side. Next I looked at Mercury for the adversaries. Mercury was in Virgo, combust and cadent from the angle, which signified Mercury’s weakness even though he was in his own domicile, just as the adversaries were in their own territory so that they should not be seeking a battle. From this I judged the question for him and so it turned out because they did not position themselves at a place of battle. Commentary: The Ascendant is Sagittarius which is ruled by Jupiter. (See the tables of essential dignities given previously.) Therefore, Jupiter is the significator of the querent. The seventh is in the opposite sign (as it must be) which is Gemini. Gemini is ruled by Mercury; therefore, Mercury is the significator of the adversary, the Lucchesi. The significator of the querent, Jupiter, is in the sign of Capricorn. This is the sign of Jupiter’s fall.69 Completely aside from the issue of what the significators may be doing with each other, having one’s significator in fall or detriment is not a good sign. However, the second house is not considered an especially bad house particularly because the second house signifies the querent’s troops. Jupiter is good; 69 See the Table of Domiciles, Exaltations, Detriments and Falls given on page 373. 387 Jupiter in Capricorn is not so good. Then Bonatti looked at the Moon in Aries. Here I detect an inconsistency in his methodology. Bonatti has stated (following Zahel) in §VI.2.7.21 that in battles one should not use the Moon if the Moon is not both separating and applying to planets. By that criterion he should not have referred to the Moon at all. However, in personal conflicts (see §VI.2.7.9) he recommends the Moon be used for the querent only. In this chart the Moon is in the late degrees of a sign such that she is not applying to either a bodily conjunction or an aspect of any other planet. That is what “void in course” means. This is considered an impediment for the Moon. Why did Bonatti depart from the procedure described in §VI.2.7.21? This I cannot answer, but I can say that Bonatti did what many other astrologers would have been likely to do. Perhaps the condition of Jupiter caused him to look at the Moon especially as the Moon was separating from the square (90E) of said Jupiter. A void in course Moon is regarded as a sign that the matter in question will come to naught. Lilly has the following: A Planet is voyd of course, when he is seperated from a Planet, nor doth forthwith, during his being in that Signe, apply to any other: This is most usually in thew; in judgments doe you carefully observe whether she be voyd of course yea or no; you shall seldome see a businesse goe handsomely forward when she is so.70 Then Bonatti turns to Mercury the significator of the adversary. Mercury is a bit over 8E from the Sun so Bonatti plausibly considers it combust,71 which is a serious debility according to medieval astrology. Mercury is also in the ninth house which is a cadent house although it is not one of the worst of the cadent houses. Mercury, however, is also in Virgo, a sign which it rules, i.e., its domicile, signifying that the enemy, though weak, were at least in their own territory. This is an excellent example of the kind of parallel that medieval astrologers looked for between astrological significators and the persons or things they signify. As Ibn Ezra put it, “ … when a 70 71 Lilly, Christian Astrology, 112. See COMBUST in the Glossary. 388 planet is in its domicile, it is like a person in his home.”72 Finally in addition to all of the preceding, the only aspect between Mercury and Jupiter is that Mercury is separated from the trine of Jupiter. Even if the aspect were applying, it would not indicate a battle. The end result of all of this is that the significators do not appear to have the strength to wage a successful battle and the aspect between them does not support it either. It is interesting that Bonatti’s account of his reasoning seems only to have gone as far as needed to demonstrate that there would be not be a battle. There is more that he could have said in support of that conclusion but the conclusion would not have been changed. Example #2 – A Chart from Zahel About a Kingship. The chart that follows is given by Bonatti as an example. However, it was not originally from Bonatti. It was from Zahel. But despite Bonatti’s dependence on Zahel as a source, his methods were noticeably different from Zahel’s. This is particularly true in the matter of determining houses. Bonatti used the method that John D. North calls the “standard system” which, as I have pointed out previously, was indeed the system most commonly used in the later middle ages. However, as I have also pointed out previously, this was not the case in the earlier middle ages. In Zahel’s time the most common practice was to use the zodiacal signs themselves as houses reckoning the sign rising in the east as the first house, and then taking the signs in sequence as the subsequent houses. Based on the texts of Zahel in the Liber novem iudicum and the translation of John of Seville, Zahel routinely followed this practice. However when Bonatti used the same chart, he added the house cusps of the standard system which did a fair amount of 72 Avraham Ibn Ezra, Beginning of Wisdom, Epstein trans. (Reston, VA: ARHAT Publications, 1998), 133.. 389 damage to the clarity of Zahel’s reasoning in this chart. Therefore, I use the original account by Zahel as a case study here so that the logic of the system of significators, etc. would be clear. We are, of course, not concerned here with which system of houses is the “better” system; we are only concerned with understanding the logic of the authors. This question is about obtaining a kingship. The Latin word used throughout is regnum which means both ‘kingship’ and ‘kingdom’. However, despite the use of that word, it is clear from the text that this is not a kingship in the European sense, i.e., a sovereign head of state. We do not know exactly what the rank sought was but the text refers to someone else who is the “king” and there is no suggestion that the querent intends to overthrow an existing king but rather strives to obtain the favor of an appointment to office from him. I have, however, retained the usage of the word ‘kingship’. The chart is an example of how the movement and behavior of the significators indicate what happens to events over which they have signification. It is, for this reason, a perfect case to convey the method. It begins as follows: Zahel: An example of this is a particular question that was asked about a kingship, [that is], whether or not [the querent] would acquire it. The ascendant was the sign Gemini 20 degrees and the midheaven was the first degree of Pisces. The Sun was in Cancer 12 degrees and the Moon in Virgo 19 degrees. Also, the Dragon’s Head was in the same sign 20 degrees and Mercury was in Gemini 27 degrees. Mars was in Taurus 8 degrees and Venus in Leo 3 390 degrees. Jupiter was with Tail [of the Dragon] in 20 degrees Pisces in the first station on the point of turning retrograde and Saturn was in 6 degrees Gemini. This first section states the question and lists the planetary positions. There are two things to note. First of all, the list gives the ascending degree and the midheaven degree but no intermediate cusps.73 This is an indication that the standard system was not in use. It does not, however, yet tell us what system it was. That indication comes further along. Second, how does one know that Jupiter is approaching its first station, that is, the point where it stops moving forward in the zodiac and begins to appear to move backwards in the order of the signs. That is because the Sun is approaching the trine of Jupiter, and Jupiter makes its stations at near its trines with the Sun. Zahel continues and begins his description of the method: Zahel: Therefore, in this interrogation I looked at the rising sign and its lord, and also at the Moon, which are the significators of the querent in the question, and at the sign of the midheaven and its lord, which are the significators of the kingship concerning which the question was asked. The ascendant was the sign of Gemini and Mercury was in it rising in the end of the sign. Jupiter, which was the lord of the matter or the quesited, was in the midheaven in 20 degrees. This is, of course, not a question about war. Therefore, it is not a seventh house question but rather a tenth house question (midheaven). Gemini is rising and the tenth house or midheaven sign is Pisces. Zahel is going to show the three major factors which are central to the method of answering the question. They are the first house and its ruler (Gemini and Mercury), the tenth house and its ruler (Pisces and Jupiter), and the Moon which is in Virgo. The first house, Mercury and the Moon stand for the querent while the tenth house and Jupiter stand for the matter about the question has been asked, the quesited. What he is going to look for is the relationship among the three significators, Mercury, the Moon, and Jupiter. 73 Each house is a sign, therefore I have placed the sign name in the apices of the triangles of each house. Any planet or point that is shown the triangles of each house is in the sign that corresponds to that house. 391 Zahel: I found that the lord of the ascendant was separated from the lord of the matter, [the kingship.] The first thing that he finds is that Mercury, which moves more quickly than Jupiter, is separating from Jupiter because it is further along in its sign than Jupiter is in its sign. That they form some kind of aspect (the square) is good, but that they are separating is not. However, we still have the Moon. Zahel: I also looked at the Moon, which I found in the angle of the earth [fourth house] joined to Jupiter from the opposition, and that signified the obtaining [of the kingship] by purchase and persistent solicitation because they were joined from the opposition… The Moon, which in most questions signifies only the querent, is applying to the opposition of Jupiter. This is better than no application, or a separation, but it is an application by the most difficult of aspects, the opposition of 180E. This means that real effort is involved. This is not going to happen easily or spontaneously. However, because this is a teaching exercise, Zahel describes what indications would have made this easy. Zahel… (and if the joining had been from the sextile or trine aspect, the obtaining [of the kingship] would have come to pass with ease). Also, it was the Moon that was being joined with the lord of the matter, which signified that this would come to pass through the active seeking and zealous intention of the querent. If it had been the lord of the matter [on the other hand] that was being joined [to the lord of the ascendant], the obtaining [of the kingship] would be accomplished with ease at the initiative of the one who had proposed the querent [for the kingship] without the querent’s actively seeking or soliciting it. Zahel presents two contra-factual possibilities. First, if the Moon applied to Jupiter from a trine (120E) or a sextile (60E) aspect, the matter would have been easily brought to pass. In addition Zahel points out that the significator of the querent (in this case the Moon) was applying to Jupiter the significator of the quesited. If it had been the other way around with the lord of the tenth (the “lord of the matter” or the quesited) applying to the lord of the ascendant, the matter would have come to pass with no effort on the part of the querent. However, in this case this 392 could not have happened because the Moon, being the fastest moving of all planetary bodies, always applies; it is never applied to. Zahel: I also looked at Jupiter, which was the receiver of the disposition, and I found him in the midheaven in his first station on the point of going retrograde signifying the dissolution of the matter that I have described above, and that its destruction would very quickly [follow]. These things would be due to the king because Jupiter, which was the lord of the tenth house, which is the royal house, also signified the king. The term “receiver of the disposition” is used in various ways. In this case it is simply a way of saying that Jupiter rules the quesited and that Mercury had previously made an aspect to it (before the date and time of the question) and Jupiter had taken over whatever signification Mercury originally had. Jupiter is also the receiver of the disposition of the Moon. As such, the fact that Jupiter is about to turn retrograde is a very bad sign. Also, because Jupiter rules the tenth house which stands for both the desired end, the quesited, as well as any king that was in power, this passage that indicates that the regnum sought was not a sovereign kingship. The impeding retrogradation of Jupiter, which signifies that the querent’s intentions will come to naught, also means that it will be a king who causes the problem. Zahel: If the receiver of disposition had been the lord of the ascendant, and that lord was impeded, I would have said that the destruction of this matter would come to pass because of the querent and because of his own actions; [this is] because the lord of the ascendant [Mercury] was moving from his own house into the house of substance. This would have signified the swiftness of a change in the querent and that his journey to the place where he was staying would have been for the sake of seeking substance [not a kingship]; and the querent would not acquire such substance because, when Mercury went out from his own sign, he was to be joined to Mars, and Mars would not then receive Mercury. Therefore, this signified that he would do such