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Katherine Crawford St. Olaf College The Foundation of the Roman Imperial Cult In Ancient Rome, a cult did not carry today's connotation as a brainwashing institution or take people away from mainstream society. Instead, cults were used to worship the gods who affected the Roman's daily lives. New gods were continually being brought to Rome from abroad, causing new cults to be established. The imperial cult was no different. It became a new religious order where, the Roman emperors were worshiped in conjunction with the Roman state because they controlled Rome's continued prosperity. The following paper will explore how the imperial cult was created in Rome under Augustus. Since this is just a portion of my original work, I have decided to focus on how Augusts incorporated the imperial cult into the religious practices of Rome. Gaius Julius Caesar Augustus became the sole ruler of Rome in the year 27 B.C.E. He subsequently created a tradition of divine rulers that lasted until the reign of Constantine in 306 C.E. The imperial cult placed emperors among the Roman state pantheon of gods, and was integrated into the religious life of the Roman Empire. Yet, how was Augustus able to establish the imperial cult as such an essential facet for his rule as Roman emperor? The two major trends in scholarship demonstrate the difficulty in answering this question. The first trend claims that it was an extension of the cult created for Alexander the Great in the Hellenistic East.1 The other trend holds that the cult arose in Italy as a unique Roman institution under Augustus. Before considering how Augustus developed the imperial cult, it is necessary to understand how the scholarly debate has progressed. 1 There remains a large debate among scholars regarding when Alexander's cult was created and at what point he was considered a god. For the purpose of this paper I am following the assumption that Alexander's recognition as a god was established posthumously. 1 Katherine Crawford St. Olaf College L'Abbé Beurlier was the first scholar to study the imperial cult's Hellenistic origins, showing that it was a direct continuation of the ruler cult created for Alexander the Great.2 The next major scholar, Lily Ross Taylor, questions this claim and argues that it was a revival rather then a continuation of Alexander's cult.3 Meanwhile, Stefan Weinstock takes a different focus in the debate, beginning to look at the methods Augustus used to promote a god-like image without proclaiming to be a god on earth.4 Paul Zanker began the transition to looking at the cult as a new Roman institution.5 He tried to show that its success stemmed from its attachment to previously existing Roman cults. Finally, Ittia Gradel emphasized that the imperial cult succeeded because it accentuated the distance between the worshiper and the worshiped, and demonstrated a new political system and power structure.6 Despite one hundred years of careful scholarship, the link between the Hellenistic ruler cut and Augustus' system is still unclear. By looking at the specific methods Augustus used to create an imperial cult in the Roman Empire, we can come to a greater understanding of why Augustus decided to use the imperial cult as such a vital element in his rule as an emperor. We can begin to see why Augustus thought the imperial cult would aid his rule by looking at the Cult of Alexander. In the Hellenistic East there was a tradition of divine leaders, but Alexander the Great was first ruler for which a posthumous succession of ruler worship was established. Throughout his life, Alexander upheld that he was the son of Zeus.7 The extent to which Alexander tried to emphasize his divine nature is still debated. But scholars do know that Alexander tried to employ proskynesis (ritual prostration given to a god and later, a salutation 2 L’Abbé Beurlier, Le Culte Impérial son Histoire et son Organisation depuis Auguste Jusqu’a Justinien” (Paris: Kessinger Publishing, 1891), 3. 3 Lilly Ross Taylor, The Divinity of the Roman Emperor (Philadelphia: Porcupine Press, 1931). 4 Stefan Weinstock, “Victor and Invictus,” The Harvard Theological Review 50, no. 3 (1957), 234. 5 Paul Zanker, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1988). 6 Ittia Gradel, Emperor Worship and Roman Religion (USA: University Oxford Press, 2002), 34. 7 Boris Dreyer, "Heroes, Cults, and Divinity," Alexander the Great: A New History ed. Waldermar Heckel and Lawrence Tritle (UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2009), 221. 