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⦿ Gojoseon ⦿ Goguryeo, Silla, and Baekje ⦿ Goryeo ⦿ Choseun ⦿ Japanese colonial ⦿ Religion ⦿ Money ⦿ Tradition ⦿ Language ⦿ Writing ⦿ Leadership ⦿ Official language of Korea ⦿ Formed in the Chosun Dynasty ⦿ 500 years ago ⦿ Exchange rate about 1000 : 1 ⦿ 3 different forms of language for different situtation/ages ⦿ Respecting elders/role of elders ⦿ Clothing ⦿ Eating ⦿ Confucianism ⦿ Buddhism ⦿ Taoism ⦿ Shamanism ⦿ Christianity Sino-Japanese War ⦿ Two separate wars ⦿ First in 1894 ⦿ Second in 1937 Russo-Japanese War ⦿ 1904-1905 ⦿ Enabled Japan to control East Asia WW2 in SEAsia ⦿ France surrendered ⦿ Japan took over French-Indochina Japanese Imperial Rule ⦿ 1910 to 1945 ⦿ Exploited Korea for all resources Did Korea matter? The Division of Korea: 1945 --The North occupied by the USSR --The South occupied by the US Both sides began to look for supporters among the native population of Korea The Division of Korea: --The US initially restored Japanese colonial administrators and collaborators to their previous positions of power within Korea and refused to recognize the existing political organizations that had been established by the Korean people. --In December 1945, the United States and the Soviet Union agreed to administer the country under the U.S.-Soviet Joint Commission and agreed that Korea would govern independently after four years of international oversight. However, both the U.S. and the USSR approved Korean-led governments in their respective halves, each of which were favorable to the occupying power's political ideology. In the North, this meant Kim Jong-Il. In the South, this was Syngman Rhee --The Korean people seemed to reject both governments, and this led to social unrest, much of which in the South was directed at US forces. --In 1948, the US called for elections in all of Korea. Since the population of the South was double that of the North, the Soviets knew that Kim Il-sung would lose the election. --the Soviets called off the agreement to allow elections, and instead, by 1948, two separate Korean nations had emerged. The creation of an independent South Korea became UN policy in early 1948. Southern communists opposed this, and by autumn partisan warfare had engulfed parts of every Korean province below the 38th parallel. The fighting expanded into a limited border war between the South's newly formed Republic of Korea Army (ROKA) and the North Korean border constabulary as well as the North's Korean People's Army (KPA). The North launched 10 cross-border guerrilla incursions in order to draw ROKA units away from their guerrilla-suppression campaign in the South. In its larger purpose the partisan uprising failed: the Republic of Korea (ROK) was formed in August 1948, with Syngman Rhee as president. Nevertheless, almost 8,000 members of the South Korean security forces and at least 30,000 other Koreans lost their lives. Many of the victims were not security forces or armed guerrillas at all but simply people identified as “rightists” or “reds” by the belligerents. Small-scale atrocities became a way of life. Despite this, or because of this, both the Soviets and the Americans withdrew all their forces save “advisors” by 1949. Why did the North invade the South? A look at the players by 1949: ➢Syngman Rhee ➢Kim Jong-Il ➢Stalin ➢The U.S. I color-coded them so you know who plays for which team… ⦿ ⦿ ⦿ ⦿ ⦿ ⦿ ⦿ ⦿ Had long history with US—primarily trying to enlist US aid against Japan, which was never forthcoming, but well-spoken in English, a graduate from Princeton and Harvard; a Christian from a Buddhist country. Dulles on Rhee and Chiang—“Well, I’ll tell you this. No matter what you say about them, these two gentlemen are the modern day equivalents of the founders of the Church. They are Christian gentlemen who have suffered for their faith.” US victory, and his own connections to China Firsters, makes him “Little Chiang.” Rhee’s own goals mean unification, not democratization. Wanted US to lift restraints against him attacking the North. As he’s known to the Americans there: “devious, emotionally unstable, brutal, corrupt, and wildly unpredictable” But he’s also anti-communist… consider Kennan’s reminder about dangers of working with local regimes… Lived most of life in Manchuria, fought against Japanese, fell under Communist sway from age 19 ⦿ Representative of peasant class, rather than bougie elites like Rhee ⦿ Ideologically pure, relatively unknown, and pliable ⦿ Proved most successful at adopting Stalin’s leadership model ⦿ Mao’s success frustrated him ⦿ Wanted a unified Korea, and believed southern peasants would rally to him ⦿ Promised Stalin an easy victory ⦿ Didn’t want to push the US into military action May have felt pressured by militarization of Japan ⦿ Kind of liked low grade war between south and north prior to Kim’s assault--kept things contained and unstable ⦿ Also saw American unwillingness to save Chiang as symbolic of larger unwillingness to get involved in Asia ⦿ Feared Mao might go the way of Tito ⦿ ⦿ ⦿ ⦿ ⦿ ⦿ ⦿ 1949--Stalin and Mao meet and Stalin suggests that North Koreans serving in Chinese army be moved to North Korea— seems to green-light Kim but without putting Russia in the mix In 1950, Kim is told to work with Mao, which absolves Stalin of any responsibility while calling due on debt Mao owes Stalin for promising help on assault on Taiwan and financial assistance Stalin was also asserting his right to dictate policy over Korea to the exclusion of China Kept Mao in the dark regarding Kim’s overall plans, and Russian shipments of arms and other materiel, but China was expected to help Kim militarily Warned Kim: “If you should get kicked in the teeth, I shall not lift a finger. You have to ask Mao for all the help.” MacArthur not interested in Korea. ⦿ Kennan found him arrogant AND ignorant, ie: MacArthur claimed US presence in Korea unnecessary because US could bomb it from Okinawa bases. Kennan knew bombing hadn’t done a thing against Chinese army in civil army, and was concerned over Chinese designs on Korea. ⦿ Mac only wanted jurisdiction over Japan. He claimed Korea was “State’s problem—let the gov’t deal with it.” ⦿ Sec’y of State Dean Acheson— “A Cold Warrior’s Cold Warrior” 1950/01/12 –Acheson’s “Perimeter" Speech to National Press Club “[T]he speech turned to ‘the questions of military security.’ Its purpose was to bring home what the United States Government had done to defend vital interests in the Pacific, not to speculate on what it might do in the event of various exigencies in Asia. Our defense stations beyond the western hemisphere and our island possessions were the Philippines and defeated, disarmed, and occupied Japan. These were our inescapable responsibilities. We had moved our line of defense, a line fortified and manned by our own ground, sea, and air forces, to the very edges of the western Pacific.” -- Acheson Acheson followed Douglas MacArthur's statement March 1, 1949: "Our defensive dispositions against Asiatic aggression used to be based on the west coast of the American continent. The Pacific was looked upon as the avenue of possible enemy approach. Now the Pacific has become an Anglo-Saxon lake and our line of defense runs through the chain of islands fringing the coast of Asia. It starts from the Philippines and continues through the Ryukyu Archipelago, which includes its main bastion, Okinawa. Then it bends back through Japan and the Aleutian Island chain to Alaska." What happens if you draw MacArthur’s line on the map? Why did the North Invade the South? --Rhee’s authoritarian tactics created guerilla war in the South --Long-term slow boiling civil war between the two Koreas --Stalin’s attempt to assert control over Asian Communism --Kim’s attempt to model himself on Mao’s success --Lack of strong US presence in the Korean Peninsula --Acheson’s Perimeter Speech ⦿ The decision to act ⦿ The United Nations Resolution ⦿ The US forces in action ⦿ The landing at Inchon ⦿ 25 Jun 1950 ⦿ NSC-68, in 1950 ⦿ Memories of appeasement ⦿ The importance of the United Nations for U.S. hopes ⦿ According to NSC-68, primarily authored by Paul Nitze of the Policy Planning Staff, the Soviets were engaged in a rational, calculating, gradual plan to conquer the world. ⦿ Thus, by the logic of NSC-68, a defeat for anti- communists anywhere was a defeat everywhere, with the very fate of Western Civilization at stake. ⦿ ⦿ NSC-68 advocated not only the vigorous development of the American nuclear capability, but also, the production and maintenance of a sufficient stockpile of thermonuclear weapons. It cautioned that it was urgent for the US to increase its air, ground, sea and civilian defense power so as not to be militarily so "heavily dependent on atomic weapons." Beyond this, the report went one step further to reject explicitly the possibility of negotiating with the Soviets, unless they fundamentally modified their attitudes and intentions. Equally, it refused to denounce the first use of atomic weapons. Notes from Truman’s meeting with security advisor George Elsey, June 26, 1950 On the way there I was going over in my mind the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in 1931 . . . . And then I thought about Mussolini's entrance into Ethiopia and Haile Selassie's protest to the League of Nations on that invasion. I also thought about Hitler's march into the Saar Valley, which could have been stopped by the French and the British if they had acted in unison on the subject. Then Hitler's march into Austria and his overthrow of Czechoslovakia and Poland, and it occurred to me that if the Russian totalitarian state was intending to follow in the path of the dictatorships of Hitler and Mussolini, they should be met head on in Korea . . . . I was sure that they [the