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Transcript
“THE ROMAN EMPIRE AND BEYOND II: COMMUNICATION AND EXCHANGE OF MATERIAL AND IDEAS” Session Organizer: Eric C. De Sena, PhD John Cabot University Via della Lungara, 233 00165 Rome, Italy [email protected] Halina Dobrzanska, PhD Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology Polish Academy of Sciences 17 Sławkowska St. 31­016 Cracow, Poland [email protected] The last decade has witnessed a growing interest in the socio­economic realities of the “East European” region of the Roman Empire and the neighboring territories of “Barbaricum”. While important issues concerning the Roman army are still being investigated, questions pertaining to urban history and daily life in Rome’s East European provinces as well as the complex relationship with “Barbaricum” are of increasing concern. In their investigations, scholars working on both sides of the Roman limes are relying upon a variety of methodologies and bodies of evidence: regional surveys, archaeological excavation, study of artifact/ecofact assemblages, art historical analyses and the study of ancient texts. This session continues a discourse begun at the 12th Annual Meetings of the EAA in Cracow. Papers are invited from researchers working in Eastern Europe on sites that are contemporary with the Roman Imperial period. Questions to consider may be related but not limited to how the “Romans” and “barbarians” perceived each other, landscape and natural resources, economic exchange, influence of art/craft production, influence of Roman urban and social structure on the “barbarians”. Consider shifts in the limits of the Roman Empire (e.g. pre­Roman, Roman and post­Roman Dacia).
PAPER ABSTRACTS “Being Roman in post­Roman Dacia: evidence from the Porolissum Forum Project” Eric C. De Sena (John Cabot University) and Alexandru V. Matei (Zalau County Museum of History and Art) One of the objectives of the Porolissum Forum Project is to consider daily life in post­Roman Dacia. As is commonly known, Dacia is a unique case since the province was released from Roman authority in AD 271, two hundred years prior to the fall of the Empire. Archaeologists working in Romania have demonstrated that there was a strong connection between post­Roman Dacia and the Roman Empire; however, scholars are still pondering the extent of contact. After three field seasons, team members of the Porolissum Forum Project are beginning to understand how the area of the Roman forum was used and transformed following the late third century. A sequence of deposits excavated in summer 2007 contained a large amount of materials dating to the fourth century which indicate that the post­Roman city of Porolissum maintained strong ties with the Roman Empire for at least a century. Evidence is in the form of Christian items and symbols and a relationship between the regionally manufactured sigillata Porolissensis and African red­slip C and D forms and decoration. While significantly more information is required before we fully comprehend lifeways in post­Roman Porolissum, this evidence lends further proof, in addition to coins and an early Christian church, that contact was regular and profound rather than sporadic. Wheel­Made Pottery Manufacturing in European Barbaricum: How and Why? Halina Dobrzańska, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences, Kraków Branch In the area of the Central and Eastern Europe wheel­made grey pottery was produced from the 1 st century AD to the 5 th century AD. The scope of this paper is mainly concerned with vessel building technics and technology of the grey ceramics. Due to a shortage of archaeological evidence for kiln structures in the study area comparing with high frequency of the grey pottery on sites the possibility of use of bonfires is also discussed. The properties of the grey vessels fired in reducing atmosphere are presented as well. The study is supported by the results of the laboratory testing, firing experiments and ethnographic observations. It will also contribute to our understanding of the Hellenistic and La Tène traditions and the relations between Roman and barbaric cultures in the realm of the grey pottery manufacturing.
