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PROPAGANDA t a w ––––––––– ––––––––– s it un-American to wage propaganda warfare against the terrorists, their supporters, and other adversaries of the United States? Does the use of propaganda and psychological operations by definition compromise America’s democratic principles? These are legitimate questions as the nation prepares to enter its fifth year of the war on terrorism. Even the White House agrees that the US is not winning the international “war of ideas” against Islamist extremism. And in wartime, not winning is losing. The troops in the field are doing their job, and they’re doing it well. The diplomats, message-makers, spinmasters, bureaucrats, and political operatives—and the government lawyers who needlessly restrict their options—are letting down the troops. The nation’s political leaders are denying the troops one of the most important tools of all: effective propaganda and strategic influence operations. Covert action to influence those who shape and make policy abroad has been taboo for two Revolutionary Americans tar and feather generations. Lawmakers and appointed officials a British tax collector. This image is a gladly wage political warfare—hard-nosed heartsdirect reference to the actual tarring and-minds stuff that Democrats and Republicans and feathering of a British customs use to fight and destroy one another—at home, but commissioner named John Malcomb in don’t let themselves wage it against the terrorists. 1774, and a more general reference At this point, almost no one is left at the CIA who to colonial discontent over is versed in political warfare or psychological opthe British imposition of the erations (PSYOP) at the national strategic level, as Stamp and Tea Acts. The propaganda has become practically off-limits as a Boston Tea Party rages political policy tool abroad. in the background. “Strategic influence” operations have been deemed un-American. The Pentagon’s Office of Strategic Influence (OSI), set up shortly after the 9/11 attacks, lasted a mere four months before bureaucratic saboteurs shut it down. And when the Special Operations Command was caught last December paying Iraqi journalists to run articles in their newspapers—positive articles about the US military that were designed to counter enemy propaganda and give the Iraqi people some hope—official Washington suffered fits of bed-wetting. So while the military does its best to fight the terrorists and their supporters, how can the US fight and win the battle for the world’s hearts and minds? The answer is simple: propaganda is not un-American. In fact, propaganda, political influence, and psychological warfare are American traditions, tied up in the country’s birth. It’s time US foreign policy returns to its roots. Hopelessly outmatched against the world’s most formidable military power, the founding 37 fathers recognized that the opinions and perceptions of foreign governments, publics, and armies * mattered. Thus, they compensated asymmetrically with public diplomacy, propaganda, counterpropaganda, and political warfare. They never used those terms—all came into vogue as we know them in the 20th century—but they employed all the measures, integrating them with domestic politics, secret diplomacy, intelligence, and warfare with decisive strategic effect. Instruments of propaganda not only bred, but helped win, the American Revolution. Massachusetts patriot Samuel Adams was the first to explore what a biographer called a blend of “philosophy and action in ongoing political struggles”—modern political warfare. As one of the earliest proponents of secession, Adams consistently pursued a two-track campaign: a relentless negative political or ideological attack followed by a positive, morally and philosophically sound alternative solution that kept the enemy on the defensive. The negative approach: “Keep the enemy in the wrong” * 38 On March 5, 1770, a mob of men and boys began taunting a British sentry. When other British soldiers joined the scene, a riot broke out, shots were fired, and five Bostonians were killed. Paul Revere’s engraving of this event, the “Boston Massacre,” depicts a British firing squad deliberately mowing down a crowd of colonists in order to incite early Americans to revolution. The first step, Adams argued, must be the negative attack, couched when possible in comity and amity by allowing the adversary’s misconduct speak for itself. He counseled in 1775, “It is a good Maxim in Politicks as well as in War to put & keep the Enemy in the Wrong.” Leading Bostonian opposition to the Stamp Act and other laws Parliament imposed on the colonies in the 1760s, Adams pioneered new methods of democratic political warfare, combining scandal, outrage, and demands for justice with public accountability and transparency, ridicule, shame, and abuse. Adams worked through the English constitutional and legal system, using the system as a weapon against itself, exploiting laws, procedures, and precedents to his revolutionary advantage. As he orchestrated political takeovers of British-controlled institutions from the inside, he attacked the system as politically and morally illegitimate from the outside to show that the crown could do nothing to meet the people’s fair demands against taxation without representation. He worded legislative resolutions and other pronouncements in ways designed to put the