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Financial Growth in Singapore Cao Yong & Quek Lee Nah Nanyang Business School, Nanyang Technological University, Nanyang Avenue, Singapore 2263 Fax: +(65) 792.4217, Tel: +(65) 799.1322, Email: [email protected] Abstract This paper examines factors that contribute to rapid financial deepening in Singapore. We find that economic growth (both domestic and regional), prudent government policies, other self-generating ‘pull’ factors coupled with the ‘push’ factors of other countries seem to contribute to Singapore’s financial growth. On the other hand, statistical tests indicate that financial liberalisation in the form of freeing up interest rates does not play a crucial role in financial growth. 1 INTRODUCTION Two decades have passed since Singapore launched significant moves to develop as a financial centre. Although it is not endowed with the advantages that other international financial centres have, it has managed to earn a place on the world financial map.1 Its status as a financial centre can be evidenced by the presence of institutions of international repute, the introduction of new financial instruments, the availability of expertise and the wide range and large volume of financial activities transacted in the Republic. One interesting point worth noting is that the rapid financial development coincided with financial reforms in the form of interest rates and exchange control liberalisation. Advocates of the financial repression theories may attribute such outstanding achievements to financial liberalisation. However growth in the financial sector also went hand in hand with both domestic and regional economic growth. This raises the possibility of a causal link between economic and financial growth. The purpose of this paper is to study the financial policies of Singapore, its characteristics and difficulties faced and also to determine statistically the possible factors that contribute to Singapore’s financial development using time-series data analysis. The rest of the paper is organised as follows. Section 2 describes the growth of the financial sector; comparison will also be made with Korea. Section 3 highlights some of the significant moves made by the Government in transforming Singapore into a financial centre. It also identifies the constraints faced in conducting monetary policy and its impact on the financial sector as well as the three primary objectives of the financial policies and the dilemma faced by the government. The theoretical underpinnings and literature review concerning financial deepening, financial repression and the relationship between financial and economic growth will be taken up in Section 4. The chapter also states formally the model that will be used to perform the statistical tests in Section 5. Section 5 will provide 1 The financial centre in London attained its status with the rise of the British Empire and has retained its lead with its experience, expertise and innovation. New York derives its financial strength from corporate conglomerates which have gone beyond national boundaries rather than by the design of the central bank or federal government. 156 Cao and Quek some empirical evidence which may be useful in explaining financial development in Singapore; this is followed by some concluding remarks. 2 OVERALL DEVELOPMENT OF THE FINANCIAL SECTOR Growth of the financial sector has been one of the key contributors to national economic growth of Singapore. The financial sector grew by 4.5 per cent in 1992, compared with 2.9 per cent in 1991. The improvement was due partly to a recovery in offshore lending activities by financial institutions in Singapore. This was in line with the upturn in international banking activities after a period of consolidation. The financial sector’s expansion in 1992 was also fuelled by a healthy growth in risk and fund management activities. Table 1 provides an overview of the growth of the financial sector. Five indicators are used to symbolise the development of the financial system. Since M1 and M2 include various kinds of deposits, M1/GDP and M2/GDP will indicate how successful depository institutions are in attracting deposits and creating money in the form of chequeing accounts. This, in turn, may reflect the degree of financial intermediation of an economy. A modern, complex, industrial economy cannot function without massive injections of new capital equipment each year. For capital to be produced, the saving of individuals and corporations must somehow be translated into investment in plant and equipment necessary to keep production operating. It is this translation of saving into investment that is the primary economic function of financial intermediaries. In addition, financial intermediaries also help individual savers to diversify risk since being large, they gain economies of scale in analysing the creditworthiness of potential borrowers, in processing and collecting loans, and in pooling risks. Thus the existence of intermediaries greatly increases money and capital market efficiency. The extent to which banks can channel saving to investment can be observed from the bank credit/GDP ratio. The fourth ratio indicates the degree of resource mobilisation; the last ratio shows how well developed the securities markets are in raising capital for firms. There can be no doubt about the spectacular financial deepening Singapore has achieved over a span of just twenty years. In particular, M2/GDP and bank credit/GDP show very impressive growth, experiencing almost a threefold increase from 1975-1993. These figures illustrate the significance of the financial institutions in mobilising resources to finance investments. The saving ratio of 44 per cent is one of the crucial factors in sustaining Singapore’s spectacular economic performance. In fact Singapore’s saving rate is the highest in the world, more than 3 times higher than the United States, as illustrated in Table 2. In 1993, an average of about $140,000 million of funds were raised by the stock market alone. This shows that the secondary market is very active and firms’ capital does not just rely on debts. Compared with Singapore, the financial system of Korea is much more ‘shallow’ (Table 3). Using 1990 as a reference year, all 5 ratios relating to Singapore are at least 7 times greater than that of Korea, except the saving ratio. Such vast differences could be due to the different policies pursued by both government. While the Singapore government regards the financial sector as an important and potential sector in its own right, the Korean financial system operates under the umbrella of an industrial policy. Such embeddedness of finance in industrial policy implies that the financial sector merely plays a secondary role, providing as many firms as possible with cheap financing in the belief that low cost finance is essential to compete internationally. Financial Growth in Singapore 157 The role of financial institutions in the Singapore economy should be analysed in terms of direct and indirect contributions. Over the period 1980 - 1992, GDP figures for the financial and business services sector (F&BS) and for the economy as a whole had been on the upward trend as shown in Table 4. The F&BS sector had been contributing an increasing share to GDP from 16.8 per cent in 1980 to 24.6 per cent in 1992. In 1992, of the persons aged 15 years and over employed in Singapore, 10.9 per cent were working in the F&BS sector as shown in Figure 1. Despite the small percentage of the workforce it constitutes, the sector is a major contributor to the GDP of Singapore, second only to the manufacturing sector (Figure 2). 