2 Katherine Crawford St. Olaf College made before an alter with Alexander's image) as a way to establish a formal ruler cult.8 Alexander developed a relationship between himself and his subjects, which eventually gained him the title of theos.9 As an almost divine ruler, Alexander received honors such as; sacrifices, temples, priests, festivals, and images, that made him appear as a god on earth.10 Rome's close contact with the East allowed Gaius Julius Caesar to observe how Alexander's posthumous ruler cult reinforced ties between cities and the ruler. Caesar adopted the idea of trying to become a god on earth as a way to strengthen his own rule. The Senate was able to award Caesar with divine honors because of the success he had in becoming a mediator between the gods and the people as Pontifex Maximus.11 While Caesar never held the title of rex, the limitless honors and titles he accepted indicated that he was divine in all but name. It is impossible to know from our literary sources if Caesar was actually considered rex, but the honors of consul, imperator, triumphator, dictator perpetuo, and pontifex maximus, gave him power equal to rex. Caesar, by accepting these honors, created the beginnings of a ruler cult based on honors unequaled by any previous Roman ruler. It is after Alexander’s cult and Caesar’s attempt to become a divine ruler that Augustus came into power. Augustus knew that he needed to separate himself from Caesar to gain the peoples trust, while simultaneously linking himself to the Roman state. If Augustus was going to adopt the idea of the Hellenistic ruler cult, he had to be careful of maintaining the people's trust by showing that he did not want to become a monarchal ruler. The Roman people, who still remembered Antony’s association with the East, could be reluctant to accept a Hellenistic practice at the beginning of Augustus’ reign. Dio observes the people's reaction to Antony's 8 Ibid., 219. While Alexander's attempt to adopt proskynesis was unsuccessful it shows one method Alexander used to try to develop his potential divinity. 9 S.R.F. Price, Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 52. The title of theos did not make Alexander a god, but referred to his power as a ruler. 10 Duncan Fishwick, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West (The Netherlands: E.J. Brill, 1987), 21. 11 Ibid., 56. 3 Katherine Crawford St. Olaf College actions, “Now he has abandoned his whole ancestral way of life, has embraced alien and barbaric customs.”12 Dio presents an example of how important tradition was to the Romans. By incorporating traditional Roman practices into the creation of his ruler cult, Augustus could maintain the people's trust and strengthen his reign. In order for the Roman people to be open to the idea of emperor worship, the imperial cult had to appear to develop spontaneously as a unique Roman institution. Augustus began a religious revival to restore the republic from the civil wars.13 This also served to explicitly link Augustus to the well being of Roman society. Through the use of religion, politics, and propaganda, Augustus managed to establish an imperial cult that recognized his divinity upon death. He modified the conception of genius, which resembled a living spirit that was present in all living things, people, and gods. Augustus adopted the worship of his genius as a way for the public to unofficially worship his potential divinity. The worship of Augustus’ genius did not make Augustus divine, but was a way to publically acknowledge the “spirit” of the emperor. Sources tell us that Augustus decreed that a libation should be poured to his genius at every banquet.14 Augustus adapted the purpose of the genius' offering to be given in recognition of his position as emperor instead. He modified Alexander's attempt to adopt proskynesis for personal worship with greater success. As a result, genius becomes a state practice in recognition of Augustus's rule. Horace’s ode 4.5 demonstrates that the pouring of the libation became common practice at Roman parties, and not just a forgotten decree. Hinc ad vina redit laetus et alteris Te mensis adhibet deum; Te multa prece, te prosequitur mero Defuso pateris, et Laribus tuum Miscet numen, uti Graecia Castoris 12 Cassius Dio, The Roman History: The Reign of Augustus. Translated by Ian Scott-Kilvert (London: Penguin Classics, 1987), 50.25. 13 Armstrong, G.E. "Sacrificial Iconography: Creating History, Making Myth, and Negotiating Ideology on the Ara Pacis Augustae." Religion & Theology 15 (2008), 343. 14 Taylor, 151. 