a deed in his going away that because of it harm and grief would come upon him. And because Mars was the lord of the sixth, which is the house of servants and illness, this signified that what I have described would happen due to servants and base persons, and from illness. Another contra-factual statement, if the lord of the Ascendant had been the planet applied to rather than the applying planet and if it were also in poor condition (retrograde, combust, or in a 393 sign of debility), then the querent would have destroyed his own hopes. The indication of this is that Mercury was in the late degrees of Gemini and was, therefore, on the verge of leaving Gemini, which is also the first house where it was strong. This is the proof that Zahel used the signs as houses in this example. If he were using the standard system as Bonatti did, Mercury would have been about the change signs but not about to change houses. There would have been no indication of a change in the mind or intention of the querent. Instead the destruction of his hopes would have been due to his own actions, symbolized by the change of sign, and the beginning of Mercury’s application to Mars with no reception either way, and with Mars as the lord of a malevolent house, the sixth, which indicates servants and illness. Now getting back to the actual situation of the chart Zahel continues: Zahel: Also, because Jupiter, which was the lord of the matter, was on the point of turning retrograde and was with Cauda, it signified the dissolution that would come upon him who was seeking the office, and also a measure of confusion. Also, the separation of Mercury from the lord of the matter signified that such a querent was, before that day, that is, [up to] that time, in hope of getting what he wanted, that is, he was hoping that the matter would be of profit to him. And when [Mercury] separated from the lord of the matter, he lost hope of getting what he sought. The principles shown here are to be employed in all matters. We have already seen that Jupiter’s approaching retrograde station was a bad sign. Zahel now states just how bad it is. Its slow movement prior to the station is the first bad sign. The second is that Jupiter is bodily conjunct Cauda Draconis, the more malevolent of the Moon’s nodes. The third is an indication that we have already seen, namely, that Mercury is separating from Jupiter and therefore, the primary significators are not forming an aspect. All of these combined with the fact that the Moon applies to Jupiter by an opposition, which is problematical in its own right, serve to doom the question. However, because Mercury had been applying to Jupiter prior to the asking of the question, it indicates that the querent had been hopeful right up to the time of the question and that his hopes were to come to nothing. 394 Appendix II – English and Latin Glossary of Astrological Terms.1 ACCIDENTAL DIGNITY: lat. dignitas accidentalis. — An ACCIDENTAL DIGNITY is any circumstance which improves the strength or ability of a PLANET to function other than ESSENTIAL DIGNITY. The latter arises from the location of a PLANET in a SIGN or degree in which is has RULERSHIP. However, there are many other conditions which improve a PLANET’S function. All of these are considered ACCIDENTAL DIGNITIES. For example, a feminine PLANET benefits from a location in a feminine SIGN. A diurnal PLANET benefits from a diurnal, i.e., daytime chart. ALCOCODEN: ASPECT Lat. alcocoden, alchocoden, indecl. many variations. — If the HYLEG makes an to any of its RULERS, i.e. is RECEIVED, that PLANET plays a role in determining the probable life expectancy based on the DIGNITY of said PLANET and the PERIODS of time it rules. The method (or rather methods) for determining this PLANET and estimating length of life from it, is one of the most complicated and unstandardized techniques of medieval astrology. As it pertains only to nativities and because of the complexity and ambiguity of the techniques involved, it is beyond the scope of this glossary. ALMUTEN: Lat. almutez, almutes, almutem, (all indecl.), victor, -oris, m. — The original Arabic is al mubtazz. Its literal meaning is the winner or victor. The concept dates from Ptolemy although the term is Arabic. It is related in use to RULER (Lat. dominus) but the term RULERSHIP without qualification usually refers to one of the five ESSENTIAL DIGNITIES, as in DOMICILE, EXALTATION, TRIPLICITY etc. The ALMUTEN is derived by looking at all five. Here 1 For another glossary of Latin astrological terms, which is one of the sources for this glossary, see Charles Burnett, “Astrology,” in Medieval Latin: An Introduction and Bibliographic Guide, F.A.C. Mantello and A.G.Rigg eds.(Washington DC: CUA Press, 1996), 369-382. 395 is a passage from Ptolemy which illustrates the concept clearly. In the first place, we should examine that place of the zodiac which is pertinent to the specific heading of the geniture which is subject to query; for example, the mid-heaven, for the query about action, or the place of the sun for the question about the father; then we must observe those planets which have the election of rulership to the place in question by the aforesaid five ways; and if one planet is lord in all these ways, we must assign to him the rulership of that prediction; if two or three, we must assign it to those which have the more claims.2 In the Ptolemaic system the various modes of RULERSHIP are treated as more or less equal in strength. As described under the heading ESSENTIAL DIGNITY, medieval astrologers for the most part used a weighting system which gave different degrees of weights or fortitudes to the major forms of DIGNITY which is also the basis for determining RULERSHIP and dispositions. There is a second type of ALMUTEN in addition to the above. It is closely related to the first. This second type involves finding the PLANET or PLANETS that have the most DIGNITY in the positions of several points in the chart, not merely one point. For example, the ALMUTEN Spiritus or ALMUTEN of the Spirit is found by examining the zodiacal degrees of the ASCENDANT, Moon and Mercury. The PLANET which has the most ESSENTIAL DIGNITIES in all three positions is the ALMUTEN Spiritus.3 This method of determining SIGNIFICATORS can get quite complex and is found as early as Omar of Tiberias and as late as Schoener. It is also found in Alcabitius. ANGLE: Lat. angulum, -i, n.; cardo, -inis, m. — Four of the HOUSES or PLACES are called ANGLES or CARDINES (using an anglicized form of one of the Latin words). In the oldest systems of Hellenistic and well into the Arabic era or astrology, these were the rising SIGN, the fourth 2 3 Ptolemy, Robbins trans, 237-9. See Schoener, De iudiciis nativitatum, fol. 8v. 396 SIGN, the setting SIGN and the tenth SIGN, or as they would later be known the first, fourth, seventh and tenth HOUSES. These HOUSES were regarded as the strongest and most efficacious HOUSES for PLANETS to be in bringing the most rapid and decisive results when placed there. See SUCCEDENT and CADENT. The term is also used to refer to the exact degrees of the ASCENDANT, MIDHEAVEN, DESCENDANT or IMUM COELI. ANGLE OF THE EARTH: Lat. angelum terrae — This term can mean one of two things. In early medieval astrology it is often the fourth SIGN from the rising SIGN counted counterclockwise. In later medieval astrology it is the fourth HOUSE or PLACE which commences at or near the IMUM COELI. APPLY and SEPARATE: Lat. applico, -are (1), or forms of the verb iungo, -ere (3) in the passive voice. — This is a state that occurs when a faster moving PLANET is moving into either a BODILY CONJUNCTION or ASPECTUAL CONJUNCTION (also known as an ASPECT) with a slower moving PLANET. APPLICATION and SEPARATION: Lat. applicatio, -nis f., or alitisal indecl. derived from the Arabic al ittiSaal — The process of APPLYING. When some form of the term alitisal occurs in a text such as Bonatti, it refers to the many kinds of planetary APPLICATIONS and SEPARATIONS and their respective effects as opposed to an individual instance of an APPLICATION. SEPARATION begins at the moment when a faster moving PLANET has completed the CONJUNCTION or ASPECT and ASCENDANT has passed beyond that position. (or ASCENDENT) or ASCENDING DEGREE: Lat. ascendens, -ntis, n.; oriens, -ntis, n.; ortus, us, m., horoscopus, -i, m. — The degree of the ECLIPTIC which is rising in the east (not necessarily, or even usually, due east). The term ASCENDANT is also sometimes used to signify the entire first HOUSE. 397 ASPECT (noun): Lat. aspectus, -us, m., or respectus, -us, m. — There seems to be no consistent difference in the usage of aspectus and respectus so both are translated as ASPECT. See CONJUNCTION. ASPECT (verb): Lat. aspicio, -ere (3) — To make or form an ASPECT (noun). ASPECTUAL CONJUNCTION: Lat. coniunctio aspectualis — See CONJUNCTION. BENEFIC AND MALEFIC PLANETS: Lat. bonus, beneficus, fortuna, fortunium, malus, maleficus, infortuna, infortunium — The BENEFIC PLANETS are those PLANETS that are believed to bring about a positive result with little difficulty. The primary BENEFIC PLANETS are Jupiter, which is the “greater BENEFIC,” and Venus, which is the “lesser BENEFIC. The MALEFIC PLANETS are those that are those that are believed to bring about a negative result or which require much support from other factors to bring about a positive result. The primary MALEFICS are Saturn, which is the “greater MALEFIC,” and Mars, which is the “lesser MALEFIC.” The other PLANETS are not as clearly defined in this regard. The Sun is BENEFIC in ASPECT but MALEFIC in CONJUNCTION (see COMBUST). The Moon is normally BENEFIC unless very adversely placed. Mercury is BENEFIC when configured to BENEFICS, MALEFIC when configured to MALEFICS and otherwise neutral. For BENEFIC the word FORTUNE is also employed, and for MALEFIC INFORTUNE is BESIEGED: often used. These are translations of fortune and fortunium, and infortunium. lat. obsessus — This condition exists when any PLANET falls between either the body or ASPECT rays (SQUARE and OPPOSITION only) of two MALEFICS with no other planetary body or ASPECT ray intervening. The PLANET is metaphorically under siege by the two MALEFICS. BODILY CONJUNCTION: Lat. coniunctio corporalis — See CONJUNCTION. CADENT: Lat. cadens — These are the SIGNS or HOUSES which precede, i.e. have risen before, the SIGNS or HOUSES that occupy the ANGLES at any given time. These are the third, sixth, ninth, 398 and twelfth HOUSES or PLACES. They are generally considered weak vis-a-vis the ANGULAR and SUCCEDENT HOUSES or PLACES, and two of them are considered especially difficult, the sixth and the twelfth. These HOUSES are both cadent and do not ASPECT the ASCENDANT which makes them doubly difficult. CAZIMI: Lat. Cazimi, Zamini, Zamin all indecl. — This occurs when a PLANET is within 16 or 17 minutes of arc of a BODILY CONJUNCTION with the Sun. This is said to be the absolute opposite of combustion giving the PLANET great power and force. When a PLANET is CAZIMI its body is either within or directly above or below the visible disk of the Sun. However, if one were to use a somewhat more astronomically correct value for CAZIMI, it would be ± 15 minutes not 16 or 17 minutes. CHRONOCRATOR: Lat. chronocrator, -oris, m. Greek χρονοκράτωρ — Literally the RULER of time. The term has been used in for two different concepts. In the first instance, according to a modern source,4 the term refers to Saturn and Jupiter in their role in revolutiones annorum mundi establishing their cycles of 20, 60, 240, and 960 years in the idealized schema of Abū Ma'shar. I have not been able to ascertain whether or not this usage is medieval or earlier. In the second instance the term refers to the RULER of the divisions of time in one of several time-lord systems. A time-lord system is a system in which PLANETS or groups of PLANETS are PLANETS in assigned to RULERSHIP over periods of life. The situation and disposition of said the original chart is believed to determine the general quality of the periods of time assigned to the RULERSHIP of said PLANETS. The most extensive application of such techniques in the Hellenistic tradition is to be found in Vettius Valens’ Anthology, Book 4 Nicholas de Vore, Encyclopedia of Astrology (New York: Philosophical Library, 1947), 53-55. 399 VII.5 However, idea and the term are also found in Ptolemy in Book IV of the Tetrabiblos.6 Also in the Latin work from classical antiquity of Julius Firmicus Maternus,7 a system of chronocrators is intruduced with the words Chonocratorem dixerunt Graeci temporum dominum. And the term is also found in an early modern source, Junctinus’ Speculum,8 in which he describes the same system found in Maternus and in fact quotes Firmicus verbatim. The term appears in Valens, Ptolemy’s system of chronocrators and in Maternus all of which systems are quite different from each other. Clearly the term chonocrator was not intended to be limited to one system of time-lords. For medieval system see FIRDARIA. COLLECTION OF LIGHT: Lat. collectio, coniunctio or congregatio luminis — COLLECTION OF LIGHT occurs when two faster moving PLANETS, A and B, both APPLY to a third more slowly moving PLANET C rather than to each other or to any other PLANET. The PLANET C “collects” or “conjoins” their light and receives their disposition. The analogy is to two parties who cannot agree without both first going to a third party. COMBUST or COMBUSTION: Lat. combustus, combustio, -onis, f., also adustus. adustio, -onis, f. — This is a state that exists whenever a PLANET is bodily within 8 degrees of the Sun. It is generally considered to be one of the most difficult things that can happen to a PLANET and whatever it signifies. The PLANET’S virtues are said to be burnt up by the Sun, hence the term COMBUSTION, and that the PLANET becomes incapable or bring anything to pass. The origin of the idea is that when a PLANET is that close to the Sun, it cannot be seen at any time in the 5 For the Greek text see Vettius Valens, Vettii Valentis Antiocheni Anthologiarum Libri Novem edited by David Pingree (Leipzig: Teubner, 1986). An English translation of the entire work is now available on line and it appears to be a competent translation. It is by Mark T. Riley, Professor Emeritus, California State University, Sacramento. It can be found at http://www.csus.edu/indiv/r/rileymt/#papers. (Feb. 2012). 