3 EVOLUTION OF SINGAPORE AS A FINANCIAL CENTRE Unlike many other laissez faire financial centres in the world, Singapore’s financial development was a conceived vision deliberately nurtured in a growing economy which enjoyed political stability and was managed with administrative efficacy. Before the 1970s the financial sector merely fulfilled a subsidiary role. However the recognition of its potential as a major growth in its own right led to the formulation of a conscious development strategy to transform Singapore into a financial centre not only to serve the domestic economy but the region and beyond. 3.1 THE DEVELOPMENT OF FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS One of the notable milestones in the financial history of Singapore was the establishment of Asian Currency Units (ACUs) in 1968 which enabled banks to carry out international transactions under favourable and regulatory tax conditions. The most important result of the formation of ACUs was the creation of the Asian dollar market (the Asian Equivalent of the Eurodollar Market) which marked the commencement of internationalisation in the financial industry in Singapore. In order to conduct a more coherent monetary policy as well as to better manage the financial sector, the Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) was set up in 1971 as a de facto central bank. It functions as the financial agent and banker of the Government and also a banker to banks and other financial institutions. In executing its supervisory and regulatory functions, the MAS administers the Banking Act, Finance Companies Act, Exchange Control Act, Development Loans Act, Local Treasury Bills Act and the Insurance Act. 3.2 POLICY REFORMS TO ENCOURAGE DEVELOPMENT OF THE FINANCIAL SYSTEM To enlarge banking operations in Singapore, a reversal of the then-prevailing policy of not permitting entry of new foreign banks and financial institutions was adopted in 1970. As a result of the selective but liberal policy of admitting reputable international institutions almost all of the world’s top 100 banks have operations in Singapore. To avoid ‘overbanking’ due to the influx of foreign banks, the Monetary Authority of Singapore created ‘restricted’ and ‘offshore’ banking licenses to restrict the banking businesses of these banks. The concept of offshore banks, introduced in 1973 has facilitated the entry of many international banks into the Asian dollar market without creating undue competition for the domestic commercial banks. The Government also offers a host of favourable tax incentives and concessions targeted at the financial sector. The more important ones include the exemption of interest received from approved banks or approved Asian Dollar Bonds by non-residents, concessionary tax 158 Cao and Quek rate for ACU income and income from gold bullion, gold futures and financial futures and exemption of income arising from syndicated offshore loans. The progressive relaxation of exchange controls (with complete liberalisation in 1978) constituted a significant move towards liberalising the financial structure. Restrictions on capital flows, currency investment and profit repatriation were removed gradually. In view of the increasing openness and internationalisation of banking in the Singapore economy, the cartel system of interest rate quotations was abolished in 1975 to inject greater competition and efficiency into the banking sector. Banks were then allowed to set their deposit and lending rates freely. Such freeing up of interest rates and exchange controls was also in line with the worldwide trend of deregulation in financial systems which was first triggered by the United States and followed by Japan. 3.3 CONSTRAINTS IN CONDUCTING MONETARY POLICIES The MAS is constrained by the ‘small’ and ‘open’ features of Singapore’s economy in conducting monetary policy. Referring to Table 5, the absolute GDP of Singapore is only a little more than half of the average GDP of the ASEAN countries and only 1.3 percent and 0.8 percent compared to Japan and U.S.A respectively. These 1992 figures imply that Singapore is a ‘taker’ or ‘follower’ in the world market, not a ‘setter’ or ‘leader’. Table 6 shows that the degree of openness2 of Singapore is a staggering 3.08 times more than the value of GNP! The heavy reliance on imports also causes significant leakages in Singapore’s flow of income. Policies designed to expand the economy are mitigated by these withdrawals. Under conventional monetary policy, the interest rate is endogenous. But such a policy is inappropriate in the context of a small, open economy like Singapore since domestic rates are tied to world’s major interest rates such as the London Inter-Bank Offer Rate (LIBOR). Allowing the domestic rate of interest to differ from world interest rates would induce large capital movements, leading to serious balance-of-payment problems and exchange rate related problems. Similarly, since domestic prices are perfectly linked to world prices through massive imports, the problem of imported inflation will also be encountered. For these reasons, it is not possible for Singapore to practise independent monetary policy in the conventional sense. The Central Provident Fund (CPF) managed by the CPF Board (analogous to pension funds in the United States or superannuation schemes in Australia) constitutes forty percent of the workforce wages. The mandatory monthly contributions add up to a vast sum and represent a major proportion of domestic saving mobilised for the financing of public sector development projects. Being a national compulsory saving scheme, the funds absorbed by the CPF is only partially recycled into the private sector. Coupled with the CPF Board constitution, a large proportion of the liquidity are rechannelled into the Post Office Savings Bank (POSB) and government securities. POSB is a Statutory Board with its own constitution requiring it to maintain a minimum of 50 per cent of its assets in Government securities. Thus one can see how liquidity is chanelled from the private sector to the public sector through the CPF Board. Such liquidity channelling also poses problems for the MAS. If left unchecked, the shrinking money supply would lead to continual upward pressure on interest rates. This 2 The degree of openness is measured by the proportion of total trade which is the sum of exports and imports to GNP. Financial Growth in Singapore 159 effect may result in balance-of-payment surpluses arising out of capital inflows that would result in contractionary economic effects; thus, there exists the danger of offsetting other economic incentives for growth. Another problem is that there is also pressure on the Singapore dollar to appreciate, resulting in a loss of international competitiveness. To mitigate these problems, the MAS must constantly re-inject transferred funds into the system by purchasing securities from domestic financial institutions and engaging in foreign exchange swaps to improve liquidity. This renders domestic open-market operations one-sided; monetary policy needs to be continually expansionary to counterbalance the liquidity drain from the fiscal surpluses. 3.4 IMPACT OF CONSTRAINTS ON THE FINANCIAL SYSTEM Operating under conditions of ‘smallness’ and ‘openness’, the international financial centre in Singapore is extremely vulnerable to external shocks. While the domestic monetary policy aims at providing a monetary environment that meets domestic needs, the international aspect of monetary policy (i.e. exchange rate policy) strives to protect the economy from negative foreign disturbances. Thus the choice of an appropriate exchange rate becomes crucial; this was recognised by the MAS in 1981 when it officially announced that it was moving away from setting domestic targets to exchange rate targeting. Another way by which the government insulates the domestic financial sector is by setting up a ‘separation face’ as discussed in greater detail in section 3.5 below. Thus Singapore has to trade-off vulnerability to external disturbances for its position as a premier international financial centre. 