“The Links between the Province of Dalmatia and the Provinces of Thracia and Moesia in the 1 st Century AD based on the Aucissa fibulae type” Anna Haralambieva (Rimski Termi, Varna, Bulgaria) The Province of Dalmatia was founded in the 2 nd century BC and was the immediate neighbor of the Roman Republic on the Adriatic coast. It started to play an important role in the conquest of Macedonia and later on the lands on the south and north banks of the river Danube and in the formation of the provinces of Moesia and Thracia in the 1 st century AD and Dacia in the beginning of the 2 nd century AD. The military expansion of Rome is attested by the numerous early Roman fibulae found in those provinces, which were part of the uniform of the Roman legionaries. Among them figure the brooches of the type Aucissa. In some of the cases they bear the sign of the optionum (the aid of the centurion). The location of the finds of such brooches, which were pinned to the upper garments of the legionaries, marks the centers of their production in and outside Italy – in Dalmatia, as well as the route of their distribution along the rivers Sava and the Middle and the Lower Danube. Similar fibulae were found in the Roman camps south of the Lower Danube and in the towns of Thracia where the legions and their supporting staff were located. Their functional qualities and beautiful appearance made these small metal items prone to mass imitation as part of the military uniforms and the costumes of civilians in the first and second centuries AD. “Romans and Barbarians: Culture Contact, Influence and Material Culture” Eduard Krekovič (FF Univerzity Komenskeho, Bratislava, Slovakia) The author deals with the terms „contact“ and „influence“ and their meaning in concrete circumstances of Roman – barbarian relations. Some varieties of Roman wares in the barbarian milieu indicate that other archaeologically invisible products were also exported beyond the Roman frontier – for example wine or cosmetics. It seems the distribution of Roman wares was to some degree accidental – especially in peripheral regions. Some types were produced primarily for the barbarian market. The cultural identity of the interaction zones over the frontiers of the Roman Dacia Coriolan Horatiu Oprean, Institute of Archaeology and History, Cluj­Napoca, Romanian Academy From the beginnings, the Roman province of Dacia created by Trajan, had a main strategic role: to separate the barbarian world and to stop possible dangerous alliances. Trajan’s Dacia was reorganized by Hadrian, after the crisis of AD 117­119. The strategic essence of his decision represented a new concept of the defense of the province. To the North­West the main problem was to control the three important passages to the Transylvanian plateau, watching the movements of the barbarians, mainly the Iazyges.
The South­East section of the frontier, facing the Wallachian plain, was based on a military road running from South­East Transylvania to the Danube, in Lower Moesia. The plain was protected against the Roxolani mainly by the army from the Danube line. Ancient written sources attest also the “free Dacians”, as the Costoboci and other tribes, living to the North­East and to the North till the Northern Carpathians in Southern Ukraine and Poland. In the time of the Marcomannic wars the Vandal tribes coming from the Przeworsk culture area advanced closer and closer to the North­Western border of Dacia Porolissensis. War was often combined with Roman diplomacy. The new diplomatic relations established by the Empire to the Barbarian world after the Marcomannic wars, were going on till the middle of the 3 rd century AD. The defeated Germanic tribes of the Buri and several thousands of the “free Dacians” were allowed to live in the vicinity of the Roman frontier. Some barbarian groups were also settled, by receptio, in the territory of Roman Dacia. The new situation determined the growing of the trade contacts between the province and the barbarian world. Along the main roads that enter Dacia from the west and north­west appeared the interaction zones. Here many barbarian settlements were set up, where Roman goods (pottery, brooches and coins) arrived, as a consequence of the frontier trade. Soon, barbarian workshops imitating Roman products emerged, as the pottery workshops. Recent archaeological research in the barbarian settlements and cemeteries situated inside the interaction zone from North­West Romania permitted a better knowledge of the chronology and the cultural identity of the region. There are known 296 finds. The chronology can be followed between stages B2 ­ C3/D1. The cultural identity of the finds show that the Przeworsk culture populations advanced over the Northern Carpathians, starting with the stage C1a. The presence of the Dacian pottery proves that the Przeworsk groups of warriors were mixed with Dacian elements, probably, even before their arrival in the neighbourhood of Roman Dacia. It is possible that the Dacian component of the newcomers to be very strong or, it is also possible that free Dacian groups brought from the Tisa region have been settled by the Romans together with the Przeworsk tribes. Under the strong Roman cultural influence an interesting acculturation process has taken place in the area. In the second layer of the settlements (stages C1b­C2), the Przeworsk culture elements disappeared almost totally and a new material culture with Dacian characteristics and strong Roman influence was identified. It was the so­called Blazice­Bereg culture. It was this period when the province of Dacia was abandoned by the Roman authorities and army. It is very probable that Roman craftsmen from Dacia flew in Barbaricum after AD 271, joining the barbarian communities which needed their technological knowledge. “The southernmost find of fibula type Almgren 43” Hrvoje Vulić (Vinkovci, Croatia) In 1992 and 1993, twelve Roman fibulae were brought to the Municipal Museum of Vinkovci. The finder, Z. Harhaj, found them while field walking on a registered archaeological site, Plandište, near Cerić village in the vicinity of Vinkovci. Archaeologists have discovered finds dating between the eneolithic and Roman periods at this site. One fibula (inv. no. A­2112) captured special attention due to its unusual shape. Upon further study it was identified as type known as Almgren 43, one of the products typical of the Przeworsk culture. This type is usually found in the area of Poland, the Czech Republic and