4 Katherine Crawford St. Olaf College Et magni memor Herculis.15 In these two stanzas, Horace emphasizes that the libation was poured as a way to remember the emperor’s greatness. Horace uses imagery that depicts Augustus as a god, the word memor stresses that the Romans were reminded on a regular basis of his divinity. Laribus tuum miscet numen illustrates Augustus’ practice of combining Roman religious worship with imperial worship. Augustus was careful to align himself with previous deities such as Hercules so that when Romans worshiped him, they simultaneously worshiped the Roman state. The required pouring of libations to the emperor’s genius sets the foundation for future emperor worship. Augustus aligned his divine image with the Roman state in an attempt to amalgamate imperial and state worship. Augustus made small modifications to religious practices that placed imperial worship within set religious traditions. As stated by Dio, “the first name of Octavian was to be included in public hymns on the same terms as those of the gods.”16 This was one of many ways that Augustus began to be venerated in a way previously unseen in Rome. The public's acceptance of this change showed a marked transformation in Roman rule, where the Roman people would no longer wait to confer honors on a leader until his death, but during life. Just as Alexander waited for individual towns to declare him theos, Augustus never demanded any honors. As a way to prevent the people from granting him too many honors, Suetonius states that Augusts “would not accept any such honour in the provinces unless his name were coupled with that of Roma.”17 Playing towards the current stakeholders, Augustus demonstrated that all his actions were for the benefit of the Roman state and not for himself. Augustus showed that any honors the people awarded him also honored the success of Rome. 15 Garrison, 4.5 (From here he returns happy to the symposia and he invites you as a god at the second course. He honors you with much prayer, with unmixed wine poured from bowls in a libation and he mixes your divinity with the household gods, Greece is mindful of Castor and great Hercules.) 16 Dio, 51.20. 17 Suetonius, Augustus 52. 5 Katherine Crawford St. Olaf College The forum Augustum was the pinnacle of Augustus’ combination of the imperial cult with state religion. A forum was one of the most public spaces in Roman society. In creating the forum Augustum, Augustus aligned himself with the people of Rome. His forum served in a similar way to the Ara Pacis Augustae, where he used iconography to link himself with Rome's past to show that he was the new founder of Rome.18 When he won the battle of Philippi, he had vowed to build a temple to Mars in recognition of his victory. In actually creating the temple, he publically recognized that the gods aided him in his victory. He also simultaneously said that he did not consider himself to be a god. The forum was an incredible example of how Augustus wove together the public and private life of Rome. Augustus stated in the Res Gestae, “in privato solo Martis Ultoris templum forumque Augustum ex manibiis feci.”19 Augustus recognized that he built a private temple that proclaimed his victories in battle on public Roman land. In Ovid's Art of Love, the paternity of Augustus and his association to Mars Ultor is referenced, “Marsque pater, Caesarque pater, date numen eunti, nam deus e vobis alter es, alter eris.”2021 While this passage was written in the 2nd century B.C.E., it refers back to Augustus' reign and his forum, showing that even then he was depicted as belonging to a divine family. The passage demonstrates that Augustus was part of the house of Mars and the son of the deified Caesar, and that he will become a god upon his death. Just as Alexander claimed to be a descended from Zeus, Augustus knew that linking himself to divine ancestry would enhance his image. Anyone visiting the forum was reminded of his standing among the Roman deities. While Augustus did not proclaim to be divine, he successfully created an imperial cult that alluded to his divinity and served as the foundation for his forum. 18 Armstrong, 340. Divi Augusti, 21. (On private land I built the Temple of Mars the Avenger and the Forum Augustan out of the spoils of war). 20 Severy 179. (Both father Mars, and father Caesar, grant your divine influence to the ones passing by, for one of you is a god, the other will be a god.) 21 Ovid, The Art of Love and Other Poems (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979), 1.202-204. 