3.5 PARAMOUNT CHARACTERISTICS OF FINANCIAL POLICIES Ralph Byrant (1986) pin-points three paramount characteristics of the government policies for the financial sector. First, the government vigorously encourages the location of financial-intermediary activities in Singapore, thereby promoting the Republic as a financial centre. The intent has been to induce financial intermediaries to conduct business from Singapore offices that would otherwise have been conducted elsewhere. The main approach pursued is to tax and regulate certain aspects of financial intermediation in Singapore less heavily than other nations. These regulatory and tax incentives became progressively stronger throughout the period since 1967. The second important feature of government policies is an attempt to maintain differential incentives and constraints between international and domestic financial intermediation. In effect, a ‘separation fence’ shelters certain domestic financial activities from other, mainly international transactions that are favoured by less stringent regulations and greater fiscal incentives. In other words, while taking policy actions to stimulate financial intermediation in Singapore, the government has been reluctant to reduce regulations and increase tax incentives for all types of financial intermediation. Nor has it been willing to allow the untrammeled competitive characteristic of international banking to prevail on the domestic side of the separation fence. The most important consideration leading to the erection and maintenance of a separation fence has been a desire to insulate Singapore’s domestic economy from possible world turbulence. If successful, an insulating fence helps to foster more autonomy for domestic monetary policy than would otherwise exist. Another consideration supporting the maintenance of the separation fence has been a felt obligation to protect the local banks 160 Cao and Quek carrying out traditional domestic banking. The existence of restricted and offshore categories of banking license bears witness to the strength of this force underlying the government policy. Tension between the goal of promoting the prosperity of the national economy and the goal of shielding the economy from external forces inevitably exists, to some degree, for any open economy. High financial interdependence with the rest of the world permits an economy to be heavily buffeted by external developments. There is inescapably a tradeoff. High levels of financial activity can generate substantial benefits, but only at the expense of increased vulnerability. The separation fence analogy should not be interpreted too literally. Even when initially created in the 1960s, the fence was not totally impenetrable. As the 1970s progressed, some parts of the fence were lowered or dismantled. A fence of major significance still exists. Nonetheless, the appropriate analogy is a partially porous hedge, not a solid, insurmountable wall. The third characteristic is the desire to preserve the soundness and resilience of Singapore’s financial intermediaries. Prudential oversight by the MAS of the banks and other financial institutions is regarded as the means to achieve this objective. However, some of the foreign-owned financial institutions complain that MAS oversight is excessive and counterproductive. Such criticism surfaces from time to time, especially appearing in the overseas financial press. According to Ralph Byrant, the monetary authorities in a major financial centre should maintain stringent standards of surveillance. The complete absence of criticism from supervised institutions may, instead be a warning sign of insufficient stringent oversight. Judged by international standards - including the 1983 Basle ‘Concorat’ on Principles for the Supervision of Banks’ Foreign Establishments - the MAS record of prudential oversight stands up well to scrutiny. It is interesting to note that in the 1970s and early 1980s, bankers in Hong Kong typically pointed to Singapore as an instance of excessive regulation. However the conventional wisdom began to change when a period of financial difficulties arrived and several large financial institutions failed.3 Subsequently, 1984-85 witnessed the recommendation of significant strengthening of prudential oversight by the Commission for Banking and Deposit-Taking Companies. The continuing tensions between the three primary objectives put the Singapore government into a dilemma. To maintain the separation fence and to exercise prudential oversight, it is necessary to impose active regulation and supervision, and probably taxation. Such constraints may at times need to bind strongly. However, the objective of luring financial activity to Singapore that would otherwise be located elsewhere tends to pull in the opposite direction. Searching for an appropriate balance among the three is analytically and politically difficult. As circumstances change in Singapore and the world at large, the appropriate balance may alter too. 3.6 A DEVELOPED FINANCIAL SYSTEM The consequence of such government intervention is the emergence of a developed financial system as evident by the number of financial institutions and financial markets providing a wide range of financial services and instruments. 3 Confidence-eroding events in Hong Kong’s financial system included the failures of several deposit-taking companies in 1982 in connection with the bursting of the speculative bubble in property prices, the failure of the Hang Lung Bank in October 1983 and the failure of the Oversea Trust Bank in June 1985. Financial Growth in Singapore 161 Figure 3 provides an overview of the financial structure of Singapore. The MAS and the Currency Board are at the apex of the financial system with commercial banks, merchant banks, finance companies, leasing companies, insurance companies, investment houses, discount houses, stock brokers, etc. making up the skeleton of the system. The number of financial institutions as at March 1993 in Singapore is illustrated in Table 7. Commercial banks is the largest among the three categories comprised of commercial banks, merchant banks and finance companies. Not only are they big in terms of numbers, but they also occupy the lion’s share of the total assets of the entire financial system, second only to the Asian dollar market. The activities of the main financial institutions in Singapore and their relative importance in terms of aggregate assets, deposits, loans, investment and growth rate of assets are summarised in Table 8. The presence of several financial markets (including the Asian dollar market, the Asian dollar bond market, the money market, the foreign exchange market, the capital market, the stock market, the gold market and the financial futures market) provides another useful indicator of the degree of sophistication and development of the financial system. Many new finance instruments have also made their appearance on the financial scene in Singapore. The Asian dollar bond, the negotiable certificate of deposit (NCD), the fixed rate U.S. dollar certificate of deposit, the floating rate certificate of deposit (FRCD), gold certificates and the Asian Commercial Paper are some examples. New facilities such as the Revolving Underwriting Facilities (RUF) and Notes Issuance Facilities (NIF) have also been introduced. These financial instruments vary in terms of maturities and thus provide investors with a wide range of investment options. 