local royal authorities, as well as parliament and the king, in impossible situations. He placed the British authorities in lose-lose positions that would open them up to attack no matter what decision they made. Taking advantage of the crown’s own missteps and the unpopular traits of colonial authorities in Boston, Adams built parallel political and administrative structures that mocked and negated British rule while creating new, legitimate democratic formations that demonstrated both the limits of the crown’s power and the new powers of the people. A weak speaker, Adams understood the integration of oratory with the written word and the visual image. Recruiting a young, wealthy merchant named John Hancock, he ensured that protesters were outfitted with elaborate costumes, props, and musical instruments to lead protest songs in harbor-side demonstrations and parades through Boston’s streets. He filled broadsheets with news of events that he created or orchestrated. Crowds made effigies of royal officials and hanged them from the branches of the Liberty Tree before thousands of enthralled Bostonians. The positive approach: Promote ideas, values, and an image of victory * Benjamin Franklin first penned this cartoon in 1754 for the Pennsylvania Gazette to convey the necessity of colonial unity. The image was later coopted by the revolutionary Culpepper Minutemen, who used the symbol of the snake in conjunction with the threat: Don’t Tread on Me. As Adams and Hancock waged constant political and psychological attacks on the crown and its agents overseas and at home, they also created American Revolution literally began as a British attempt to capture the anti-colonial an idea for which Americans would fight. propagandists. The American struggle for self-determiAs volunteers massed around Boston to fight what would become the Battle of nation spawned the creation of a country Bunker Hill and the Continental Congress named 43-year-old George Washington as based not on language, race, class, ancestry, commander of the new Continental Army, Gage issued a proclamation to pardon or geography, but a nation whose common any and all American rebels—including Washington—who had opposed, fought, bond was an idea. or even killed the king’s forces. In capital letters he made only two exceptions: The construction of an American national“SAMUEL ADAMS and JOHN HANCOCK, whose offences are of too flagitious a ity was derived from the “self-evident” universal nature to admit of any other consideration than condign punishment.” Neither truths that “all men are created equal, that they man would hang; both would be re-elected to the Continental Congress. are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” Indoctrinating Americans The Declaration of Independence as propaganda in those positive ideals comprised the second, positive As the unanimous bedrock statement of principle of the United approach of early American propaganda. Twice in the Congress al of America, the Declaration of Independence illustrated, with a Continent States the nce, Declaration of Independe tactical switch of emphasis, the founding fathers’ dual approach to appealed to both domestic and international public opinion communicating their message. in support of the cause and principles of freedom. The document began with repeated positive statements of The propaganda campaign, designed by Adams, was the viewed often ideals, and obligations, including the right to oust rewho rights, British, the to downright subversive pressive governments. Second, it resisted Britain’s divide-andpolitical warriors as more dangerous than the shockingly unconquer colonial strategy and aimed at attracting other large conventional warriors on the battlefield. American propaganda powers as allies by showing inter-colonial unity. Finally, it and political action would tilt the balance in the asymmetrical war vilified the enemy government. While sparing the British it. knew ahead, and the British people and even parliament, it laid all blame on the king: General Thomas Gage, British military governor of Massachuof men dangerous most the “The history of the present King of Great Britain is a hisas Hancock and setts, considered Adams tory of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in the nascent rebellion. On receiving orders to arrest the entire elected po800 marching pair, the on direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny focused Gage colony, the litical leadership of over these States.” troops to Lexington where his spies reported they were hiding. Lexington The Declaration of Independence includes a sat astride the road to Concord, where Gage intended to capture rebel a litany of crimes that reads like a criminal indictpowder magazine. Paul Revere foiled the plan on his famous Midnight Ride, ment of the king. It accused George III of everyhelping Adams and Hancock escape as the British approached the town. The This false report—an act of covert propaganda—persuaded thing from arbitrariness, illegality, abuse, and neglect King Louis XVI and his divided court to aid the Americans, covertto hinting that His Majesty was not only a tyrant, but ly at first, with the secret assistance of Spain. With France now was unwholesome, criminal, and possibly even unmanly. covertly aiding the Americans in the war, the Continental ConThe king, the framers said, started the hostilities “by declargress sent Franklin