6 See Ptolemy, ed. Robbins, 452-3. 7 Julius Firmicus Maternus, Matheseos Libri VIII, vol. 1, Kroll and Skutch eds. (Stuttgart: Teubner, 1968), 75. 8 Franciscus Junctinus, Speculum Astrologiae, vol. 1 (Loudon: Sumptibus Philippi Tinghi, 1573), 164. 400 24-hour day-night cycle. Also see the related terms UNDER THE SUN’S BEAMS and CAZIMI. COMBUST HOURS: Lat. horae combustae (hore combuste) — These have nothing to do with combustion except insofar as they are a negative indication. These were periods of time within the lunar month that were believed to be unfortunate. Bonatti describes them in several places in the Liber astronomicus with some variations. Apparently he derived this method from Alcabitius. I cite here the passage from Alcabitius, …the bust is that you count 12 seasonal hours after a conjunction,9 which are called combust; one should not begin any action in them. After these 12 hours, 72 hours are not combust, and is it good to begin actions in them. After these 72 hours which not combust, 12 hours are combust, and so on until the conjunction which follows it. Then they divide these 12 hours into three divisions, and they say: for one who begins a war in the first four hours there is fear of the ruin of his soul. If he begins a war in the second four hours, there is fear of the ruin of his body, without his soul being ruined. If he begins a war in the last four hours, there is fear of great ruin of his property and everything which is protected by his hand—his possessions, his colleagues, and his servants.10 Exactly the same description is given in Bonatti §IV.7. The sum of 12 and 72 hours is sightly short of 1/8th of a lunar month so this appears to be an idealized version of a cycle of eight phases of the Sun-Moon cycle. CONJUNCTION: Lat. coniunctio, -nis, f. — Lit. a joining together. In the most specialized usage without qualification, it means the coming together of the Sun and Moon at the New Moon. When other PLANETS or points are mentioned the term means a “coming together” either by the two PLANETS coming to the same degree of the ECLIPTIC, a BODILY CONJUNCTION, or simply CONJUNCTION, or by means of a faster moving PLANET coming into a significant angular relationship in the ZODIAC with a slower moving PLANET, an ASPECTUAL 9 This is what we call a New Moon. Alcabitius, Warburg ed., 136-9. 10 401 CONJUNCTION OPPOSITION or simply ASPECT.11 The ASPECTS used in medieval astrology are the (180E), TRINE (120E), SQUARE or QUADRATE (90E), and SEXTILE (60E). It was conventional to regard the ASPECTS as divided into two major categories, good or stable (the TRINE, and SEXTILE), and difficult and unstable (the SQUARE or QUADRATE, and OPPOSITION). The “goodness” or “badness” of these ASPECTS varied considerably according to the PLANETS involved and other factors. BODILY CONJUNCTIONS could be in either category according to the PLANETS involved. Also, some authors, especially in the Greek literature, did not make this distinction and treated all ASPECTS simply as modes of joining depending entirely on what PLANETS were involved. The BODILY CONJUNCTION and the ASPECTS also were assigned special characters just like the SIGNS and PLANETS. These are as follows: BODILY CONJUNCTION CUSP: A, OPPOSITION S, TRINE F, SQUARE D and sextile G Lat. cuspis, -idis, f. — In Alcabitius this term is used as a synonym for HOUSE. However, later on it came to mean the point that constitutes the beginning DEGREE of a HOUSE, or a point near the beginning of a HOUSE which indicated the point of the greatest power within a HOUSE much as the DEGREE of the ASCENDANT is the point of greatest power in the first HOUSE. 11 Est et alterum esse planetarum erga se invicem videlicet corporalis sive aspectualis coniunctio sive applicatio quam alchabitius alitisal sive continatio. Corporalis enim coniunctio est quando planeta iungitur planete in eodem signo. aspectualis vero est quando duo planete fuerint in duobus diversis signis aspicientibus se ad invicem trino vel sextili sive quadrato aspectu et levis fuerit minus gradibus in suo signo quam pondersosus in suo ita tamen quod sint sex gradibus vel minus inter eos scilicet inter radios unius et corpus alterius. — Bonatti, Ratdolt ed. fol. 62v. And there is also a second relationship that planets have with each other, namely, bodily or aspectual conjunction, otherwise termed application which Alcabitius calls alitisal or continuation. For the bodily conjunction happens when one planet applies to another in the same sign, but the aspectual conjunction [happens] when two planets are in two different signs which aspect each other by the trine, sextile, or quadrate aspect,* and a swift planet has fewer degrees in its sign than the slow planet has in its such that there are six degrees or less between the rays of the one and the body of the other. *For some reason Bonatti omits the OPPOSITION ASPECT which he clearly does use. 402 DEBILITY: Lat. debilitas, -atis, f. — The opposite of DIGNITY. See DIGNITY, ESSENTIAL DIGNITY, and ACCIDENTAL DIGNITY. DEGREE: Lat. gradus, -us, m., pars, -tis, f. — One 360th of a circle. However DEGREES are often enumerated in a peculiar manner as ordinal numbers rather than cardinal numbers, that is, the Sun’s EXALTATION degree of 19 Aries must be understood as extending from 18+ DEGREES, that, 18 DEGREES plus any small, indefinite fraction of a DEGREE to 19 DEGREES exactly. In other words, 19 means the 19th DEGREE. This practice is followed systematically in medieval astrology unless a position or group of positions are stated in DEGREES and MINUTES, or other fractions of a degree are involved. It is a form of rounding a number in which the rounding is always upward to the next higher unit not to the nearest unit. A position given as 19 DEGREES 27 MINUTES would be treated the same as in modern practice, that is 19 whole degrees plus 27 MINUTES. If one were dealing with that individual DEGREE as a whole, however, it would be treated as 20 DEGREES or the 20th DEGREE. This practice is also followed in all listings of the degrees contained in SIGN subdivisions such as TERMS and FACES. This practice can be seen clearly in the degree descriptions of such texts as Angelus’ Astrolabium Planum in Tabulis which gives descriptions of every degree of the ZODIAC.12 DIGNITY: Lat. dignitas, -atis, f. — This is a condition in which functioning of a PLANET is significantly improved. Whatever the PLANET signifies is enhanced in power, strength, and quality, the manner of the enhancement being determined by the kind of DIGNITY. The opposite condition of weakening is signified by the word DEBILITY. Broadly speaking in medieval usage there are two major categories of DIGNITY (and DEBILITY), essential and 12 Johannes Angelus, Astrolabium Planum in Tabulis (Augsburg: Erhard Ratdolt, 1488). 403 accidental. See ESSENTIAL DIGNITY and ACCIDENTAL DIGNITY. DIRECT: Lat. directus, a, um — This refers to the motion of a PLANET when it is going forward in the ZODIAC, from west to east, that is, increasing in longitude. This is the normal mode of motion. However, because astrology was and is conducted almost entirely from an earthcentered point of view, the PLANETS (excepting the Sun and Moon) appear from time to time to slow down in their forward motion, stop, and reverse motions. This motion is referred to as RETROGRADE motion. For the INFERIOR PLANETS Mercury and Venus this occurs when they are on the same side of the Sun as the Earth and passing between the Earth and the Sun. This makes them appear to go backwards. For the SUPERIOR PLANETS, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn in a similar manner RETROGRADE motion occurs when the Earth passes between the Sun and one of the superior PLANETS. DISPOSITION, DISPOSE: Lat. dispositio, -onis, f (noun)., dispono, -ere, -posui, -positus (verb) — The astrological usage of the word is based on an obsolete definition (in English). In the O.E.D. definition 8.a of ‘dispose’ is as follows: “To make a disposition, ordering, or arrangement of; to do what one will with; to order, control, regulate, manage.” It quotes Wilson in his nineteenth-century A Complete Dictionary of Astrology stating: A planet disposes of any other which is in its house: thus, if Saturn were in Sagittarius, he would be disposed of by Jupiter. In horary questions, it is a sign that the thing or person signified by the planet so disposed of, is in the power or interest of the planet (or those whom it signifies) that disposes of it.13 DISPOSITION is closely allied with RULERSHIP and SIGNIFICATION. In some instances to RULE and to DISPOSE are interchangeable concepts. A RULER DISPOSES of whatever it RULES. A SIGNIFICATOR DISPOSES of 13 whatever it SIGNIFIES. If a PLANET has RULERSHIP over a sign or James Wilson, A Complete Dictionary of Astrology (Islington Green: William Hughes, 1819), 81. 404 portion of a sign, it acquires the DISPOSITION of whatever is there. Also, when a faster moving PLANET made an exact ASPECT or BODILY CONJUNCTION with a slower PLANET, it was said to commit or entrust its DISPOSITION to the slower PLANET. The following passage from Masha ‘Allah illustrates the usage in this way. Likewise with the other seven planets, whichever of these has been joined to his associate from that associate’s domicile or exaltation from [one of] the recognized aspects, or in one sign, and projects, that is, commits to it its disposition, [and] if that planet to which it is committed receives the disposition, that planet will perfect its matter according to the command of God.14 DOMICILE: Lat. domicilium, -i, n., domus, -us, f. — This is the strongest ESSENTIAL DIGNITY. Each of the PLANETS, except for the Sun and Moon, is assigned two SIGNS as DOMICILES. The Sun and Moon each get one SIGN as a DOMICILE. The following is a list of the PLANETS and their DOMICILES. The Moon’s DOMICILE is Cancer; Mercury, Gemini and Virgo; Venus, Taurus and Libra; Sun, Leo; Mars, are Aries and Scorpio; Jupiter Sagittarius and Pisces; and Saturn, Capricorn and Aquarius. Each PLANET gets five FORTITUDES when it is in its DOMICILE. It is somewhat confusing that when the Latin domus is translated as ‘house’, it also means PLACE. DRAGON, HEAD AND TAIL OF THE: Lat. draconis caput, draconis cauda — These are known in modern language as the NODES of the Moon. These are the points in the lunar orbit in which the Moon moves from below the ECLIPTIC (south) to above the ECLIPTIC (north) for the ASCENDING NODE also known as Caput Draconis or simply as Caput, or the opposite point in which the Moon moves from above the ECLIPTIC (north) to below the ECLIPTIC (south) for the 14 Similiter ceteri planetarum septem, quisque eorum iunctus fuerit socio suo de domo vel exaltatione sua de aspectibus notis, aut in uno signo proieceritque id est commiserit ei suam dispositionem, si reciperit eum ille cui committitur, perficiet rem suam iussu Dei. — Masha’allah, De receptionibus planetarum, in an untitled collection, fol. 143r-fol. 148r (Venice: Bonetus Locatellus, 1493), fol. 143r 405 DESCENDING NODE, also known as Cauda Draconis or simply Cauda. DODECATEMORION, DODECATHEMORION, DUODENARIUM, TWELFTH-PART: Lat: dodecatemorion, n., indecl. except the plural form dedecatemoria; duodenarium, -i, n. — There are two ways in which these are computed. The first method is to multiply the degrees and minutes of the PLANET within the sign and add the result to the original position. The result is the first type of DODECATEMORION which is described in Greek Horoscopes.15 The second method is to multiply the degrees and minutes of the PLANET within the sign and measure from the beginning of the sign. The result is the second type of DODECATEMORION which is more commonly found in medieval sources and is identical to the Hindu dwadasamsa division.16 DUODENARY: ECLIPTIC: See DODECATAMORION. Lat. orbis solis, ecliptica, -ae, f.— From the geocentric perspective, that is the point of view from the earth, the Sun’s movement around the earth is all contained with a plane surface. This plane is called the ECLIPTIC plane.17 The path on this plane that the Sun appears to trace out is the ECLIPTIC. From a heliocentric perspective the ECLIPTIC PLANE is the plane of the earth’s orbit around the Sun. ~ ELECTION: Lat. electio, -nis, f. — An INCEPTION whose time is consciously and intentionally chosen. ELEVATED: Lat. elevatus, -a, -um — There are several meanings of this term. From Bonatti we have the following: 15 Otto Neugebauer and H.B. van Hoesen, Greek Horoscopes (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1959), 6. 16 Alcabitius, Introduction, Burnett, Yamamoto, and Yano eds. & trans., 128, 129, 338. The first page is the Arabic, the second an English translation, and the third is the Latin text. 17 It is not quite a perfect plane but that would have been beyond any measuring capability before the invention of the telescope and improved telescopic measuring devices. 