4 MODELING FINANCIAL GROWTH 4.1 FINANCIAL DEEPENING AND FINANCIAL REPRESSION There is no precise definition available in the literature as to the meaning of ‘financial development.’ However, the financial interrelations (FIR) ratio has been used by Goldsmith (1969) and Little (1982) as an indicator of financial deepening (which involves the monetisation of an economy and the rise of financial institutions). The FIR is interpreted as the ratio of a set of financial assets to total wealth. In practice, however, a narrower definition with M1 or M2 as the numerator and GNP as the denominator is widely used as proxy due to the unavailability of data. Financial deepening implies that savings are increasingly held in the form of financial assets rather than non-financial assets. This is likely to improve the efficiency of intermediation between savers and investors. The basic issue considered here is whether real interest rates (defined theoretically as the difference between nominal rate of return on all financial assets which are included in defining the size of the financial sector and the expected inflation rate) significantly affect the size of the financial sector, however defined. The hypothesis then is restated to imply that if the above relationship holds, the policy implication immediately follows, namely, that financial repression in the form of low nominal interest rates, combined with high and unstable rates of inflation, will retard the process of financial deepening. Accordingly the repressionists advocate that interest rates should be freed from government control (usually in the form of interest-rate ceilings). Such liberalisation will result in positive real interest rates which will encourage the growth of financial assets and 162 Cao and Quek liabilities. This in turn is likely to stimulate institutional development and encourage individuals and savers to switch from the informal sector to the formal sector (thereby integrating the two sectors) and from inflation hedges to monetary assets. Eventually the range of financial instruments available would increase, and the overall result would be to transform a narrow, inefficient, and fragmented capital market into a larger, more complete and more efficient market. This in turn, it is argued, will tend to promote economic development. A survey of past empirical studies shows that there is no conclusive evidence regarding the impact of financial repression on financial deepening. Goldsmith (1969) argued that the size of a country’s financial structure, as proxied by the FIR was determined by its per capita income, its rate of growth and actual inflation. Using cross-section and time series data for the period 1880 to 1963, he tested his model for a set of developed and developing countries. The model was able to explain less than half of the variation in the FIR. But even more importantly, the actual rate of inflation turned out to be negative and significant in only two cases. Thus assuming that the actual inflation rate is a good proxy for real rate of interest, his results do not provide much support for the repressionist view. But it may be legitimately argued that his implicit assumption that the actual inflation rate was an appropriate substitute for expected inflation was not plausible, at least a priori. Furthermore, his estimates were based on too high a degree of aggregation of the developing countries which could have masked significant findings for sub-groups of the countries covered. Similar results were also obtained by Roe (1982) who estimated a four-equation model (one of which being the FIR measured by M2/GDP). The model was estimated for three geographical regions: Asia, Africa and Latin America using cross-section and time series data for each group. For Asia, neither the actual inflation rate nor the nominal rate of interest was statistically significant. For Africa, both the interest rate and the actual rate of inflation exerted a small positive effect whereas for Latin America, none of the variables carried a significant coefficient. The explanatory power, as measured by the R2, was 0.28, 0.26 and 0.014 respectively. His results, thus seem to offer very little support for the repressionist hypothesis. Roe’s results, unfortunately, are not reliable for several reasons. For example, there are substantial discrepancies between the model specified and the model actually estimated, so that interpretation of estimated coefficients is not clear. Contrary results were obtained by McKinnon (1973) and Fry (1978). In his test of the repressionist hypothesis for Korea, McKinnon showed that the ratio of M2/GDP went up from 0.09 in 1964 to 0.33 in 1970 while the real return on one year time deposits changed from a decrease of 12.6 percent in 1964 to and increase of 12.6 percent in 1970, with inflation falling from 35 percent to 9 percent over the same period. This evidence would seem to lend resounding support for the repressionist hypothesis. But in the absence of formal statistical tests in an appropriately specified model, it is difficult to say what importance can be attached to this bivariate observation. Moreover, since he was using actual instead of expected rate of inflation in calculating the real rate of return, his interpretations should be treated with caution. Fry estimated a pooled regression equation for M2 using time-series data for ten Asian countries and found that the expected real rate of return on deposits was positive and highly significant, thus providing support for the repressionist hypothesis. His approach shares one shortcoming with all the studies reviewed above except Goldsmith’s, namely that it adopts a rather narrow definition of the financial development index. It also suffers Financial Growth in Singapore 163 from the problem of a higher degree of aggregation than may be desirable for purposes of establishing significance of real interest rates. 4.2 FINANCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND ECONOMIC GROWTH There has been much controversy in the literature as pertaining to the direction of causality between financial development and economic growth. Patrick (1966) distinguishes between supply-leading and demand-following financial development. Accordingly, ‘supply-leading’ refers to the ‘phenomenon in which the creation of financial institutions and the supply of their financial assets, liabilities and related financial services is in advance of the demand for them, especially the demand of entrepreneurs in the modern, growth-inducing sectors’. It represents a situation in which financial development causes economic growth. Thus a developed and efficient financial sector is regarded as the means to an end, the end being economic growth. The World Development Report (1989 p 1) highlights the importance of financial systems in economic development: A financial system provides services that are essential in a modern economy. The use of a stable, widely accepted medium of exchange reduces the costs of transactions. It facilitates trade and, therefore, specialisation in production. Financial assets with attractive yield, liquidity, and risk characteristics encourages saving in financial form. By evaluating alternative investments and monitoring the activities of borrowers, financial intermediaries increase the efficiency of resource use. Access to a variety of financial instruments enables economic agents to pool, price and exchange risk. Trade, the efficient use of resources, saving, and risk taking are the cornerstones of a growing economy. On the other hand, ‘demand-following’ is the ‘phenomenon in which the creation of modern financial institutions, their financial assets and liabilities, and related financial services is in response to the demand for these services by investors and savers in the real economy. In this case, the evolutionary development of the financial system is a continuing consequence of the pervasive, sweeping process of economic development. Gurley and Shaw (1967) seem to be ‘demand-following’ supporters but they do mention that there may also be a ‘retroactive impact of finance upon the real world’, implying a two-way causality between financial and real growth. There are also writers who take the contrary position, including Patrick (1966), Goldsmith (1969) and McKinnon (1973). The findings were supported by a major study by Gupta (1984). By examining time series data for each of fifty-six developed and developing countries, Jung (1986) has found only moderate support for supply-leading relationships. It is thus clear that there is also ambiguity in the development literature as to the direction of causality between financial and economic growth. 