Slovakia and even in these regions it is relatively rare. To date 70 examples are known of which only three have been discovered on the Roman side of the limes. Of the fibulae found in Roman territory, two are from Hungary, published by E. Patek, and one is from Romania, published by S. Cociş. The one found at Plandište is the first ever to have been discovered in Croatia and is, so far, the example found farthest south. Another interesting attribute is a noticeably different leg and needle holder than what is usual within this type. Namely, in the case of plate fibulae, the leg is at the same time the needle holder. It is rectangular and elongated. In the fibula presented on this poster, the leg is completely different. It is triangular in shape, elongated, narrows towards end. It ends with a faceted button. The needle holder is rectangular and elongated. It seems that after the original needle holder was broken, it was replaced by the complete new leg. The very presence of this type is interesting and raises many questions. How it is to be dated? If we compare it with other material from the site dated between the second and fourth centuries, it should dated to the end of second century. This correlates with the general chronology of the type from the end of the phase B2 (80­160AD) to the end of stage B2/C1 (second half of the second century to beginning of the third century AD) of the Przeworsk Culture. If we take into consideration the fact that it differs from the usual shape, could it date outside this frame? Who was the bearer of the type? It is usually attributed to the Przeworsk Culture, but the question regarding the bearers has not yet been answered. Were they Viktovals or Vandals? Tribes mentioned are also Hasdings, Langobards or Obi. Who wore the fibula, men or women? So far it has been usually found in female graves, but also in few male graves. It is also most usually found in graves, but a certain number have also been found in settlements. Considering the presence of bearers of Przeworsk culture in the area of the middle Danube and the Upper Tisza basin (far from their homeland) in the second century and first half of the third century AD, is it possible to consider a group of people or just one individual living in the discussed area? Or if the fibula is just a trade good, why is it not found outside the areas under the influence of the Przeworsk Culture? Hrvoje Vulić Vinkovci, Croatia [email protected] “Humanizing the Landscape: Economy and Community in the Tunisian High Steppe in the First to Seventh Centuries” Robert Wanner (University of Leicester)
Studies of economy and community have taken a prominent role in archaeological research of the ancient Mediterranean world, but they are generally considered separate topics because of the different types of evidence they use. The construction of economic histories generally draws from settlement data in archaeological surveys and numismatics. A common choice in Mediterranean survey archaeology has been to rely on literary sources to attribute regions to ethnicities, but this approach undermines economic models put forward because many of the complex social relations are lost. Though attention is constantly focused on information from new surveys, careful examination of older ones leads to new insights. The Kasserine Survey serves as an excellent example of how a more focused study of communities can be applied to landscapes that have already been extensively studied in economic terms. Using survey data with inscriptions and historical texts, I show how the study of communities in landscape archaeology can better our understanding of processes of change in agricultural, pastoral, and industrial activity over the longue durée. Concepts of community, control, and economic community played important roles in the rural economy of ancient North Africa, but they have not figured prominently into previous economic models of the Tunisian High Steppe. The processes prompted by both Roman administration and the local population both restructured communities and constructed new ones. “The Edge of Empire, a Socio­Economic Center: the Roman Fort of Porolissum in the Context of its Surroundings” Daniel S. Weiss (University of Virginia) In AD 106, immediately following the Roman success in the Dacian Wars, several strongholds were established in the new province. Most notable of these are Ulpia Traiana (Sarmizegethusa), Apulum, Napoca and Porolissum. While there are certainly others, these four are evenly spaced locations on a major road extending from the center of Roman Dacia to the northwest limes. Porolissum is the terminus of this major Roman road and its structures are integrated with the border defense system. Many maps of the province which illustrate the Roman roads misleadingly end this highway at Porolissum. While it is technically correct, that the Roman road ended at the border, the route continued beyond. 1 The road is somewhat symbolic of the scholarship concerning the region, especially by Westerners. Despite the interesting history of the Dacian region, it has been largely neglected for various reasons. Lack of funding, the effects of Communism and the instability following the revolution of 1989 all contributed to inaccessibility to the region and a decline in emphasis on cultural sites. Studies 1 While no archaeological excavations have been carried out beyond the sanctuary terrace, the topographical analysis of the region indicates that the road continued into the draw that flanks Magura hill to the west. See N. Gudea, 1998, Porolissum: Ausschnitte aus dem Leben einer dakisch­römischen Grenzsiedlung aus dem Nordwesten der Provinz Dacia Porolissensis, Amsterdam: Hakkert. pl. II.3