406 [Planets are weakened or made unfortunate] when they are in the bounds of malefics, and when they are in the domiciles of the malefics and not received, or the malefics are elevated above them, to wit, the malefics are northerly from them, from the tenth or eleventh [houses] from their places, namely, from the rearward square or trine aspect which is done from behind.18 From Schoener’s, Opusculum Astrologicum, Book II, Canon xxxiv we have a similar definition of ELEVATED. Fourth, [is] when a planet is distant from another by 10 or 11 signs according to the succession [of the signs] just as the angle of the M.C. and the eleventh house are elevated above the Ascendant etc.19 The first and second definitions of elevated in Schoener do not correspond to anything in Bonatti and the third is somewhat similar to the second one from Bonatti. ~SSENTIAL DIGNITY: E Lat. dignitas essentialis — In most medieval works the adjective is assumed and omitted. The distinction between essential and accidental DIGNITIES, however, is clearly maintained in these works. These are strengths which accrue to a PLANET by virtue of being in a particular SIGN or PORTION of a sign. There are five basic modes in which this can occur, DOMICILE, EXALTATION, TRIPLICITY, TERM and FACE. There are also other modes which can arise due to various relationships among these basic modes such as RECEPTION. When a PLANET is in a SIGN or portion of a SIGN which is one of its DIGNITIES, it is said to be dignified, and in the medieval system most commonly found in Arabic and Latin sources, a score is granted to the PLANET according to the mode of the DIGNITY. The score units are 18 aut sint mali elevati super eos scilicet quod sint septentrionales ab eis a decima vel ab undecima a locis eorum videlicet a quarto vel trino aspectu postremo qui fit a tergo . . . There are serious problems with this passage which has been translated quite literally. First of all, due to a lack of punctuation there is no clear separation between sint septentrionales ab eis and a decima or ab undecima a locis eorum. However, being more northerly in latitude and being in the tenth or eleventh signs from a planet are two separate definitions of being elevated according to other authorities, and therefore I have to assume that the same thing is true here. Then, one planet being in the eleventh from another does not constitute being in trine. It would be a sextile. Is this in fact a third criterion or is this is a scribal error? See next note.. 19 Quarto, quando planeta distat ab alio per decem aut undecim signa iuxta sucessionem, sic angulus M.C. et undecima elevantur super ascendens etc. – Schoener, Opusculum Astrologicum, Book II, Canon xxxiv, fol. H1r. 407 typically called FORTITUDES. The PLANETS are assigned FORTITUDES when they in their ESSENTIAL DIGNITIES according to the following: DOMICILE, 5 FORTITUDES; EXALTATION, 4 FORTITUDES; TRIPLICITY, 3 FORTITUDES; TERM, 2 FORTITUDES; FACE, 1 FORTITUDE. Because a PLANET can be in more than one of these DIGNITIES at the same time, the FORTITUDES accruing from multiple DIGNITIES can be added together. EXALTATION: Lat. exaltatio, -onis, f., altitudo, -inis, f., regnum, -i, n. — This is the second ESSENTIAL DIGNITY. Each of the PLANETS has one SIGN assigned as its EXALTATION. The following is a list of the PLANETS and their EXALTATIONS. The Moon’s EXALTATION is Taurus, Mercury’s Virgo, Venus’s Pisces, the Sun’s Aries, Mars’ Capricorn, Jupiter Cancer, and Saturn’s Libra. Each PLANET gets four FORTITUDES when it is in its EXALTATION. In each EXALTATION sign there is a particular DEGREE in which the PLANET is believed to be especially exalted, however, in practice the EXALTATION DIGNITY is considered to be spread over the entire SIGN. The EXALTATION DEGREES are as follows: Moon 3 Taurus, Mercury 15 Virgo, Venus 27 Pisces, Sun 19 Aries, Mars 28 Capricorn, Jupiter 15 Cancer, and Saturn 21 Libra. See DEGREE for the proper understanding of how these DEGREES are counted. FALL: Lat. descensio, -onis, f.; casus, -us, m. — A PLANET opposed to the SIGN of its EXALTATION is in the sign of its FALL. A PLANET in its FALL gets negative four FORTITUDES. See EXALTATION. FORTITUDE: Lat. fortitudo, -inis, f. — Strength. Frequently this word is used to indicate a degree of strength, such one FORTITUDE, two FORTITUDES, etc. Usually employed as a measure of ESSENTIAL DIGNITY. FORTITUDES. When PLANETS are in places of DEBILITY, they are assigned negative In some texts one also finds systems of FORTITUDES assigned to ACCIDENTAL DIGNITIES. 408 FIGURE: Lat. figura, -ae, f. — One of several terms used for the astrological chart involving all of the PLANETS, the SIGNS, the HOUSES, etc. erected for a specific time, date and place. FIRDARIA: Lat. firdaria, -ae, f.; alfardaria, -ae, f.; ferdaria, -ae, f. — There are many variations of the form in Latin. It is a system of CHRONOCRATORS used in medieval astrology. See Chapter 4, pp. 115-128. FORTUNE and INFORTUNE: Lat; fortuna, ae; f., fortunium, ii, n.; infortunium, ii. n. — The first two Latin words are synonymous with BENEFIC, and the last with MALEFIC. GENITURE: Lat. genitura, -ae, f. — Synonymous with FIGURE, although usually used in connection with NATIVITIES. HAYZ: Lat. hayz, ayz (indecl.) — See SECT. HORARY: French horaire — Synonymous with INTERROGATION. HOROSCOPE: Lat. horoscopus, i, m. — Used rigorously it is synonymous with ASCENDANT and may also be used to refer to entire first HOUSE. Used less rigorously, especially nearer to the early modern period, and even more so in the modern period, HOROSCOPE may be used as a term for an entire astrological chart, more correctly known as a THEME, FIGURE, or GENITURE. HOUR: Lat. hora, -ae, f. — There are two kinds of HOUR. The first, and probably older, system gives diurnal and nocturnal HOURS, horae inequales. The former is one-twelfth of the time between sunrise and sunset; the latter is one-twelfth of the time between sunset and sunrise. The length of these hours vary according to the season of the year. In spring and and summer in the northern hemisphere the diurnal HOUR is longer than the nocturnal HOUR, while in the autumn and winter in the northern hemisphere it is the other way around. These seasonally based hours had a particular use in astrology. Each hour of each day of 409 the week had a PLANET which RULED it. This arrangement of the hours and their rulers was intimately related to the names of the days of the week which were all originally (and in English still are)20 named after the deities associated with the PLANETS. However, the planetary hour RULER gave rise to the weekday name not the other way around. Each day began for astrological purposes with sunrise. Not all cultures in the ancient world followed this practice, but in astrology sunrise was always the beginning of the astrological day. Hours prior to sunrise belonged to the night of the previous day. The week also uniformly began with the dies solis and the first hour of that day belonged to the Sun. The hours then follow without break in the ORDER OF THE CIRCLES OF THE SEVEN PLANETS until an hour of Saturn follows an hour of the Moon and the cycle continues until after seven days we come back to dies solis. Description of the system and its uses are to be found in many places. Here is, for example, is the description from Bacon’s Opus Maius, Book IV. For one planet especially rules every hour, and one half of a sign rises over the horizon in each hour by which the hours, and the quarter days also, are always varied, and also the days themselves. Just as they are named in every language according to the PLANETS, so the days possess differences from this fact as all sages agree. This has been [so] from the beginning of the world by divine ordination. Whence Saturn rules over the first hour of the Sabbath day and is also the chief ruler of the entire day, because the first hour, which is the principal hour of the day, is affected by Saturn's quality and is a beginning from which Saturn’s power over the entire day is derived. Then Jupiter takes watch at the second hour, Mars at the third, the Sun at the fourth, Venus at the fifth, Mercury at the sixth, Moon at the seventh, and again Saturn at the eighth and so on, so that Saturn rules for the third time in the fifteenth hour and the twenty-second, [also] so that Jupiter rules in the twenty-third hour and Mars in the twenty-fourth, and so the natural day of the Sabbath is completed with the result that the Sun begins to rule in the first hour of the Lord's Day on which account it is called the day of the Sun among all nations. And 20 In English, however, the Latin names have been replaced in most cases by the Anglo-Saxon equivalent. Sunday is dies solis, Monday dies lunae, Tuesday (Tiw) dies martis, Wednesday (Wodin or Wedin) dies Mercurii, Thursday (Thor) dies iovis, Friday (Freya) dies Veneris, and finally Saturday dies saturni the only English weekday name to preserve a Latin god name. 410 through this arrangement runs the variation of all of the days of the week and the hours.21 The following table shows the complete pattern. Table of Planetary Rulership over the Diurnal and Nocturnal Hours Sun. Mon. q w Tues. t Wed. e Thur. y Fri. r Sat. u Sunrise 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 6th q r e w u y w u y t q r t q r e w u e w u y t q y t q r e w r e w u y t u y t q r e Noon 8th 9th 10th 11th 12th t q r e w u e w u y t q y t q r e w r e w u y t u y t q r e q r e w u y w u y t q r Sunset 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 6th y t q r e w r e w u y t u y t q r e q r e w u y w u y t q r t q r e w u e w u y t q Midnight 8th 9th 10th 11th 12th u y t q r e q r e w u y w u y t q r t q r e w u e w u y t q y t q r e w r e w u y t Symbols w Moon e Mercury r Venus q Sun t Mars y Jupiter u Saturn The other type of hour, more familiar to us in these days of mechanical (or digital) 21 Nam omni horae dominatur unus planeta specialiter, et medietas signi oritur super horizonta in qualibet hora, ex quibus variantur horae semper et quartae dierum similiter et ipsi dies, qui sicut in omni lingua dies nominantur a planetis, sic habent diversitatem ab eis, ut omnes concordant sapientes. Et hoc est a divina ordinatione a principio mundi. Unde in prima hora diei sabbati dominatur Saturnus, et toti diei principaliter, quia per ejus qualitatem alteratur prima hora, quae est principalis, et principium unde derivatur virtus Saturni in totum diem. Et tunc Jupiter habet aspectum ad horam secundam, Mars ad tertiam, Sol ad quartam, Venus ad quintam, Mercurius ad sextam, Luna ad septimam, et iterum Saturnus ad octavam, et sic ulterius, ut dominetur in xv, et tertio in xxii, ut Jupiter dominetur in· xxiii, et Mars in xxiv, et sic completur dies naturalis ipsius sabbati, ut incipiat Sol dominari in prima hora diei dominici, qui ideo vocatur dies solis apud omnes nationes. Et per hanc artem currit variatio omnium dierum septimanae et horarum. – Opus Majus, ed. Bridges, 382. 411 clocks, is exactly one twenty-fourth of the total day-night cycle (also known as the nychthemeral cycle). In ancient times these HOURS were referred to as equinoctial HOURS because at the equinoxes the diurnal and nocturnal HOURS are virtually equal. It is only in modern times that equal HOURS have replaced diurnal and nocturnal HOURS for time keeping. However, even with equinoctial hours there are some variations which we need to take note of. First of all, as there are 360E in the circle, there are 24 hours in the day. As an equinoctial hour is 1/24th of the day, then an equinoctial hour can be considered to be equivalent to 15E. At noon, exactly, the Sun is on the local upper meridian. So at 1:00 P.M. the Sun should be 15E past the local upper meridian as measured on the celestial equator (not the ecliptic), the equator being the plane of the earth’s rotation. By contrast, at midnight the Sun is exactly on the local lower meridian below the horizon. If one uses AM/PM notation at 1:00 A.M. the Sun is 15E past the local lower meridian, and 165E degrees prior to the local upper meridian. Hours measured in this manner should not be confused with the seasonally derived hours discussed previously. At the seasonal hour of 1:00 P.M. the Sun may be different distances measured along the equator from the local upper meridian depending on the length of the day between sunrise and sunset. At the time of 1:00 P.M. measured using equinoctial hours, the Sun is by definition 15E past the local meridian. Time measured in this manner such that it can be directly observed by astronomical instruments is termed Local Apparent Solar Time. Sundials may be constructed to show Local Apparent Solar Time or time in seasonal hours. When mechanical clocks were invented, it was customary to reset the clocks each day at noon on the local sundial. When these clocks became capable of keeping accurate time over long periods of time, it became desirable to redefine the method of time-keeping somewhat. 