4.3 MODELING FINANCIAL GROWTH FOR SINGAPORE Following the model developed by Goldsmith, seven FIRs are used as indicators of financial deepening for Singapore. Thus the general equation of the model is FIRt = a0 + a1AINFt + a2GDPPCt + a3GDPGRt + ξt where, AINFt = actual inflation GDPPCt = GDP per capita (1) 164 Cao and Quek GDPGRt = GDP growth rate ξt = random error The seven FIRs are: • M1GDP = M1/GDP • M2GDP = M2/GDP • CUGDP = currency in active circulation/GDP • DGDP = demand deposits/GDP • FGDP = fixed deposits/GDP • SGDP = savings deposits/GDP • STVGDP = value of stocks and shares/GDP If interest-rate liberalisation plays a significant role in explaining Singapore’s financial deepening, the t-ratios of all or most of the FIRs should appear to be statistically significant. Otherwise, we may have to look for other explanations, noting that, in general, Singapore’s growth in financial development went hand in hand with its economic growth. This raises the possibility of a causal link between economic and financial growth. To resolve the matter statistically, the Granger causality test is used to detect any possible causal relationship. As indicators of financial and real growth, M2/GDP ratio and GDP are used respectively. The power of our statistical tests will be enhanced greatly if the M2/GDP and GDP series exhibit a long-run tendency to move together. If such a relationship exists, a linear combination of the two variables will be stationary. The idea is that deviations from this long-run path are stationary. In such a case, the two variables are said to be co-integrated. Thus to check for co-integration, one can first run an ordinary least squares regression on the original series, M2/GDP on GDP and test whether the obtained residuals is a random walk or white noise using the Dickey-Fuller (DF) test. If the residuals exhibit a random walk, the two variables are not co-integrated. Besides the ‘white noise’ condition, the two variables must also have the same order of integration (i.e. if equilibrium exists between M2/GDP and GDP, they should change or move correspondingly over time). Formally, denoting (M2/GDP)t and GDPt by Xt and Yt respectively, a linear combination of Xt and Yt will be Xt = λYt + νt (2) where νt represents the residual term and λ is the co-integrating parameter. The long-run relationship will then be judged by whether νt is stable or stationary. If the absolute value of the test statistic exceeds the critical DF value, the null hypothesis that νt is a random walk can be rejected which implies that Xt and Yt are co-integrated. If the result shows otherwise, the entire procedure will be repeated but on differenced series of Xt and Yt instead, bearing in mind that the level of differencing also be identical. The empirical evidence presented in Section 5.2.2 will show that both series need to be differenced once to achieved stationarity. Financial Growth in Singapore 165 The first differenced series will be used to conduct the Granger causality test which involves the application of an F-test to determine whether lagged information on a variable At has any statistically significant role in explaining another variable Bt in the presence of lagged Bt. Within our financial-economic growth context, the test is as follows: I J i =1 j =1 M t = α + ∑ βiM t − i + ∑ γjS t − j + εt K L k =1 l =1 (3) S t = δ + ∑ µk S t − k + ∑ πlM t − l + ωt (4) where Mt and St are the first differenced series of Xt and Yt respectively εt and ωt are white noise error terms with mean zero and variance σ2. Both equations (3) and (4) were run with and without St-j and Mt-l variables included respectively. The Wald F-test is performed to test the null hypothesis that J ∑γ j =1 L j =0 ∑π = 0 l =1 l The F statistics is denoted by: (Ru − Rr)/m 2 2 (1 − Ru)/(n − k ) 2 ≈ F m,(n − k ) (5) where R2 = R2 from the unrestricted regression R2 = R2 from the restricted regression m = the number of linear restrictions imposed k = the number of parameters estimated in the unrestricted regression including the constant term n = the number of observations For instance, referring to equation (3), if the F statistic is greater than the corresponding critical value, then the omitted S variables have a significant effect on M. Thus, S is said to ‘Granger-cause’ M. For the empirical application of equations (3) and (4), 4 past values of the variable itself and 8 past values of the other variable were used. 5 EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE FOR SINGAPORE 5.1. DATA REVIEW As a recap, it is mentioned before that Singapore freed its interest rates in 1975. A cursory glance at Figure 4 reveals that although real interest rates for both 12-month time and savings deposits have been largely positive since liberalisation, they seem to be on a downward trend after 1982. On the other hand, the financial deepening proxy, M2/GDP ratio grew quite rapidly, despite the falling real interest rates. This evidence would seem to refute the repressionist hypothesis but a more rigorous finding would require the confirmation of formal statistical testing. The data analysed are quarterly figures for Singapore, covering the period from the first quarter of 1975 to the third quarter of 1994. 166 Cao and Quek 5.2 EXPLANATION OF EMPIRICAL RESULTS 5.2.1 Insignificance of interest rate liberalisation Using ordinary least squares regression techniques, the following equations in Table 9 are obtained (with the t ratios in parentheses). As shown by Table 9, the explanatory power of the model is fairly high, ranging from 0.5 to more than 0.9. Out of the seven equations only two (i.e. the second and sixth) indicate a negatively significant impact of inflation. Thus the statistical findings seem to confirm our earlier observation that the support for the repressionist view is not overwhelming. In other words, financial liberalisation (in the form of removal of interest-rate control seems not to play a significant role in accounting for the rapid financial deepening in Singapore. The result is also consistent with the econometric study of Singapore data (1960-83) conducted by Wong (1986) which reveals that although the interest rate exerts a positive impact on saving, but it is not statistically significant. The insignificant impact could be due to the presence of other more attractive alternatives such as shares and property investments. However, the model is not without flaws. For instance, the results would be more powerful if expected inflation instead of actual inflation were used. Nonetheless, since the inflation rate in Singapore has been fairly stable and kept under control, this may help to mitigate the difference between expected and actual values. On the other hand, the study avoids the aggregation problem since there is only one country, namely, Singapore. The seven FIRs adopted provide an adequate definition of financial development. 