19 6 Katherine Crawford St. Olaf College Augustus included statues in the forum to visually depict his relationship to the people of the Roman state, but it also showed his place among the gods. Niches placed throughout the forum held statues of famous Romans, demonstrating that Augustus recognized the importance of the Roman population in his reign. In Suetonius Augustus proclaims, “This has been done to make my fellow citizens insist that both I (while I live) and the leaders of the following ages shall not fall below the standard set by those great men of old.”22 Augustus was recognizing the actions of previous Romans in creating the current Roman state. Even as a potentially divine ruler, Augustus showed that he would not threaten the integrity of the Roman state. Augustus placed a frieze of Mars, Venus, and a deified Caesar in the temple of Mars Ultor.23 24 These three statues in the image clearly show that the family of Augustus had a position amongst the most important Roman deities. It served as a public representation that Augustus was part of a divine genealogy and would officially become a god upon his death. Both Mars and Venus are depicted in a parental way, as opposed to their normal immodest representations in art.25 Cupid is placed between Venus and Mars, handing Venus a sword. The shield is inscribed with corona civica, demonstrating Rome’s peace. Augustus showed that as pater patriae, he successfully brought about peace because of his potential divinity and divine ancestry. 22 Suetonius, Augustus 31. Severy, 171. 24 Zanker, Figure 155. 25 Ibid., 172. 23 7 Katherine Crawford St. Olaf College The imperial cult, by the end of Augustus’ reign, was evident in all aspects of the Roman Empire. Augustus managed to successfully manipulate aspects of the Hellenistic cult created by Alexander to appear as a unique Roman institution. In doing so, he incorporated the cult into the daily religious and political practices of Rome, making it a vital part of his imperial rule. Augustus never forced the Roman people to worship him as a god, but as a potential god in conjunction with the Roman state. He slowly introduced the Roman people to the idea of a ruler cult in the guise of traditional roman practices, such as the worship of the genius. The forum Augustum was a prime example of the many different ways Augustus was able to successfully institute the idea of an imperial cult into Roman public and private life. After Augustus, the cult was firmly implemented in the Roman Empire, and was used by successive emperors as a way to maintain control of the Roman state. 8 Katherine Crawford St. Olaf College Works Consulted Armstrong, Gail. "Sacrificial Iconography: Creating History, Making Myth, and Negotiating Ideology on the Ara Pacis Augustae," Religion & Theology 15. (2008), 340-356. Beurlier, L’Abbé. Le Culte Impérial son Histoire et son Organisation depuis Auguste Jusqu’a Justinien. Paris: Kinssenger Publishing, 1891. Badian, E. “Alexander the Great Between Two Thrones and Heaven: Variation on an Old Theme,” Alexander the Great ed. Ian Worthington. London: Routledge, 2003. Clifford, Ando. The Matter of the Gods. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008. Divi Augusti. Veleius Paterculus and Res Gestae Divi Augusti. Translated by Frederick W. Shipley. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1924. Dreyer, Boris. “Heroes, Cults, and Divinity,” Alexander the Great: A New History ed. Waldermar Heckel and Lawrence Tritle. UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2009. Ehrenberg, Victor. “Caesar’s Final Aims,” Harvard Studies in Classical Philosogy 68. (1964), 149-161. Fishwick, Duncan. The Imperial Cult in the Latin West. The Netherlands: E.J. Brill, 1987. Garrison, Daniel. Horace: Epodes and Odes, A New Annotated Latin Edition, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991. Gradel, Ittia. Emperor Worship and Roman Religion. USA: Oxford University Press, 2002. Hekster O.J. “Descendants of Gods: Legendary Genealogies in the Roman Empire” In The Impact of Imperial Rome on Religions, Rituals and Religious Life in the Roman Empire, edited by Lukas de Blois et al. Leiden: Brill, 2005, 24-35. Ovid. The Art of Love and Other Poems. Translated by J. H. Mozley. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1970. Pleket, H.W. “An Aspect of the Emperor Cult: Imperial Mysteries,” The Harvard Theological Review 58, no 4. (1965), 331-347. Price, S.R.F., Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984. Ryberg, Inez. Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art. Rome: American Academy in Rome, 1955. Sherk, Robert K. The Roman Empire: Augustus to Hadrian. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988. Severy, Beth. Augustus and the Family at the Birth of the Roman Republic. New York: Routledge, 2003. Scott, Kenneth. The Imperial Cult Under the Flavians. New York: ARNO Press, 1936. Suetonius. The Twelve Caesars. Translated by Robert Graves. London: Penguin Classics, 2007. Taylor, Lily Ross. The Divinity of the Roman Emperor. Philadelphia: Porcupine Press, 1931. Weinstock, Stefan. “Victor and Invictus”. The Harvard Theological Review 50, no. 3. (1957), 211-247. Zanker, Paul. The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1988. 9