412 The Sun does not move at a constant rate measured on either the ecliptic or the equator. In the winter in the northern hemisphere the Sun moves somewhat faster and in the summer somewhat slower than its average of 59'08" of arc on the ecliptic. Therefore, for mechanical time-keeping purposes, astronomers defined a fictional mean Sun that moved 59'08" of arc per day on the celestial equator. So 1:00 P.M. means that the fictional mean (or average) Sun is exactly 15E past the meridian measured on the equator. This is termed Local Mean Time. Later in the nineteenth century, local meridians were replaced with meridians placed at 15E intervals of longitude and these meridians became standard time meridians. Now in addition we have daylight time or summertime which has completed the process of removing the measurement of time from any direct astronomical experience. The charts in this work for which I have computed times have all been computed in Local Mean Time. This is not usually the time as it would have been given in the sources. That would usually be either Local Apparent Solar Time or time given in seasonal hours. One last form of time is sidereal time. Here instead of using the Sun as the measure of time, the vernal point or equinox is used and the time is always measured on the local meridian starting with the vernal point either on the local lower meridian or the local upper meridian. It is always given as 24 hours time, AM and PM are not used. Medieval and ancient astrologers did not use this method. By the early modern period, they did. Finally, it should also be noted that the word HOUR and its Latin equivalent hora are often used simply to designate the time at which an event occurs, not necessarily denoting a span of time. See TIME. HOUSE: Lat. domus, -us, f., locus, -i, m. — Unfortunately both the English word HOUSE and the Latin domus are used ambiguously in medieval astrology. When locus is used in the Latin, its 413 meaning is unambiguous. The two uses of domus are made clear in Bacon’s Opus Tertium where he gives domus as one of the DIGNITIES of the PLANETS, that is, a HOUSE is a SIGN in which a PLANET is especially at home (see ESSENTIAL DIGNITIES). In this case a HOUSE consists of a SIGN, but it is a SIGN with which a particular PLANET has its strongest connection. It has become the practice in modern translations to translate this usage of domus/HOUSE as DOMICILE in order to distinguish it from the other usage of HOUSE which follows. The other meaning of HOUSE is found in Latin as both domus and locus. Bacon gives a very succinct description of this other usage in the Opus Maius. In addition they divide all of heaven into twelves parts which are called houses (domus), which are defined by the meridian circle and the horizon and four other circles intersecting them in their crossing points, such that the first house begins from the horizon and is situated under it, then there follows it a second house, and a third down to the angle of the earth, which is the point under the earth opposite to the point of the meridian above the earth. And from this point there are three more houses up to the line of the west [horizon]. Then above the horizon begins the seventh, eighth and ninth houses up to the point of the meridian. Then [finally], the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth [houses] down to the [east] horizon.22 The precise geometry, or rather trigonometry, of the division of the quadrants formed by the horizon and meridian circles in the north, south, east and west has varied according to authors and tradition, but Bacon’s description will do for our purposes. In my translations the word HOUSE always signifies this kind of division, and DOMICILE is employed for the usage connecting PLANETS to particular SIGNS. HYLEG: Lat. Hyleg indecl. many variants, in Bonatti, ylez from the Arabic hīlāj. Bonatti’s version is closer than the conventional one given above. Apparently the ‘g’ was soft originally.— 22 Opus Maius, 254-5. 414 This is a PLANET in nativity that was regarded as the “Giver of Life.” Its condition in nativity was believed to have a strong effect upon longevity. Unfortunately there are almost as many methods for finding this PLANET as there are authors that wrote about it. The concept is found in Ptolemy and many other Hellenistic authors but the word used in Greek is aphetēs (•φέτης) which is commonly translated as prorogator. The Greek aphetēs and Arabic HYLEG are the same, however, the names emphasize two different uses which both of which are used in connection with both. The Greek aphetēs refers primarily to a PLANET that is either the RULER of the first PLANETARY PERIOD in a series, or a PLANET which is directed (see DIRECTIONS). The Arabic HYLEG emphasizes more the function of granting vitality to the subject of a nativity or NATIVE. In both the Greek and Arabic usage, the hyleg/aphetēs is connected to another PLANET which is called the ALCOCODEN. The function of the ALCOCODEN, if there is one, is to be final determinant of a NATIVE’S life expectancy. See ALCOCODEN. For a description of Ptolemy’s method see Ptolemy, Robbins trans., 272-279. In the Robbins’s translation the aphetēs is referred to by the word mentioned above, ‘prorogator’. IMPEDIMENT: Lat. impedimentum, -i, n. — This is a general term or any condition which hinders or impedes the proper functioning of a PLANET. A complete list of such conditions varies somewhat from source to source but includes the following: the CONJUNCTION, SQUARE or OPPOSITION of a MALEFIC; COMBUSTION or being UNDER THE BEAMS OF THE SUN; being its own DETRIMENT or FALL; being BESIEGED; RETROGRADATION. In the case of the Moon, the Moon is considered impeded when it is in the VIA COMBUSTA (not to be confused with COMBUSTION) IMUM COELI: and when it is VOID IN COURSE. Lat. imum coeli — In later Latin astrology the same as the ANGLE OF THE EARTH 415 when that angle defines the beginning of fourth HOUSE or PLACE. INCEPTION: Lat. inceptio, -nis, f.; initium, -i, n.; principium, -i, n.23 — Associated with ELECTIONS, an INCEPTION is a FIGURE erected for any beginning. An INCEPTION may be a time chosen intentionally, in which case it is also called an ELECTION, or it may simply be erected for a time when something began without a conscious intention to choose the time. A NATIVITY is a kind of INCEPTION although NATIVITIES are usually treated as a separate category of astrology. INFERIOR PLANETS: INTERROGATION: — See SUPERIOR AND INFERIOR PLANETS Lat. interrogatio, -nis, f. — This is the practice of erecting a chart or FIGURE for the moment of the asking or the receiving of a question. INTERROGATIONS were one of the major applications of medieval astrology along with erecting charts for the choosing of a time for making a beginning or taking some kind of action (INCEPTIONS and ELECTIONS), NATIVITIES, JOY: and REVOLUTIONS of the world. Lat. gaudium, -i, n. — See REJOICE. A PLANET in its JOY, REJOICES. LATITUDE: LADY: See LONGITUDE AND LATITUDE. domina, -ae, f. — See LORD. LIGHT or LUMINARY: Lat. luminare, -is, n., pl. luminaria — The Sun and the Moon. LONGITUDE AND LATITUDE: Lat. longitudo, -inis, f.; latitudo, -inis, f. — These terms are used in two ways in astrology and astronomy. First of all in modern astrology these terms refer to the coordinates of a place on earth. These are more correctly known as geographic LONGITUDE and LATITUDE. These terms by themselves may also be used for what is more properly 23 Mostly in Haly Abenragel. 416 known as celestial LONGITUDE and LATITUDE. Celestial LONGITUDE is the distance measured in degrees of any point on the ecliptic from the 0E of Aries, most commonly used as the beginning of the ECLIPTIC. Celestial LATITUDE is the distance of a point or body directly above or below the ECLIPTIC. LORD: Lat. dominus, -i, m; dux, -cis, m.; ducatus, -us, m. — Frequently replaced in later astrology in English with RULER. This term is used in two related ways. First of all, a LORD is the PLANET that is most powerfully connected a SIGN or a HOUSE. This connection is established by a PLANET’S having FORTITUDES in that SIGN or HOUSE as if it were actually in it even if it is not in it. For example Mars has 5 FORTITUDES when it is in Aries or Scorpio. If no other PLANET has more fortitudes in Aries or Scorpio than Mars, Mars is considered to be the LORD of the HOUSE which has Aries or Scorpio on the CUSP. Technically the term LORD should be used only if the PLANET in question is masculine in GENDER. If the PLANET is the Moon or Venus, the proper term is LADY. Consequently in English language astrology the gender-neutral term RULER is often used. The second usage is as follows: Any PLANET which has DIGNITY in a SIGN or on the CUSP of a HOUSE is considered to be a RULER of that SIGN and HOUSE again, as above, even when it is not in that SIGN. Because Mars is exalted in Capricorn, it has a lesser RULERSHIP over Capricorn or any HOUSE which has Capricorn on its CUSP. Therefore, every SIGN or portion of a SIGN has a PLANET which is a RULER in that SIGN or DEGREE by DOMICILE, EXALTATION,24 TRIPLICITY, TERM, or FACE. See RULERSHIP for a description of how this is used. LORD OF THE QUESTION: Lat. dominus questionis — This is one of those ambiguous references 24 This is not quite true regarding the DIGNITY of EXALTATION because not all SIGNS have a PLANET which are exalted in them. 417 to a QUERENT in INTERROGATIONS or the one who begins an action in an ELECTION in which the author, most commonly Haly Abenragel, does not clearly distinguish between a PLANET which signifies, and the QUERENT or initiator that is signified. It can mean either and seems to presume the identity of the two. LOT: pars, -rtis, f.; sors, -rtis, f. — These are more commonly called PARTS, frequently ARABIC PARTS. The word ‘Arabic’ here is a misnomer because these points were in no way the creation of medieval Islamic astrologers. They are found in the earliest examples of horoscopic astrology.25 It is becoming a preferred practice to refer to these points as LOTS because the word ‘lot’ is clear translation of the Greek κλ−ρος (klēros) which means precisely ‘lot’ as in casting lots, and also a plot or lot of land. Pars in Latin has the second meaning but not the first. The first meaning of lot as in casting lots is contained in the Latin sors a word which was also used for these points. LOTS are synthetic points in chart derived from taking the arc between any two points and most commonly projecting that arc from the ASCENDANT. See the diagram at the right. We have two points P1 and P2. The angle between P1 and P2 is computed and then projected from the Fig. 1 – The Geometry of the Lots 25 For examples see Alexander Jones, Astronomical Papyri from Oxyrhynchus (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1999) and Otto Neugebauer and H.B. van Hoesen, Greek Horoscopes( Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1959). 418 ASCENDANT resulting in the position of the LOT so that the following arithmetic proportion is created. P2 - P1 = Lot - Asc. This yields by transposition Lot = Asc. + P2 - P1 While most commonly the arc was projected from the ASCENDANT, there are a few traditional LOTS which were projected from another point such as the Moon. The most commonly used of the LOTS was the LOT OF FORTUNE also (and until recently more commonly) known as the PART OF FORTUNE. It is the only lot found in Ptolemy. This is what led to the common misconception by Latin astrologers that the LOTS were mostly created by Arabic astrologers. The lengthy list of LOTS that the Latin astrologers found in Arabic authors were mostly received from the Greeks.26 However, the only source of Hellenistic astrology that was available directly to European astrologers in translation was Ptolemy. Therefore Ptolemy’s astrology became more or less synonymous with Hellenistic astrology even though he in fact represented a rather narrow portion of the entire tradition. In Ptolemy even the LOT OF FORTUNE got little use compared to its more extensive use in other authors especially Vettius Valens in whose work this particular Lot was used as a second ASCENDANT. The formula for the Lot of Fortune is as follows: Lot = Asc. + Moon - Sun in a diurnal chart. 26 Olympiodorus’ commentary on Paulus Alexandrinus written in the sixth century C.E. (well before the Arab conquests) list over 100 lots most of which were carried over into medieval astrology. See Dorian Greenbaum, Late Classical Astrology: Paulus Alexandrinus and Olympiodorus (Reston, VA: ARHAT Publications, 2001), 109-111 and 155-162. 419 Lot = Asc. + Sun - Moon in a nocturnal chart27 The LOT OF FORTUNE was employed to make general judgements about wealth and prosperity, health and general fortune, good or bad. LUMINARY OF THE TIME, LUMINARY OF THE SECT, or LUMINARY WHICH HAS AUTHORITY: Lat. luminare temporis, luminare condicionarium, or luminare cuius fuerit auctoritias — These terms are equivalent. The LUMINARY in question is the Sun in a day birth and the Moon in a night birth. MALEFIC — MINUTE: See BENEFIC AND MALEFIC PLANETS. Lat. minutum, i, n. — one sixtieth of a DEGREE or an HOUR. The full Latin term is minutum primum, followed by minutum secundum (1/60th of a minute, our ‘second’), minutum tertium (1/60th of a second, ‘third’), etc.28 MUTUAL RECEPTION: ASPECT each Lat. receptio mutua — This is a form of RECEPTION in which two PLANETS other and are in each other’s SIGNS by DOMICILE or EXALTATION, for example Mars in Leo TRINES the Sun in Aries. In other words both PLANETS receive each other in the same manner, that is, they exchange RULERSHIPS in the same DIGNITY. An exchange of RULERSHIP by lesser DIGNITIES, TRIPLICITY, TERM or FACE is allowed under certain conditions. NATAL CHART: NATIVE: See NATIVITY. Lat. natus, i, m. — Lit. the one who is born, in NATIVITIES that person for whom a NATIVITY is erected. 27 On top of everything else Ptolemy advocated only the diurnal formula whether the chart was diurnal or nocturnal. He was the only Hellenistic author to do so. Most medieval authors used the two formulae which was the norm until early modern astrology. 28 See Al-Qabisi, Warburg edition, 20-1. 