5.2.2 Demand-following financial development Table 9 also reflects another important result: the coefficient of GDPPC is positive and significant in all seven cases. This leads us to explore domestic growth as a more valid candidate to account for financial development. Referring to equation (2) on co-integration between Xt and Yt, the DF test results are tabulated in Table 10. It is obvious from from this table that the absolute value of all test statistics (regardless of whether testing νt as a random walk with or without trend) are smaller than the corresponding critical value at the 10 per cent significance level, hence the null hypothesis that νt is a random walk is not rejected.4 This implies that Xt and Yt are not co-integrated. The above result necessitates differencing Xt and Yt in order to establish the long run relationship. For a start, both were differenced once and the DF test results are as shown in Table 11. In contrast to Table 10, the absolute value of all the test statistics shown in Table 11 exceed the critical values, leading to the conclusion that a long run relationship exists between the first differenced series of M2/GDP and GDP. Accordingly, Mt and St will be used for the causality test. Using the formula stated in equation (5), the F-statistics for equations (3) and (4) and the corresponding critical values are presented in Table 12. 4 For a greater discussion about random walks, see Pindyck and Rubinfeld (1991). Financial Growth in Singapore 167 As shown, the first hypothesis is rejected while the second is not. Thus economic growth (proxied by first differences of GDP) ‘Granger causes’ financial development (which is represented by the first differences of M2/GDP); the converse, however, is not true. Using the terminology of Patrick (1966), financial development in Singapore is demandfollowing. Hence the evidence shows that real domestic growth plays a significant role in Singapore’s financial development. 5.2.3 Second factor: regional growth However, as vividly shown in Figure 5, the financial activity is much too large in size to be explicable only in terms of the domestic economy and financial system of Singapore. Since 1973, the ratio of ACUs to GDP has not only surpassed but grows much more rapidly than the assets of all financial intermediaries excluding the ACUs to GDP ratio. In particular, the growth of banking through the ACUs cannot be attributed solely to economic trends within Singapore itself. Figure 6 plots the end-year values, for 1976-1983, of the net asset position (net liability position if negative) of the ACUs vis-à-vis seven regions (i.e. Singapore, combined with the remaining countries of Asia and the Pacific, Europe, North America and Latin America combined, countries in the Middle East, and All Other Countries (primarily Caribbean nations)). The Asian-Pacific region as a whole is unambiguously a net recipient of savings transfer (through ACUs) to the rest of the world. These funds provide a valuable source of financing for the rapid economic growth of many developing nations in the region, especially when some of them could not self-generate sufficient funds due to their undeveloped capital markets. One must examine the economic and financial activity within the larger regional area in which Singapore is located. Many parts of Asia and the Pacific, like Singapore, experienced rates of growth that were well above the world average. Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Hong Kong, Korea and Taiwan as well as Singapore achieved annual growth rates of real GDP of 7 percent or more over the period 1965-83. Japan’s growth rate was only slightly below 7 percent. The corresponding growth rates for the six largest industrial economies of Europe and North America varied between a low 1.9 percent (United Kingdom) and a high 3.8 percent (France). Real GDP in the United States in this period only grew 2.7 percent. Rapid output growth in Asia and the Pacific leads naturally to the possibility that financial development in Singapore has been associated with, and stimulated, by regional realsector activity. Output growth in the region would have required and attracted financing support of some sort. With the influx of non-financial customers increasingly setting up production and sales facilities in Asia, larger banks in the industrial countries would have increasing incentives to establish their physical presence somewhere in Asia to support these customers’ activities with a range of financial services. Once a sufficient momentum of financial activity has been built up in a given geographical area, economies of scale and various positive externalities tend to reinforce this momentum (Braudal (1984)). Many financial institutions chose Singapore as a base for their overseas ventures in response to the attractive policy-incentives offered by the government. As the 1970s progressed, Singapore benefitted from such virtuous-circle forces that favoured concentration of financial services in a ‘financial centre’. 5.2.4 Other self-generated factors Other self-generated pull factors may include a strong Singapore Dollar, strategic location, political stability, favourable time-zone considerations and the relative availability of 168 Cao and Quek communications technology, transportation facilities, support services, skilled labour and attractive living accommodation. 5.2.5 The ‘push’ factors The regulatory-tax-supervisory arrangements in other Asian countries may also constitute, to varying degrees, a ‘push’ away from those countries. Most of the other Asian governments had provisions inhibiting foreign-controlled banks from large-scale operations within their national jurisdiction. For certain types of transactions, especially those with nonresidents or denominated in foreign currencies, even locally-controlled banks were subjected to various restrictions. The ‘home’ policy environments in Europe and North America are yet another contributing element. The general phenomenon is that banks with head offices in countries with relatively stringent policy environments had incentives to escape the parent-country environments to conduct intermediation activities they could not otherwise carry out, or carry out in as an unrestricted and profitable way. Thus these constraints interacted with the pull of the policy environment in Singapore to induce the establishment and expansion of Asian operations in Singapore. 6 CONCLUDING REMARKS The past couple of decades have witnessed spectacular financial development in Singapore. The financial system as it is today is much more sophisticated compared to what it was two decades ago. Improvement in the financial system has facilitated the flow of funds into the economy and widened the scope for various financing activities. The financial system is relatively free of restrictions. The regulations which do exist are largely to ensure that financial institutions are prudent in their operations and that depositors are protected. Three primary objectives of the government financial policies can be identified: promoting Singapore as a financial centre, maintaining a separation fence to insulate certain domestic financial activities from international influences, and protecting the soundness and resilience of financial intermediaries. Each goal has been accorded high priority, but tensions between the three objectives pose a continuing dilemma for the Singapore government. The notion that financial development is a key element in economic development forms the crux of the financial liberalisation hypothesis. The empirical analogue of this analytical proposition