to Paris, where he attempted to negotiate ing us out of his Protection and waging War on us.” “He a formal military alliance against the British. The struggling has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, United States had little to offer the cash-strapped French for and destroyed the lives of the people.” By putting the enemy such a high-risk venture, but the strategy was for the US to unequivocally in the wrong, the authors of the declaration disalcheck British imperial expansion, in this case by Amerilowed any compromise. can diplomacy and political action backed by French But the authors of the declaration intended their words to go wealth and military force. far beyond the American colonies, the king, or even the parliament London saw the septuagenarian Franklin, crossin London. They intended to take their message to the world. In the ing the Atlantic with his two grandsons, as one of founding document of its existence, the US government thus initiated its greatest threats. British Ambassador Lord Storan international propaganda campaign designed not only to claim moral mont, who also headed the king’s secret service superiority, but to convince international leaders—those who controlled station in France, wrote less than admiringly to the cash, the material supplies, the munitions, and the military forces that the British Foreign Secretary in London: “I canthe outmatched Americans desperately needed to win—of their moral supenot but suspect that he comes charged with the of riority. The declaration set out to win not only the hearts and minds a secret Commission from Congress...and people, but also pocketbooks of the European powers. as he is a subtle, artful Man, and void of all Truth, he will, in that Case, use every means to deceive...” Targeting inside the empire: Canada, Bermuda, and Ireland In the course of ingratiating himself with Parisian society and As a first front of attack, Samuel Adams directed US propaganda operations in cultivating support in Spain, FrankCanada, via the Boston Committee of Correspondence. To appeal for a combined North lin prepared plans to be implemented American front against the British, Gen. Washington wrote a specific letter “[t]o the Inas soon as the opportunity presented habitants of Canada” and another to the people of Bermuda, calling for their support. itself. That moment came in December The Continental Congress soon authorized a propaganda operation to urge Cana1777, when news reached Europe that dians to join as a “sister colony” against the British. It created a Committee of Secret British General Burgoyne had surrenCorrespondence, considered to be the United States’ first foreign intelligence agency— dered to American troops at Saratoga the forerunner of the CIA. in October. Under the supervision of Benjamin Franklin and a few others, the Committee Franklin knew his next move. He sent a French printer named Fleury Mesplet to Quebec as an American secret agent. wrote a proposed Treaty of Amity and His mission: “to establish a free press...for the frequent publication of such pieces as Commerce with France, part of which may be of service to the laws of the United States.” The Committee also recruited included an American military alliance French Catholic priests to promote Canadian secession to the rebel cause. with France and Spain against the BritThough the Continental Congress failed to gain the Canadian provinces’ secesish. Less than two months later—lightning sion from Britain, the British decried the effectiveness of American propaganda eftime in those days—he signed a Francoforts to undermine Canadian support for the crown. The British colonial secretary in American military alliance. The army and Canada complained that unrest was growing with “the minds of the people poisoned navy of King Louis XVI formally engaged, by the same hypocrisy and lies practised [sic] with so much success in the other sealing ultimate defeat for the British. provinces, and which their emissaries and friends here have spread abroad with great art and diligence.” British General John Burgoyne blamed his recruitment woes in Canada on “the poison which the emissaries of the rebels have thrown into Influence operations across Europe their mind.” Thanks to intelligence documents that Franklin purloined in London while In Europe, British retaliatory proparepresenting Pennsylvania and other colonies, the innate PSYOP instincts of ganda against the Americans was relentGeorge Washington, and strategic political thinking within the Continental Conless. Sent as a US emissary to the Nethergress, the US devised and carried out a strategy to divide British-led forces. lands, John Adams wrote to Franklin, “[i]t In a German-language campaign begun under Washington’s direction on Long is necessary for America to have agents in Island, they splintered and demoralized Britain’s crack Hessian mercenaries. One different parts of Europe, to give some inforin six deserted and began new lives as Americans. US propaganda also promation concerning our affairs, and to refute moted defections of Irish and Scottish troops from the Redcoat forces. the abominable lies that the hired emissaries of Great Britain circulate in every corner of Europe, by which they keep up their own credit Secret and public diplomacy in France and ruin ours.” Franklin recruited a Swiss journalist, Months before the first shots at Lexington and Concord, French