420 NATIVITY: Lat. nativitas, -atis, f. — Literally a birth, the term usually refers to an astrological FIGURE erected for an individual’s birth moment. Synonymous with GENITURE, also known as a NATAL CHART. NATIVITIES: Lat. nativitates, -ium, f., the plural form of nativitas. — As a plural form, “NATIVITIES” signifies the entire astrological apparatus not only erecting charts for the births of individuals, but for all of the methods employed for making predictions or forecasts for individuals, such as DIRECTIONS, annual REVOLUTIONS (of individual NATIVITIES), TRANSITS or INGRESSES, and so forth. NODES, ASCENDING AND DESCENDING: See DRAGON. NOVENARY: novenarium, -i, n. — This is another division of the SIGNS similar to the DODECATEMORION except that the SIGN is divided into nine divisions of 3E20' each. The first novenary of Aries is also Aries, the second Taurus and so forth except the sequence keeps going until a Pisces novenary is reached and then it starts over again at Aries. This is equivalent to multiplying a position as measured from the beginning of the ZODIAC by nine. OCCIDENTAL: OPPOSITION: — See ORIENTAL, OCCIDENTAL. Lat. oppositio, -nis, f., oppositus, us, m. — An ASPECT of 180E. According to most medieval sources the more “difficult” of the two “difficult” aspects. According to Bonatti and earlier sources, its difficult nature is due to the fact that the more difficult of the two MALEFIC PLANETS, Saturn, ruled the two SIGNS opposed to the SIGNS of the LIGHTS or LUMINARIES which give life, the Sun and the Moon, which rule Leo and Cancer, respectively. Capricorn is in opposition to Cancer, and Aquarius is in OPPOSITION to Leo. It is not clear these relations among the SIGNS are the original reason for the symbolism of the OPPOSITION. ORBS or ORBS OF LIGHT: orbis -s, m., lumen, -inis, n., orbis luminis — These are circles of light 421 that were said to surround the PLANETS as well as the points in the ZODIAC which were in ASPECT ORB of to the PLANETS. When the ORB of one PLANET touched either another planet or the another planet according to various criteria, the ASPECT was said to be in effect. In later literature the term ORB was used by itself but in Zahel, for example we find the complete expressions ORBS OF LIGHT.29 For a more complete discussion see the Introduction to Medieval Astrology. ORDER OF THE CIRCLES OF THE SEVEN PLANETS: Lat. ordo circulorum septem planetarum30 — This is the order of the planetary circles in Ptolemaic astronomy. It may appear either in the descending order from the most distant body with the slowest rate of motion, Saturn, to the nearest body with the highest rate of motion, the Moon or in ascending order from the Moon to Saturn.31 The descending order (which is more common) is Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Sun, Venus, Mercury, Moon. The descending order often is used as a base-7 counting system. Here are two examples. One example given is the RULERSHIP of PLANETS over HOURS. Another is found in determining one of the general systems by which the HOUSES are assigned to the PLANETS, starting with the first HOUSE with Saturn, the second with Jupiter etc. This ends up with the seventh HOUSE and the Moon, and so the system starts over again with Saturn and the eighth and continues until one gets to the twelfth and Venus which is the end of the sequence. Yet another system associated the PLANETS with the months of gestation 29 Zahel, 1493 Omnibus ed., f123v See note 31. 31 The descending order is displayed in Macrobius’ Commentary on the Dream of Scipio. See Macrobius, Commentarii in somnium Ciceronis Scipionis, ed. Ludwig von Jan (Leipzig: Gottfried Bass, 1848), 74. Also see Bonatti, Radtdolt ed., fol. 14v. The ascending order is found in Book I of the Corpus Hermeticum. See Brian P. Copenhaver, Hermetica: The Greek Corpus Hermeticum and the Latin Asclepius in a New English Translation, with Notes and Introduction (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 5-6. It is also exemplified in the astrological system of the ages of man as found in Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos, Book IV. See Ptolemy, Robbins trans., 440-7. 30 422 so that Saturn rules the first month, Jupiter the second, Mars the third and so forth until the Moon rules the seventh. At this point Saturn takes over the eighth month with Jupiter ruling the ninth. This gave rise to a widespread belief before modern times that a child born in the seventh month, a month ruled by the Moon, had a better chance of surviving than a child born in the eighth which is ruled by Saturn a MALEFIC. Of course a child born in the ninth is born with Jupiter, the greater BENEFIC ruling, has the best chance of all of surviving. ORIENTAL, OCCIDENTAL: Lat. orientalis, occidentalis — There are two ways in which these terms are used. When they are used without qualification, they usually refer to the phase of a PLANET with respect to the Sun, for which reason the Sun is never ORIENTAL or OCCIDENTAL in this usage. However, there is disagreement about these terms respecting when the ‘ORIENTAL’ and ‘OCCIDENTAL’ phases end. There is general agreement that a PLANET is ORIENTAL when it rises in the east before the Sun in the morning and OCCIDENTAL when it sets in the west after the Sun in the evening and that these two conditions obtain as long as the PLANET within approximately 90E from the Sun. Later opinion in the Latin and subsequent vernacular literature (such as Lilly, for example) maintains that a PLANET is oriental from its first appearance before sunrise up to approximately its opposition to the Sun, at which point it becomes occidental until it is no longer visible after sunset. However, Omar states the following “A star …is neither considered [to be] occidental nor oriental whenever that same star is distant more than ninety degrees from the Sun up to one hundred eighty [degrees]. At that point [180E] it is perceived to be in the opposition of the Sun.”32 Omar’s definition is equivalent to the morning star/evening star phase. Here is Lilly’s 32 Liber novem iudicum, section §7.52, lines 13-17 “Stelle autem huiusmodi, nec orientalis scilicet nec occidentalis status deprehenditur, quociens eadem a Sole plusquam nonaginta gradibus adiectis eciam punctis usque ad centum octoginta distiterit. Tunc enim in Solis oppositione cernitur.” 423 definition of the term. u,y and t, are Orientall of the q, from the time of their A with him, untill they come to his S: from whence untill they come again to A , they are said to be Occidentall; to be Orientall is no other thing then to rise before the q: to be Occidentall is to be seen above the Horizon, or to set after the q is downe: e and r can make no G D F or S to the q : their Orientality is when they are fewer degrees of the Signe the q is [in], or in the Signe preceding; their Occidentality, when they are in more degrees of the Signe the q is in, or in the next subsequent: for you must know e cannot be more degrees removed from the q then 28. nor r more then 48. though some allow a few more. The w is Orientall of the q from the time of her S to her conjunction, and Occidentall from the time of her Conjunction to Opposition; and the reason hereof is, because she farre exceeds the Sunne in swiftnesse of motion, and so presently gets further into the Signs, &c.33 As one can see, Lilly’s definition of the terms is not equivalent to morning and evening star. Bonatti’s definition is closer to Lilly and is completely derived from Alcabitius.34 The second usage of ORIENTAL and OCCIDENTAL has to do with the position of a PLANET, including the Sun, in the quadrants of the chart. The quadrant from the ASCENDANT to the MIDHEAVEN is ORIENTAL, that from the MIDHEAVEN to DESCENDANT OCCIDENTAL, that from the DESCENDANT to IMUM COELI, ORIENTAL, and that from the IMUM COELI to the ASCENDANT is OCCIDENTAL. Opposite quadrants are of the same type. When authors refer to this kind of ORIENTALITY/OCCIDENTALITY, ‘quadrant’ is also usually mentioned. The terms ORIENTAL and OCCIDENTAL in these two usages seem to have no connection with each other in practice. PART OF FORTUNE: PART: Lat. pars fortunae — See LOT. Lat. pars, -rtis, f.; sors, -rtis, f. — See LOT. PEREGRINE: Lat. peregrinus, -a, -um — A PLANET is PEREGRINE if it has no ESSENTIAL DIGNITY in the SIGN or DEGREE in which it is located. This is considered to be an ESSENTIAL DEBILITY, with -5 FORTITUDES. 33 34 Lilly, Christian Astrology, 114. Punctuation, spelling etc. are as in the original. See — Alcabitius, Warburg ed., 95-5. 424 PLANET: Lat. planeta, -ae, m., stella, -ae, f, planetes, -is, m. — Any celestial body that appears to move not only with respect to zodiacal position (fixed stars do so move but very slowly due to precession) but with to respect other PLANETS and the fixed stars as well. PLANETS, therefore, include the Sun and the Moon as well as what we would call PLANETS today. This is not the same as the modern definition which would not include the Sun or Moon. By the modern definition the Sun is a star, and the Moon a satellite. The seven classical PLANETS are, therefore, the Moon, Mercury, Venus, the Sun, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn. PLANETARY PERIODS: Lat. anni planetarum. — The term as used in English refers to two related but distinct applications. In the first application each PLANET is associated with particular time spans which appear to be loosely related to astronomical cycles in which phenomena of each PLANET repeat in approximately the same part of the ZODIAC. The following table lists the principal periods associated with the PLANETS that may be found in medieval astrology. Planet Min. Mean Max. Greatest Firdaria Seven Sun 19 69.5 120 1461 10 19 Moon 25 66.5 108 520 9 4 Mercury 20 48 76 461 13 10 Venus 8 45 82 1151 8 8 Mars 15 40.5 66 284 7 15 Jupiter 12 45.5 79 427 12 12 Saturn 30 43.5 57 265 11 30 Caput ---------- ---------- ---------- ---------- 3 ---------- Cauda ---------- ---------- ---------- ---------- 2 ---------- One should note that the columns marked “Min.” through “Greatest” are marked off by 425 double borders. This is because they constitute a single system, although the values given in the columns marked “Greatest” are often omitted. The values given in the columns marked “Min.” through “Max.” are found in a wide variety of Greek sources.35 In medieval sources the “Greatest” values are often added.36 The values in the first three columns are employed in timing techniques mostly used in natal astrology and mostly pertaining to life expectancy calculations which I do not go into here because they are outside of the scope of this work. The column of years under “Firdaria” are the anni firdarie and have been explored in Chapter 5.37 The years given in the last column headed “Seven” are found in Ptolemy, Book IV.38 The years given in the last two columns are both examples of years allocated in CHRONOCRATOR PLACE: systems which constitute the second application of the planetary periods. Lat. locus, -i, m. — Greek τόπος meaning ‘place’ or ‘region.’ In astrology it is synonymous with HOUSE when that term is used to refer to the divisions which are counted from the rising sign or degree, as opposed to HOUSE as DOMICILE. See HOUSE. PREVENTION: Lat. praeventio, preventio, -nis, f. — A full moon as opposed39 to a new moon or CONJUNCTION. QUERENT: Lat. quaerens or querens, -tis, m. or f. — The one who asks a question in an INTERROGATION. 35 Neugebaer and Van Hoesen, Greek Horoscopes, 10-11. The values for these are taken from al-Bīrūnī. See Elements of Astronomy, Wright trans., 255. It should be noted that the value for Saturn’s Greatest period given in Alcabitius is incorrect in the dominant manuscript traditions both Arabic and Latin. However, according to the Pingree et al. edition of the Introduction, this value is omitted in one of the major Arabic manuscripts. Alcabitius, Introduction,, 65n. In any case the “Greatest” years do not figure prominently in any medieval astrological work that I am aware of. 37 See Chap. 5 beginning on p. 115. 38 See Prolemy, Robbins trans., 441-47. 39 The word ‘opposed’ is used here in the ordinary sense of the word. 36 426 QUESITED: quaesitum, quesitum, -i, n. — The subject of the question in an INTERROGATION. For example, in an INTERROGATION about a thief (a common topic of ancient and medieval INTERROGATIONS) QUESITED MATTER: the thief is the QUESITED. res quaesita, quesita — Closely related to QUESITED except that it refers to the subject of an INTERROGATION which is abstract, not human or otherwise animate. RECEIVED (adj.): Lat. receptus, a, um — When one PLANET is in RECEPTION with another, it is received by that other. RECEPTION: Lat. receptio, -nis, f. — RECEPTION comes about in the relationship between two PLANETS one of which ASPECTS the other. RECEPTION exists when one of these PLANETS rules the SIGN or DEGREE in which the other is located. The most effective form of RECEPTION occurs when the PLANET that has RULERSHIP over the other has it according to DOMICILE or EXALTATION and the ASPECT is APPLYING, that is, forming. It is less effective if the ASPECT is separating (some sources denying the presence of reception altogether in that case), and also less effective is the RULERSHIP is by TRIPLICITY, TERM or FACE. Practically speaking only RECEPTION by DOMICILE or EXALTATION is DIGNITY. used. Technically RECEPTION is an ACCIDENTAL Not having any RECEPTION at all, even by ASPECTS according to SIGN, is an ACCIDENTAL DEBILITY. RECEPTION increases the likelihood that a PLANET’S SIGNIFICATION will come to pass. Bonatti employed RECEPTION extensively in his work. REJOICE: Lat. gaudeo, ere (2) — There are two ways in a PLANET may be said to REJOICE. One is when a PLANET is in the one of its DOMICILES in which it has more than one DIGNITY extending over the entire SIGN. Usually this happens when the DIGNITY of DOMICILE is coupled with the DIGNITY of TRIPLICITY such that the PLANET has more DIGNITY in one DOMICILE than in the other. The sole exception to this is Mercury which has the DIGNITY of 427 DOMICILE and EXALTATION in the same SIGN Virgo. While Mercury does have both DOMICILE and