is that movements in the real interest rate enhance the aggregate saving rate and induce financial deepening. While there is no doubt that the rapid financial deepening in Singapore coincided with interest rates and exchange control liberalisation, the empirical findings, however, suggest that interest rate policy did not play a central role. Instead, real growth both domestically and regionally coupled with the home ‘pull’ factors including various financial incentives and the ‘push’ factors of other countries seem to be the major contributors to Singapore’s financial development and deepening. Credit must also be given to the government in shaping and fostering the financial development. The benefits to Singapore residents of the evolution of Singapore as a financial centre in the last two decades have been sizable. Income and employment are undoubtedly at higher levels than would have been observed in the absence of the vigorous financial growth. Moreover, the heightened risks and vulnerability that accompany increased financial interdependence have not in practice caused comparably large problems for the Singapore domestic economy. Even if the financial interdependence facilitated the transmission of Financial Growth in Singapore 169 the world recession to Singapore in 1981-83 and even if the financial interdependence contributed to a worsening of Singapore’s internally generated economic difficulties in 1984-85, the balance of benefits over costs is still likely to be substantially positive. However, the journey to such excellent achievement is not without obstacles. For instance, the Singapore policy-makers have been, from time to time, criticised for being too omnipresent, thereby inhibiting innovation. This will result in Singapore’s financial industry losing its competitive edge because the government has emphasised control rather than innovation; it has failed to keep pace with the world-wide trend toward deregulation (Duthie (1986)). Sometimes, one can also hear a resentment expressed to the effect that Singapore has enjoyed (and also Hong Kong) financial prosperity at the expense of its Asian neighbors. Such resentment, however, is usually based on a faulty premise. The rest of Asia should have reaped substantial net benefits from the financial growth of Singapore as can be seen from the huge sum of funds made available to them via the ACUs. Moreover, Singapore has been a net supplier of funds to the ACUs. This fact alone contradicts the view that Singapore’s banks have siphoned savings from other Asian countries for use within Singapore. The constraints faced in conducting monetary policy and the dilemma arising out of the three primary objectives of the financial policies pose additional problems for the government. Nonetheless, Singapore has emerged as a regional financial centre; financial growth in Singapore in the past two decades has been substantial. With the world gradually coming to terms with the issue of international standards for the regulation, taxation and the supervision of financial institutions, the Singapore authorities should not ignore these longer-term issues as they frame their policies in the short run. As one of the major financial centres in Asia, Singapore will have corresponding important responsibilities for contributing to the development of an appropriate set of standards for the world financial system. 170 Cao and Quek REFERENCES Alice H. Amsden and Yoon-Dae-Euh (1993), “South Korea’s 1980s Financial Reforms: Good-bye Financial Repression (Maybe), Hello New Institutional Restraints,” World Development, Vol 21 pp 379-390. Chowdhury, Anis and Iyanatul Islam (1993), The Newly Industrializing Economies of East Asia.Routledge. Central Provident Fund (1991), Annual Report. Luckett, Dudley G. Money and Banking, 3rd ed.Mc-Graw Hill, 1984. Luckett, Dudley G., David L. Schulze, and Raymond W. Y. Wong, 1994, Banking, Finance and Monetary Policy in Singapore McGraw-Hill. Berndt, Ernst R. (1991), The Practice of Econometrics: Classic and Contemporary, Addison Wesley. Brigham, Eugene F. and Louis C. Gapenski (1991), Financial Management: Theory and Practice, 6th ed., Dryden Press. Braudal, Fernard (1984), The Perspective of the World: Civilization and Capitalism: 15 18th Century, Harper and Row, vol 3. Byrant, Ralph C. (1986), The Evolution of Singapore as a Financial Center, The Brookings Institution. Duthie, Stephen (1986), “Singapore Panel Urges Policy Overhaul to Foster Growth as Financial Centre,” Asian Wall Street Journal Weekly, January 13, p13. Ernst and Young (undated) Financial Institutions in Singapore. Fry, Maxwell. J.(1978), “Money and Capital or Financial Deepening in Economic Development,” Journal of Money, Credit and Banking. Goldsmith, Raymond W. (1969), Financial Structure and Development Yale University Press. Gupta, K. L. (1984), Finance and Economic Growth in Developing Countries Croom Helm. Gurley, J. G. and Shaw E. S. (1967), “Financial Structure and Economic Development,” Economic Development and Cultural Change. Jung, W. (1986), “Financial Development and Economic Growth: International Evidence,” Economic Development and Cultural Change. Kitchen, Richard L. (1986), Finance for the Developing Countries, John Wiley and Sons. Lee Sheng-Yi (1990), The Monetary and Banking Development of Singapore and Malaysia, Singapore University Press Little, I. M. D., (1982), Economic Development, Basic Books, New York. McKinnon, R. I., (1973), Money and Capital in Economic Development Brookings Institution, Washington. Monetary Authority of Singapore (1992/93), Annual Report. Monetary Authority of Singapore (various issues), Monthly Statistical Bulletin. Financial Growth in Singapore 171 Ng Beoy Kui (1994), “Financial Reforms in the Asian Countries: Some Exciting Experiences and Useful Lessons,” presented at the International Symposium of AsiaPacific Economic Development and Co-operation held at Beijing, Hangzhou and Guangzhou, 17-23 January. Patrick H. T. (1966), “Financial Development and Economic Growth in Underdeveloped Countries,” Economic Development and Cultural Change. Pindyck, Robert S. and Rubinfeld, Daniel L. (1991), Econometric Model and Economic Forecasting, 3rd ed., Mc-Graw-Hill. Post Office Savings Bank (1994), Annual Report. Roe, Alan R. (1982), “Financial Intermediaries and Economic Development: An Empirical Investigation,” Mimeo. Tan, Chwee Huat (1989), Financial Markets and Institutions in Singapore, 6th edition, Singapore University Press, Wong, K. (1986), “Saving, Capital Inflow and Capital Formation,” in Lim, C. and Lloyd P. (eds) Singapore: Resources and Growth, Singapore Oxford University Press. World Bank (1994), World Development Report. 