Foreign Charles Dumas, as a Holland-based secret agent Minister Charles Gravier, comte de Vergennes, noted the increasing friction befor the Committee of Secret Correspondence to tween most of the 13 colonies and what he called the metropolis in London. act as both a spy and propagandist in Europe. In October 1775, Benjamin Franklin returned from London, whereupon Among his activities, Dumas “planted stories in the citizens of Pennsylvania elected him to the Continental Congress. As a a Dutch newspaper, Gazette de Leide, intended to member of the Committee of Secret Correspondence, Franklin was able to give the United States a favorable rating in the manipulate a young, covert French military officer named Bonvonloir, who Dutch credit markets.” Soon, the US had secret had been sent by the French Ambassador in London, the Comte de Guines, agents in Spain, Portugal, Berlin, and Tuscany. to collect intelligence on the revolutionary American government. On December 28, Bonvonloir filed a hugely inflated report, claiming, and “[e]veryone here is a soldier, the troops are well clothed, well paid, The American way of propaganda well armed. They have more than 50,000 regular soldiers and an even larger number of volunteers who do not wish to be paid. Judge how men The French fleet sealed Britain’s final surrenof this caliber will fight.” In truth, only about 5,000 poorly paid, illder at Yorktown, a defeat that would have never trained, hungry, cold men comprised Washington’s army. been possible without the propaganda machines en40 gineered by Samuel Adams and Benjamin Franklin. The war for independence showed that wars of ideas and battles for democracy are fought primarily as wars and not as shows of diplomacy. And where public diplomacy plays a role, its tone is not necessarily positive or gentle. The founders’ strategy was simple: relentlessly tell the best about the American cause and the worst about the enemy. And it worked. They provided us with not only our founding principles and our Constitution, but also the diplomatic and political tools to promote and defend our interests around the world. Those tools, properly used, decided the margin of victory for America’s first strategic hearts-and-minds campaign. Propaganda, political warfare, and psychological warfare were life-saving ways of achieving military objectives by political means. American propaganda in the 20th century * American covert operations and propaganda campaigns eroded the Iron Curtain for decades. They The symbol of the rattlesnake—originally prevented Stalin and his successors from represented in Franklin’s Join or Die cartoon— conquering Greece, Turkey, Iran, Italy, and here depicts colonial unity and strength. The possibly even France. They helped undermine two armies surrounded by the snake are the the Soviet Union from within and hastened its defeated forces of Burgoyne and Cornwallis. collapse. Strategic propaganda and political warThe inscription beneath advertises the fare, waged by strong and principled leaders through American alliance with France and warns the CIA, US Information Agency, and other services, that “the serpent in the Congress won the Cold War for the cause of democracy. Even more reigns.” British loyalists taunted importantly, its net result did away with the threat of genothe American “sons of sedition” for cidal nuclear war. representing themselves as “a snakeToday, it’s almost as though none of that had ever hapin-the-grass,” but clever Americans pened. While most of the world supported the United States in responded by insisting that the the aftermath of 9/11, that support and sympathy began to dissolve rattlesnake does not strike in 2002 with the US’s preparations to overthrow Saddam Hussein. A until sufficiently provoked. serious propaganda offensive could have prevented much of the damage. Across Europe, for example, centrist and center-right political leaders wanted to support the US. But the Bush administration failed to provide the position papers, talking points, and other information those European politicians needed to understand the American case and shape their own views. At the same time, Saddam Hussein’s agents—including industrialists, journalists, members of parliament, antiwar activists, and others later revealed to be on Baghdad’s payroll through proceeds from the United Nations’ Oil-for-Food campaign— were at work across Europe, organizing opposition to the US. As the totalitarian Wahhabi regime in Saudi Arabia spends billions on global propaganda campaigns to stir up supernatural hate against the US, our allies, Muslims who disagree with the medieval and extremist Islamist cult, and our policymakers all wring their hands and wonder what to do. Iran’s Revolutionary Guard has been waging a brilliant campaign in Iraq, united Saddam Hussein loyalists, al Qaeda, and other disenfranchised demographics in grinding us down psychologically, even as we win militarily. Captured al Qaeda documents reveal a sophisticated, long-term media strategy to undermine world morale against the US-led war on terror. Thus we see the repeat of the old game that Benjamin Franklin and John Adams waged in Europe against British propagandists during the American Revolution. Only this time, we’ve chosen not to play. J. Michael Waller is the Walter and Leonore Annenberg Professor of International Communication at the Institute of World Politics in Washington, D.C. 41