TRIPLICITY in Gemini, EXALTATION is a more powerful DIGNITY than TRIPLICITY, so Virgo is the SIGN in which Mercury is said to REJOICE. The SIGNS in which the PLANETS REJOICE are as follows: Moon - Cancer, Mercury - Virgo, Venus - Taurus, Sun - Leo, Mars - Scorpio, Jupiter - Sagittarius, Saturn - Aquarius. The other mode of REJOICING is according to HOUSE. Mercury has its JOY in the first HOUSE, the Moon, in the third, Venus in the fifth, Mars in the sixth, the Sun in the ninth, Jupiter in the eleventh, and Saturn in the twelfth. RETROGRADE, RETROGRADATION: Lat. retrogradus, a, um, adj.; retrogradatio, -nis, f. — Also see DIRECT. RETURN OF VIRTUE: Lat. redditus virtutis – Normally when a faster moving PLANET comes to and completes an ASPECT with a slower moving PLANET, the faster PLANET hands over what it signifies to be DISPOSED of by the slower PLANET. If the slower moving PLANET is COMBUST or RETROGRADE (going backwards), it cannot take that DISPOSITION and returns it to the faster PLANET. REVOLUTION: revolutio, -onis, f. — A REVOLUTION is a complete cycle of positions made either by one PLANET in the ZODIAC, or two PLANETS with respect to each other. A REVOLUTION may either be regarded as a complete sequence of positions or as a period of time. These are more or less equivalent. REVOLUTIONS (revolutiones) are found in two major branches or applications of medieval astrology. The first is as applied to NATIVITIES. These are termed in Latin revolutiones annorum nati also known as revolutiones nativitatum and in older English sources as SOLAR REVOLUTIONS and more recently as SOLAR RETURNS. These represent a complete cycle of positions of the Sun with respect to the Sun’s position in a NATIVITY. In 428 time this is a period of one year. Charts for the exact moment of these REVOLUTIONS were erected for NATIVITIES each year as a means of getting an overview of the coming year for a particular individual. The second type of REVOLUTION refers to the collective, or society and the world as a whole. These are termed revolutiones annorum mundi or in English REVOLUTIONS of the years of the world. These are based on charts erected for the entry of the Sun into the sign Aries at the precise beginning of spring in the northern hemisphere. The Sun in this position is treated as if it were the Sun of NATIVE’S nativity. This is the foundation of the medieval method of forecasting events for the world and humanity in general. This method is also tied very closely to the method of GREAT CONJUNCTIONS involving the CONJUNCTION cycle of the PLANETS RULE — Saturn, Jupiter, and Mars. See RULERSHIP and LORD. RULERSHIP: Lat. dominium, -ii, n. — The five ESSENTIAL DIGNITIES give rise to five modes of RULERSHIP based upon them. As indicated under LORD, PLANETS do not have to be in a SIGN to have RULERSHIP in that SIGN. Any PLANET which has DIGNITY in an entire sign, or the degree in which a point is located such as a HOUSE CUSP or a PART has RULERSHIP and DISPOSITION over that SIGN or degree. Whether it has predominant RULERSHIP is another matter. However, in some applications of astrology the PLANETS which have RULERSHIP by DOMICILE, EXALTATION, TRIPLICITY, TERM and FACE actually have RULERSHIP to different relationships of that SIGN or DEGREE. PLANETS may also have RULERSHIP over periods of time such as hours, days of the weeks, months, and various terms of years. See CHRONOCRATOR. SECT: condicio (conditio), -nis, f. — Originally Greek αËρεσις (hairesis). This is a classification 429 of PLANETS and SIGNS which has to do with diurnal or daytime charts as opposed to nighttime charts. Certain PLANETS and SIGNS benefit from daytime charts, others from nighttime charts. All PLANETS are considered to be of the diurnal or nocturnal SECT. The Sun is the most diurnal, followed by Jupiter, then Saturn. The Moon is most nocturnal, followed by Mars and Venus. Mercury’s SECT varies according to its circumstances. If Mercury rises before the Sun in the morning, or APPLIES to an ASPECT or CONJUNCTION with a diurnal planet, it is diurnal. If it sets after the Sun in the evening, or APPLIES to a nocturnal PLANET, it is nocturnal. Sources differ on which is more important in determining Mercury’s SECT. The SIGNS also have SECT. The odd-numbered SIGNS beginning with Aries, which are also masculine, are diurnal, and the even-numbered SIGNS beginning with Taurus, which are also feminine, are nocturnal. When a diurnal PLANET is located in a diurnal chart or SIGN, or a nocturnal PLANET is located in a nocturnal chart or SIGN, or both, it was believed to be strengthened. See also HAYZ and SIMILITUDE. SEXTILE: Lat. (h)exagonum, -i, n., sextilis, -is, m. An ASPECT of 60E. According to most medieval sources the less powerful of the two “benevolent” ASPECTS. According to Bonatti and earlier sources, its benevolent nature is due to the fact that the less powerful of the two benevolent PLANETS, Venus, RULED the two SIGNS in SEXTILE ASPECT to the SIGNS of the LIGHTS or LUMINARIES which give life, the Sun and the Moon, which rule Leo and Cancer, respectively. Taurus is in SEXTILE to Cancer, and Libra is in SEXTILE to Leo. It is not clear these relations among the SIGNS are the original reason for the symbolism of the SEXTILE. SIGN: Lat. signum, i, n. — A SIGN of the ZODIAC. SIGNIFICATOR: Lat. significator, -oris, m. — A PLANET or point in a chart which represents or stands for something or someone of concern to the analysis of a chart. The condition of a 430 SIGNIFICATOR, how it is situated in a chart, and what relationship it has to other PLANETS or points, the SIGNS, and HOUSES, indicates how well and in what manner things will turn out for whatever, or whomever the ~significator is connected to. For example, a PLANET which has RULERSHIP over the ASCENDING DEGREE or ASCENDANT is usually the SIGNIFICATOR of the QUERENT in an INTERROGATION, the person initiating an action in an ELECTION or INCEPTION, or the NATIVE in a NATIVITY. Similarly the PLANET which has RULERSHIP over the DEGREE setting in the west is the SIGNIFICATOR of an opponent or PARTNER in an INTERROGATION, an ELECTION or INCEPTION, or a NATIVITY, among other things.40 The following passage from Haly Emrani on ELECTIONS defines SIGNFICATOR especially well although other sources might give a slightly different list. The ascendant, therefore, and its lord and the Part of Fortune are the significators of the one who is making a beginning or of the querent.41 Moreover the planet which is assigned according to its nature to the matter which is to be initiated or to the quesited, and the house of the matter which is to be initiated or to the quesited, and the lord of that house, are the significators of the matter which is to be initiated or of the quesited.42 SIGNIFICATOR OF THE KING: significator regis — This is the PLANET which signifies the king or ruler43 in an annual revolution of the year, or other revolution chart. Here is Masha’Allah’s description. Also, you will make your examination for the king of that clime according to the lord of the midheaven and from the application and separation of the planets from both of them, and you will choose the stronger of them, the Sun and lord of the midheaven, according to their strength [in dignities] and you will put that planet which you chosen as the 40 The setting degrees may stand for many different entities and relationships. The term ‘quesited’ is the English word corresponding to quesitus. We have previously introduced the term ‘querent’ as a translation of querens. It is much less clumsy to write ‘quesited’ than “the matter about which a question is asked.” Unfortunately, there is no correspondingly simple English term which translates rem incipiendam. 42 This passage was originally given in the Introduction to Part II along with the original Latin in the note. 43 Ruler here is meant in the political not the astrological sense. 41 431 significator of the king.44 The condition of this PLANET or the Sun, whichever is stronger, is supposed to signify the state of the ruler in the period of the REVOLUTION, and his or her ability to protect the people. SIMILITUDE: Lat. similitude, -eis, f. — See HAYZ. ~ SQUARE or QUADRATE: quadratum, -i, n., tetragonum, -i, n., quadricetum, -i, n. — An ASPECT of 90E. According to most medieval sources it is the less “difficult” of the two “difficult” aspects. According to Bonatti and earlier sources, its difficult nature is due to the fact that the less difficult of the two difficult PLANETS, Mars, ruled the two SIGNS in SQUARE ASPECT to the SIGNS of the LIGHTS or LUMINARIES which give life, the Sun and the Moon, which rule Leo and Cancer, respectively. Aries is in SQUARE to Cancer, and Scorpio is in SQUARE to Leo. It is not clear these relations among the SIGNS are the original reason for the symbolism of the SQUARE. STATIONARY AND STATION: SUCCEDENT HOUSES: See also RETROGRADE. Lat. succedens — These are the HOUSES that succeed, that is, rise after, the ANGULAR HOUSES. They are the second, fifth, eighth and eleventh HOUSES. PLANETS in them are considered moderately effective, less than the ANGULAR but more than the cadent. Of these the eighth HOUSE is considered a malevolent HOUSE because of its association with death, and the fact that it does not ASPECT the ASCENDANT. They are also considered HOUSES that are connected with resources of various kinds pertaining to whatever is associated with the angular HOUSES in a particular application. In military astrology, according to Zahel the 44 Et aspicies regi climatis ex domino medii celi et sole ab utrisque scilicet ex coniunctione ac separatione planetarum ab eis. Et eliges ex sole et domino medii celi fortiorem secundum fortitudinem eorum ponesque electum significatorem regis. – Masha’Allah, De revolutionibus in Omnibus 1493, fol. 149r. 432 second HOUSE represents the troops and allies of the querent or initiator, the fifth HOUSE those of a city, the eighth HOUSE, those of the adversary, and the eleventh HOUSE those of a king or prince. SUPERIOR AND INFERIOR PLANETS: Lat. planetae (planete) superiores et inferiores — This idea is employed in two ways. First there is an absolute meaning. The superior PLANETS are the ones whose spheres are above the sphere of the Sun in ORDER OF THE CIRCLES OF THE SEVEN PLANETS. These are Saturn, Jupiter and Mars. The inferior PLANETS are ones whose spheres are below that of the Sun in the order of the circles of the seven PLANETS. The Sun defines the difference between the two categories so that in this usage the Sun is neither superior nor inferior. However, there is a second way in which the concept is employed which is relative. Any PLANET whose sphere is above another’s sphere is superior to that second PLANET and the second PLANET is inferior to the first. Saturn is superior to all PLANETS, Jupiter is inferior to Saturn but superior to all other PLANETS, and the Moon is inferior to all other PLANETS. The terms SUPERIOR and INFERIOR do not imply anything about the worth of a PLANET or its moral excellence or lack thereof; it is purely a matter of the power needed to bring something to pass in astrological terms. TIME: Lat. hora, -ae, f. — ‘Time’ when it refers to time as in “time of day” as opposed to a span of time which is tempus. The word and the concept are not especially critical to our understanding of medieval astrology except that the manner in which time was kept in the middle ages is somewhat different from ours. For details see HOUR TRANSLATION or TRANSFER OF LIGHT or NATURE: lat. translatio luminis or translatio nature — A fast moving or “lighter” PLANET A separates from an ASPECT to a slower or “heavier” 433 PLANET B which is either out of orb, or is not capable of an ASPECT45 with another slower moving PLANET C. A carries B’s nature to C by first having been joined to B and then applying to C.46 TRINE: Lat. trinus, i, m., trigonum, i, n., trigonalis, -is, m. — An ASPECT of 120E. According to most medieval sources the more “benevolent” of the two “benevolent” aspects. According to Bonatti and earlier sources, its benevolent nature is due to the fact that the more benevolent of the two benevolent PLANETS, Jupiter, ruled the two SIGNS in TRINE ASPECT to the SIGNS of the LIGHTS or LUMINARIES which give life, the Sun and the Moon, which rule Leo and Cancer, respectively. Pisces is in TRINE to Cancer, and Sagittarius is in TRINE to Leo. It is not clear these relations among the SIGNS are the original reason for the symbolism of the TRINE. TRIPLICITY: Lat. triplicitas, -atis, f.; trigonum, -i, n.; trigonalitas, -atis. f.;, ternarius, -ii, m. — This term has two closely related usages. The first refers to the doctrine of the elements and the SIGNS. Starting with Aries, the SIGNS proceed with Aries having the nature of FIRE, Taurus the nature of EARTH, Gemini the nature of AIR, and Cancer the nature of WATER at which point the cycle starts over again with Leo having the nature of FIRE, etc. Therefore SIGNS which have the same ELEMENTAL association are arranged in four equilateral triangles. These groups of four SIGNS each arranged in this manner constitute the TRIPLICITIES. The second use of the term has to do with ESSENTIAL DIGNITIES. Each of the TRIPLICITIES is assigned a PLANET that has RULERSHIP over all three SIGNS of that TRIPLICITY in a daytime47 FIGURE, another that has the same RULERSHIP in a night time FIGURE, and in one of 45 Because B and C are in SIGNS that do not have an ASPECT. Zahel, 1493 Omnibus edition, fol. 123v; Bonatti, Ratdolt edition, fol. 65r. 47 “Day” exists when the Sun is above the horizon, “night” when it is not. Day and night as used here has nothing to do with AM or PM. 46 434 the two systems, a third that has somewhat less RULERSHIP in both the day and night FIGURES. The following tables show the two systems. Ptolemy Dorotheus and Valens Day FIRE EARTH AIR WATER Night Sun Venus Saturn Mars Day Jupiter Moon Mercury Mars48 Night Sun Venus Saturn Venus Common Jupiter Moon Mercury Mars Saturn Mars Jupiter Moon The general practice is to give the day-ruling PLANET 3 FORTITUDES in a day FIGURE and the night-ruling PLANET the same value in a night FIGURE. It is not clear what was done with the DAY-RULER in a night chart, the NIGHT-RULER in a day chart, or the common RULER in either. This is an ambiguity in the medieval weighting system of DIGNITIES. It is clear, however, from Bonatti that these RULERS which are not dominant by day or night are still considered to have some DIGNITY. It is just that I know of no source that spells it out in detail. In the THREE-RULER system, Day Chart Night Chart the RULERS are ordered in temporal priority as follows: First Day-Ruler Night-Ruler Second Night-Ruler Day-Ruler Third Common-Ruler Common-Ruler The first RULER was believed to have RULERSHIP over the first third of life, the second RULER over the second third of life and the third RULER over the last third of life. According to Bonatti, a “third” of life was thirty years for a total of ninety. UNDER THE RAYS or BEAMS OF THE SUN: Lat sub radiis solis or sub radios solis depending on whether a PLANET is there or is going there. The word solis is often implied and omitted. — This is related to COMBUSTION. It is the state of a PLANET when it is within 15 to 17 degrees 48 Ptolemy adds that Venus and the Moon have a share in the rulership of water. 