172 Cao and Quek TABLE 1 GROWTH OF THE FINANCIAL SECTOR OF SINGAPORE (UNIT: %) Notes: 1975 1978 1980 1985 1990 1993 M1/GDP 65.1 76.5 82.2 89.2 100.9 113.5 M2/GDP 156.7 171.7 202.4 275.7 400.1 436.7 Bank Credit/GDPa 151.1 185.4 252.2 380.8 392.4 407.9 GDS (as % of GDP)b - 33.9 37.2 40.7 42.6 44.3 Stock Mkt Capitalisation/GDPc - - - - 692.9 761.5 a Bank credit refers to loans and advances of banks. b Gross Domestic saving (GDS) = GDP - Private Consumption Expenditure - Government Expenditure. c Ordinary Shares listed on Main Board of the Stock Exchange of Singapore. Sources: Department of Statistics MAS, Monthly Statistical Bulletin Stock Exchange of Singapore Ltd, Fact Book TABLE 2 COMPARISON OF SINGAPORE’S SAVING RATE (% OF GDP) WITH SELECTED COUNTRIES United States 15 France 21 Germany 28 Switzerland 29 New Zealand 20 Canada 19 Singapore 48 Hong Kong 30 Malaysia 31 Taiwan 27 China 36 Source: Asia week 20 January 1995 Financial Growth in Singapore 173 TABLE 3 GROWTH OF THE FINANCIAL SECTOR OF SOUTH KOREA (UNIT: %) 1975 1978 1980 1985 1990 M1/GNP 11.7 11.3 10.4 10.4 9.5 M2/GNP 31.3 33.1 34.2 39.2 40.8 Domestic Credit/GNP 39.5 36.4 45.8 58.4 56.1 National Saving (as % of GNP) 18.2 29.7 23.1 29.1 35.5 Stock Mkt Capitalisation/GNP - - 6.9 9.0 60.6 source: Ministry of Finance, Fiscal and Financial Statistics, Pt. 1 (1992) TABLE 4 CONTRIBUTION TO GDP BY THE F&BS SECTOR Year F&BS (S$m) Economy (S$m) % share 1980 4,296.0 25,603.8 16.8 1985 8,803.1 40,920.9 21.5 1990 14,954.0 60,099.1 24.9 1991 15,770.8 64,165.9 24.6 1992 16,624.9 67,617.3 24.6 Source: MAS Monthly Statistical Bulletin 174 Cao and Quek TABLE 5 COMPARISON OF SINGAPORE’S GDP WITH SELECTED COUNTRIES (1992) Country GDP (US$m) Per Capita (US$) Singapore’s GDP as % Indonesia 126,364 686 36.4 Malaysia 57,568 3,095 79.9 Philippines 52,462 816 87.7 Singapore 46,025 16,438 100.0 Thailand 110,337 1,902 41.7 ASEAN 392,756 1,197 11.7 78,551 - 58.6 Japan 3,670,979 29,486 1.3 USA 5,920,199 23,180 0.8 23,060,560 4,240 0.2 ASEAN Average World Source: World Development Report, 1994 TABLE 6 DEGREE OF OPENNESS OF SELECTED COUNTRIES (1992) Country Value of Exports (US$m) Value of Imports (US$m) Degree of Openness Indonesia 33,815 27,280 0.49 Malaysia 40,705 38,361 1.52 Philippines 9,790 15,465 0.51 Singapore 63,386 72,067 3.08 Thailand 32,473 40,466 0.68 ASEAN 180,169 193,639 1.00 Japan 339,492 230,975 0.16 USA 420,812 551,591 0.16 Note: Degree of Openness is calculated as the sum values of exports and imports divided by GNP. Source: World Development Report, 1994 Financial Growth in Singapore 175 TABLE 7 NUMBER OF FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS IN SINGAPORE Commercial Banks Local Foreign Full banks Restricted banks Offshore banks 128 13 115 22 14 79 (Banking offices including head offices and main offices) Representative Offices Commercial banks Merchant banks Finance Companies 52 50 2 27 (Finance companies’ offices including head offices) Merchant Banks ACUs Commercial banks Merchant banks 78 195 118 77 Source: MAS Annual Report 1992/93 TABLE 8 TOTAL ASSETS, DEPOSITS, LOANS, INVESTMENTS AND GROWTH RATES OF FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS AS AT END 1993 $ Million Deposits of Loans to Investments Total Assets Non-Bank Customers Non-Bank Customers (Securities and Equities) Annual Growth Rate of Assets 1988-93 1. Commercial Banks 170,250.4 85,400.8 72,618.4 17,976.0 76.5 2. Finance Companies 14944.4 10,567.8 11,516.8 845.5 76.3 3. Merchant Banks: (i) Domestic and ACU Operation (ii) Domestic Unit Operation (DBU) only 42,205.3 6,711.3a 11,545.8 13,547.4 14.3 6,859.0 1,185.2a 1,398.0 479.7 -17.1 3,521.4 16,750.3 10.3 40,495.8 32.9 (1987-90) 3,617.5 176.6 34,968.9d 37.7 15181.4 20,289.4 5. Central Provident Fund (1990) 41,798.5 40,646.4b 6. Insurance Companies (life & General) 10,840.7c - 4. Post Office Savings Bank 7. Asian dollar market Notes : 386,103.0 62,669.0 - 1,210.7 136,857.4 a Refer to “borrowing from non-bank customers” which include deposits and deposits-substitutes. b Refer to members’ balance. The growth rate of the assets of CPF is from 1987-90. c Refer to Singapore Insurance Fund. d Refer to other assets. Sources: MAS, Monthly Statistical Bulletin, May. 1994. Post Office Savings Bank, Annual Report, 1994 and various issues. Central Provident Fund, Annual Report, 1991 176 Cao and Quek TABLE 9 REGRESSION RESULTS Dep Var Constant AINF GDPPC GDPGR R2 M1GDP 0.51007 0.32696 0.00009 0.11425 0.8941 (29.29) (0.594) (24.907) (0.284) -0.13856 -5.09555 0.00076 -1.84888 (-1.761) (-2.050) (44.063) (-1.018) 0.35097 0.10209 -0.00003 -0.57771 (24.884) (0.229) (10.967) (-1.775) 0.17961 0.23037 0.00007 0.87053 (11.021) (0.447) (18.407) (2.315) -0.4126 -0.92085 0.00048 -2.76672 (-5.261) (-0.372) (27.803) (-1.534) -0.21558 -4.58186 0.00017 -0.24427 (-6.381) (-4.292) (23.641) (-0.313) -0.30316 1.06848 0.00009 3.13659 (-6.088) (0.679) (8.608) (2.729) M2GDP CUGDP DGDP FGDP SGDP STVGDP Note: 0.9635 0.6212 0.8268 0.9128 0.8874 0.5414 Dep var refers to dependent variable. TABLE 10 TEST OF CO-INTEGRATION BETWEEN XT AND YT Variable Test Statistic Critical value, 10% Xt (no trend) 0.21 -10.84 Xt (trend) -6.96 -17.12 Yt (no trend) 0.87 -10.85 Yt (trend) -0.10 -17.15 Financial Growth in Singapore 177 TABLE 11 TEST OF CO-INTEGRATION BETWEEN MT AND ST Variable Test Statistics Critical value, 10% Mt (no trend) -42.55 -10.83 Mt (trend) -44.73 -17.11 St (no trend) -17.17 -10.85 St (trend) -34.31 -17.15 TABLE 12 TESTING THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN FINANCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND ECONOMIC GROWTH F - statistic Critical value, 5%a =0 3.068 2.1 ∑π = 0 1.115 2.1 Null hypothesis J ∑γ j =1 L l =1 Note: j l Degrees of freedom for the numerator and denominator are 7 and 57 respectively 178 Cao and Quek FIGURE 1 EMPLOYMENT SHARE FOR 1992 BY SECTORS F inancial & T ransport & Business Communication S ervices 10% 11% Other S ervices 22% Manufacturing 27% Commerce 22% Construction 7% Utilities 1% FIGURE 2 PERCENTAGE CONTRIBUTION TO GDP BY INDUSTRY FOR 1992 Commerce 16% T ransport & Communication 14% ConstructionUtilities 6% 2% Manufacturing 27% F inancial & Business S ervices 25% Other S ervices 10% O FFSH O RE RESTRICTED LICEN SED BA N K S FULLY LICEN SED BA N K S LEG EN D : BA N K S BA N K S FIN A N CE CO M PA N IES A CU IN SURA N CE CO M PA N IES IN TERN A TIO N A L M O N EY BRO K ERS LEA SIN G CO M PA N IES SES SESD A Q ED B V A RIO US FIN A N CIA L A SSO CIA TIO N S SIM EX IN STITUTIO N A L ECICS O FFICES PO SB TH E FIN A N CIA L SECTO R IN TH E PUBLIC SECTO R CPF O TH ER O RG A N ISA TIO N S IN FIN A N CIA L IN STITUTIO N S BO C C REPRESEN TA TIV E FIN A N CIA L IN STITUTIO N S: M AS SIN G A PO RE REIN SURERS'A SSO CIA TIO N S,SIN G A PO RE M ERCH A N T BA N K ERS'A SSO CIA TIO N ,LEA SIN G A SSO CIA TIO N O F SIN G A PO RE. V A RIO US FIN A N CIA L IN STITUTIO N S A SSO CIA TIO N S -TH E A SSO CIA TIO N O F BA N K S O F SIN G A PO RE,G EN ERA L IN SURA N CE A SSO CIA TIO N S O F SIN G A PO RE,TH E FIN A N CE H O USE A SSO CIA TIO N S O F SIN G A PO RE,LIFE IN SURA N CE A SSO CIA TIO N , ECICS -EX PO RT CRED IT IN SURA N CE CO RPO RA TIO N O F SIN G A PO RE ED B -ECO N O M IC D EV ELO PM EN T BO A RD SIM EX -TH E SIN G A PO RE IN TERN A TIO N A L M O N ETA RY EX CH A N G E SESD A Q -STO CK EX CH A N G E O F SIN G A PO RE D EA LIN G & A UTO M A TED Q UO TA TIO N M A RK ET SES -STO CK EX CH A N G E O F SIN G A PO RE 179 FIGURE 3 FINANCIAL STRUCTURE OF SINGAPORE FIN A N CIA L IN STITUTIO N S IN TH E PRIV A TE SECTO R BO CC -BO A RD O F CO M M ISSIO N ERS O F CURREN CY,SIN G A PO RE BA N K S LICEN SED M ERCH A N T CO M M ERCIA L Financial Growth in Singapore 180 Cao and Quek FIGURE 4 COMPARISION OF REAL DEPOSITS RATES & FINANCIAL DEEPENING 8 6 4 2 0 -2 -4 Y ear T DR Notes: S DR M2/GDP M2/GDP is measured in terms of hundreds of percents TDR = Real 12-month time-deposit rate SDR = Real 12-month saving-deposit rate Sources: ADR from Key Indicators of Asian and Pacific Developing Countries (various issues) IMF, International Financial Statistics (various issues) MAS, Monthly Statistics Bulletin (various issues) Department of Statistics Financial Growth in Singapore 181 FIGURE 5 ASSETS OF FINANCIAL INTERMEDIARIES RELATIVE TO GROSS GDP 800 Assets of ACUs 700 600 500 400 300 200 Assets of FIs excluding ACUs 100 0 68 76 84 Y ear 92 182 Cao and Quek FIGURE 6 NET ASSET POSITION OF THE ACUs INCURRED IN SINGAPORE VIS-A-VIS OTHER MAIN GEOGRAPHICAL REGIONS, 1976-1983. 15 10 5 0 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 -5 -10 Y ear S eries 1 Notes: S eries 2 S eries 3 S eries 4 S eries 5 S eries 6 S eries 7 Series 1: Asian and Pacific Nations, excluding Singapore; Series 2: Africa; Series 3: Singapore; Series 4: North and South America; Series 5: All Others; Series 6: Middle East; Series 7: Europe.