that have been conducted tend to stop at the border, examining the province itself and not the intricacies of relationships with neighboring settlements. This paper extends the study of Roman Dacia beyond its borders. I will examine the systems of interconnection in a region that straddles the Roman border in an effort to determine the nature and range of communication and the patterns thereof as well as determining the level of porosity of the limes in northwestern Dacia. Modern Romania is now divided into counties and the county museums are responsible for the publication of the archaeological material. Porolissum is located in Salaj County which straddles the old Roman border. The present day boundaries may be indicative of the natural regional mentality in antiquity. A topographical study of the county may help determine what role the natural boundaries played in determining the borders established by the Romans as well as those in use today. Two constructed features at the walls of Porolissum indicate not only that the road continued on, but that it was a major entry point into the Empire. The first of these is a large area enclosed by walls which has been identified as a detaining area for incoming traffic. Whether or not the identification of this space is correct, the second structure, a customs station on the west side of the road, further attests to the fact that Porolissum was not merely an end, but also a point of entry. The full realization of the site as an entry point cannot be assessed in a monograph­type study as has been the trend. Only through a regional study can Porolissum be truly placed into its proper context. Primary components of the region which would have naturally determined traffic and trade in the Roman period are the ridges and rivers. Both determine the most efficient route by obstruction by the former, conductivity by the latter. A simple overview of the geography reveals that there are several rivers in northwest Transylvania, most notably the Mureş and the Someş. Water transportation was quicker and less expensive than land transportation in Antiquity and the hilly region around the limes only makes that efficiency more emphatic. However, the available maps of the region are limited in the information they give. Maps that focus on geography often do not label sites, nor is there enough detail on them to evaluate the viable avenues of approach. In order to comprehend the traffic and trade patterns in Antiquity, it is necessary to travel the region with quality topographical maps. Such an exercise will reveal the less prominent terrain that shapes the region. Once the avenues are determined in conjunction with the physical evidence from the sites, it will be possible to surmise what arrived where and how it got there. One obvious example is the corpus of Roman finds in Arad, near the Hungarian border. This barbarian settlement is directly linked to Deva on the Roman border by the Mureş River. A large quantity of terra sigillata has been found in the region just below and along the river. 2 Just as in Pannonia where the major cities grew up along the Danube, with materials arriving in large quantities along the river from Gaul and Germania, the lesser rivers in Romania no doubt played a large part in the growth and communication of the barbarian communities. Not only does this research aim to improve the corpus of Dacian studies and make the information more accessible to a western audience, it also applies to research outside of Dacia, primarily in the areas of trade and frontier studies. In the absence of physical material, it is often necessary to apply models from other regions. After the models are adapted to the specific conditions of northwest Dacia, then a greater understanding of Roman relations along all borders may be reached. 2 P . Hugel, and M. Barbu, 1997, “Die Arader Ebene im 2­4 Jh. N. Chr.“ in N. Gudea, ed. 1997, Römer und Barbaren an den Grenzen des römischen Daciens: Acta Musei Porolissensis 21. Zalǎu: Museum of History and Art. 1997: 567­568.
In 1979, Edward N. Luttwak proposed that there existed a ‘Grand Strategy’ to the growth and defense of the Roman Empire. 3 The idea of an overarching strategy for the entire empire has since been criticized. However, the concept has forced scholars to think critically about the nature of the frontiers. Theories have ranged from the largely economical to the strictly military. The customs building at Porolissum strongly suggests an economic purpose to the site, but the presence of multiple auxiliary units cannot be ignored. Each frontier region is unique and does not represent imperial foreign policy as a whole. It is best, therefore, to examine the peculiarities of each region as they exist within their own parameters. The Roman fort at Porolissum is indicative of the continuing debate in the field of Roman Frontier Studies. In the wider scope of the field, the military functions of the borders cannot be forsaken for the economic, nor vice­versa. Likewise, all aspects of Porolissum’s interaction with the immediate region as well as the empire as a whole must be examined in tandem. While the site was certainly a terminus of the imperial road at the limits of the empire, those limits were not as concretely defined as previously thought and this paper examines the details of that flexibility. 3 E.N. Luttwak, 1979, The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire, Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.