435 of a BODILY CONJUNCTION with the Sun. It is not entirely clear what the origin of this concept is but it is probably something such as what follows. Regardless of how bright a PLANET may be, it cannot be seen at any time of day when it is COMBUST. When it is between 8 and 15-17 degrees, it may be visible depending its own brightness and various environmental factors. The Moon, for example, is usually visible when it is somewhere a bit more than 12 degrees, and in some works, Julius Firmicus Maternus for example, the Moon’s is given a value of 12 degrees for its arising from combustion. Therefore, because the arcus visionis (arc of vision) which is the modern astronomical term for the distance a PLANET or star must be from the Sun to be visible at either morning or evening twilight, is very difficult to compute rigorously, it may be that astrologers of old developed this set of values to derive some idea as to whether a PLANET was far enough from the Sun to be visible. Within 0 to 8 degrees, no PLANET is ever visible. Within 8 to 17 degrees, approximately, some PLANETS may be visible. Therefore COMBUSTION means a planet is definitely not visible, while UNDER THE BEAMS means that it may be visible under ideal conditions. UPRIGHT AND OBLIQUE ASCENSION: Lat. ascensio recta, ascensio obliqua – These are now usually referred to as long and short ascension. SIGNS of long ascension rise more nearly perpendicularly to the horizon and therefore take longer than two sidereal hours to ascend.49 SIGNS of short ascension rise more obliquely to the horizon, and rise in less then two sidereal hours. (A sidereal hour is 9.86 seconds less than a normal HOUR. See HOUR.) SIGNS of short or oblique ascension are also referred to as ‘crooked’. This distinction depends on whether the latitude of a place on earth is in the northern or southern hemisphere. SIGNS of long 49 See HOUR. 436 ascension in the northern hemisphere are SIGNS of short ascension in the southern and vice versa. In the northern hemisphere, the SIGNS Cancer through Sagittarius are SIGNS of long ascension, while the SIGNS Capricorn through Gemini are SIGNS of short ascension. The issue of SIGNS of long and short ascension sometimes does appear in interrogations and elections. VIA COMBUSTA: Lat. via combusta — The usual definition of VIA COMBUSTA is that it consists of the degrees of the ZODIAC from 15`x (Scorpio) to 15`c (Sagittarius). The rationale is obscure but it appears to stem from ancient times when these degrees were the location of the intersection of the brightest part of the Milky Way with the ECLIPTIC. However, with the precession of the equinoxes this position should have been changed over time and indeed some sources do show this. But it is by no means certain that this is the origin of the idea. The Moon is said to be especially impeded (see IMPEDIMENT) when it is in these degrees. VOID OF or IN COURSE: Lat. evacuatio cursus and vacuus cursu — The exact definition of this varies somewhat, but the most common is that from Alcabitius. It happens when a PLANET, most commonly the Moon, “is separating from a PLANET and not applying to a [third] planet, as long as it is in its sign it is said that it is ‘void of course’.”50 Zahel’s definition is more problematical perhaps as much to ambiguity of language as to a real difference. It is “when the Moon and its orb or [the orb of a] PLANET is empty and the planet is as if exiled.51 Then it is called ‘void of course’, that is, it is when a PLANET is being joined to no PLANET or no PLANET is being joined to it.”52 Strictly speaking all that requires is that a PLANET not be within its orb of light to any other PLANET or vice versa. It could still approach another 50 Alcabitius, Warburg ed., 97. Unfortunately the term exulans is also used for PLANETS which are peregrine. 52 . . . cum luna et orbis eius vel planeta fuerit vacuus et planeta fuerit quasi exulans, tunc dicitur vacuus cursu, hoc est, quando nulli planete iungitur aut nullus planetarum iungitur ei. — Zahel, Omnibus ed., fol. 125r. 51 437 PLANET in that same sign with its orb of light and no longer be void without entering a new sign. The Bonatti definition contains the same ambiguity as Zahel’s.53 Abu Ma`shar’s definition is the same as that of Alcabitius. “Emptiness of course is when a PLANET is separated from the CONJUNCTION of another PLANET by [BODILY] CONJUNCTION or by ASPECT, and it is not joined to another as along as it is the same sign.”54 It is not clear whether we have two different definitions or simply that some authors are more clear in setting forth all of the conditions. ZODIAC: Lat. circulus signorum, orbis signorum, signifer, -i, m. or signifer circulus, zodiacus, -i, m. — Derived from the Greek ζåδιακός (zōidiakos) which in turn is derived as an adjectival form from ζæδιον (zōidion)55 and which means “living things” or “images.” The Greek word κύκλος is often associated with it which means ‘circle’, the Latin circulus. While ZODIAC does refer to animals, it does not mean that in this context. Many of the SIGNS do not contain images of animals, namely, Gemini, Virgo, Sagittarius (partly), and Aquarius. Therefore, I submit that the usual translation of “circle of animals” is not correct. “Circle of living beings” or “circle of images” or some combination of those two would be more accurate, such as “circle of living images.” The ZODIAC strictly speaking consists of a band some 15 to 17 degrees wide with the ECLIPTIC at the center of the band. The logic of this width appears to be that it is defined by the extreme latitudes of the Moon which are of this order. Strictly speaking any PLANET or fixed star is in the ZODIAC if it can be physically obscured or occulted by passage of the disk of Moon between it and the earth. If it is too far above 53 Bonatti, Ratdolt ed., fol. 65r. Evacuatio autem curus est ut planeta separetur a coniunctione alterius planete per coniunctionem aut per aspectum et non iungatur alteri quamdiu fuerit in eodem signo. — Abu Ma`shar, ed. Lemay, 299. 55 The ‘i’ in the word is not normally found in transliterations of the Greek, but the omega has an iota subscript which did, at least early times, influence the pronunciation of the word. 54 438 (north) or below (south) the ECLIPTIC, a body is extra-zodiacal. 439 Appendix III – The Latin Texts. Guido Bonatti – Chapters Pertaining to Warfare from Tractatus VI On Interrogations.1 [127v] §VI.2.7.9 – Capitulum nonum de lite seu controversia que fuerit inter aliquos quis / obtinebit vel quis succumbet vel si component se ante litem vel non. [128r] Si de lite seu controversia que vertitur inter aliquos vel parata est verti / aliqua ex partibus quis obtinere debeat a te certificari voluerit atque tibi /5/super hoc moverit questionem, aspice ascendens hora qua fueris interrogatus / ab eo qui de hoc tibi fecerit questionem et dominum eius et significatricem, / videlicet, Lunam pro querente, et septimam et eius dominum pro adversario. / Et vide si dominus ascendentis vel Luna iuncti fuerint cum domino septime, / vel ipse cum aliquo ipsorum a trino vel a sextili aspectu cum receptione mutua, /10/ concordabunt simul inter se de plano sine alterius intromissione. Si vero / unus receperit alterum et ille receptus non receperit recipientem, concordabunt / sine litigio sed non sine intromissione alterius. Et erunt illi qui se intromittunt / ut multum ex parte illius cuius significator receperit alium. Et si / fuerint iuncti a quarto aspectu vel ab oppositione cum receptione vel a trino /15/ seu sextili sine receptione, concordabunt sed prius litigabunt. Et incipiet concordia / semper ex parte illius cuius significator fuerit minus ponderosus, et / qui commiserit dispositionem suam alteri, et eo melius si uterque significator receperit / alterum. Si levis iungatur ponderoso et non recipiat eum sed ponderosus / recepit levem, significat quod recipiens velit concordare etiam si levis /20/non velit, nec stabit per eum. Et eo magis si fuerit aspectus trinus vel sextilis / et si fuerint iuncti corporaliter in uno signo ita quod eorum coniunctio non impediatur / ab aliquo, sive cum receptione sive sine receptione, concordabunt etiam / sine alterius intromissione. Post hoc aspice significatorem regis seu potestatis / sive iudicis, qui est dominus decime domus; si aspexerit aliquem ex significatoribus, /25/ dominum, scilicet, ascendentis vel dominum septime, vel fuerit ei / iunctus corporaliter, vel si dominus ascendentis voluerit iungi cum domino / septime vel ipse cum eo, et dominus decime domus absciderit coniunctionem / eorum, non concordabunt nisi primo litigent coram iudice; et hoc erit ex parte / iudicis seu potestatis qui non permittet eos componere et faciet eos litigare, /30/forte causa extorquendi aliquid inde. Deinde aspice Lunam et vide si ipsa transfert / lumen inter dominum ascendentis et dominum septime. Et si Luna non transtulerit / lumen inter eos, vide si alius planeta transfert inter eos lumen quoniam, / si sic fuerit, intromittent se aliqui qui concordabunt eos etiam si iam incepissent / litigare. Post hoc aspice dominum ascendentis qui habet significare /35/querentem et dominum septime qui habet significare adversarium. Et vide quis / eorum fuerit fortior quia ille cuius significator fuerit fortior debebit obtinere. / Fortior enim erit ille qui fuerit in angulo, et maxime si fuerit in aliqua suarum / dignitatum. Et quantumcunque dignitas fuerit maior, et quantumcunque plures / fortitudines habuerit aliquis eorum, tanto magis erit fortior, et maxime si /40/ fuerit receptus in loco in quo erit quoniam erit fortis per se et habebit auxiliatores / qui iuvabunt eum. Et si debuerint componere, sicut dixi, veniet inicium compositionis / ex parte planete levioris et qui committit dispositionem alteri. Nam si /dominus ascendentis fuerit levior 1 All page references in [] are to the Ratdolt edition in the possession of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. The text has been prepared from that edition and Vienna 2359 as described in Chapter 6. 440 et dominus septime ponderosior, veniet ex parte interrogantis. [128v] / Si vero dominus ascendentis fuerit ponderosior et dominus septime fuerit levior, /45/ veniet inicium concordie ab adversario. Et planeta qui fuerit cadens ab angulo / dicitur esse debilior nisi alius planeta sublevet eum qui sit in loco forti et recipiat / eum. Item oportet prospicere et videre utrum dominus septime sit in ascendente / quia tunc significat ex toto quod dominus ascendentis, scilicet interrogator, / vincet et adversarius succumbet. Et si dominus ascendentis fuerit in septima, /50/ significat quod adversarius obtinebit et interrogator succumbet, quicumque enim / significatorum invenitur in domo alterius significatur victus. Et non solum / accidet hoc in litibus seu causis pecunariis, verum etiam accidet in preliis / atque guerris quia semper cuiuscunque significator invenitur in domo alterius / dicitur esse iam victus et est victo similis. Postea oportet te videre utrum /55/ dominus ascendentis vel dominus septime sit retrogradus quoniam, si dominus / ascendentis fuerit retrogradus, significat debilitatem querentis et quod ipse non / erit bene firmus in stando ad litem, et quod ipse negabit veritatem adversario et / non confitebitur illam, nec credet se habere ius. Si vero dominus septime fuerit / retrogradus, significat debilitatem ex parte adversarii, et quod ipse fugiet litem /60/ prout poterit, et negabit vertitatem, nec credet se habere bonam causam. Aspice / etiam significatorem iudicis (sive fuerit rex sive potestas sive iudex) qui debuerit / sentenciare inter eos, qui erit dominus decime domus, utrum aspiciat significatores / litis an non, qui si aspexerit eos et fuerit directus, incedet secundum ordinem iuris in / causa illa, et quod ipse nitetur abreviare ipsam et diffinire cito. Si autem fuerit retrogradus, /65/ significat quod iudex (sive rex sive potestas) non incedet in causa illa / secundum ordinem iuris, nec curabit eam diffinire; immo prolongabitur plusquam debeat / prolongari de iure. Idem dicendum est de prolongatione cause si dominus / ascendentis fuerit separatus a domino septime, v