Russians] had trained the North Koreans in order to create a communist state in Korea as a whole and that their intention was to overthrow the Republic of Korea which had been set up by the United Nations with the Russians' approval. . . . The conclusion that I had come to was that force was the only language that the Russian dictatorship could understand. We had to meet them on that basis . . . . President Harry S. Truman Truman was determined to use the United Nations. This was the perfect opportunity to show the strength of what was hoped to be an international organization that could face down aggression. (Remember the failure of the League of Nations.) The same day the war had officially begun (June 25), the United Nations immediately drafted UNSC Resolution 82, which called for: 1. all hostilities to end and North Korea to withdraw to the 38th Parallel; 2. a UN Commission on Korea to be formed to monitor the situation and report to the Security Council; 3. all UN members to support the United Nations in achieving this, and refrain from providing assistance to the North Korean authorities. On June 27, the United Nations promised military assistance to the ROK. It was perfectly clear that the United Nations would and must denounce an aggression. It could not do otherwise. The charter prohibited an aggression. This was clearly one. There was a report from the United Nations Commission [on Korea] itself in Korea branding this as an aggression from the North. Therefore, it was certain that the United Nations, in some form or other would denounce this action . . . . This we knew would occur. But one says, suppose [the Soviet Ambassador to the United Nations] Mr. [Jacob A.] Malik appeared and interposed a veto? One thing that one can be fairly sure about in the Soviet system is that they are not capable of making instantaneous decisions. And, here was something which occurred. Undoubtedly, they had inspired it. Undoubtedly, they had not expected us to take the action that we did. They had boycotted the United Nations because of the Nationalist Chinese. This would have taken a major decision of the Politburo to turn this around. Now, I think if he had appeared, we would have immediately adjusted ourselves to that and taken some other action, either through the General Assembly or unilaterally. I think Mr. Truman is quite right that the interest of the United States and its allies, and of the free world was so great in defeating this aggression against Korea that it had to be done. And if, through some sort of legal mechanism one operation was blocked, then another operation would have to be found to do it. Secretary of State Dean Acheson The resolution led to direct action by the United States, whose forces were joined by troops and supplies from 15 other UN members: Canada, Australia, New Zealand, UK, France, South Africa, Turkey, Thailand, Greece, the Netherlands, Ethiopia, Colombia, the Philippines, Belgium, and Luxembourg. Even Japan gave military support with minesweeping and the service and repair of military equipment. However, the United States provided 50% of the ground forces (South Korea provided most of the remainder), 86% of the naval power, and 93% of the air power. Some historians have called the mission "a U.S. operation behind a blue international fig leaf." The first significant foreign military intervention was the American Task Force Smith, part of the U.S. Army’s 24th Infantry Division based in Japan. On July 5, it was defeated with heavy losses. The victorious North Korean forces advanced southwards, and the half-strength 24th Division was forced to retreat. By August, the South Korean forces and the U.S. Eighth Army under General Walton Walker had been driven back into a small area in the southeast corner of the Korean peninsula around the city of Pusan. As the North Koreans advanced, they rounded up and killed civil servants. By September, only the area around Pusan — about 10 percent of the Korean peninsula — was still in coalition hands. With the aid of massive American supplies, air support, and additional reinforcements, the UN forces managed to stabilize a line which became known in the United States as the Pusan Perimeter. Inchon--the beginning of the “Surge” The approaches to Inchon were two restricted passages, Flying Fish and Eastern channels, which could be easily blocked by mines. The current of the channels was also dangerously quick three to eight knots. Finally, the anchorage was small and the harbor surrounded by tall seawalls. Commander Arlie G. Capps noted "We drew up a list of every natural and geographic handicap and Inchon had 'em all." A briefing led by Admiral James Doyle concluded "the best that I can say is that Inchon is not impossible." MacArthur said that because it was so heavily defended, the enemy would not expect an attack there, that victory at Inchon would avoid a brutal winter campaign, and that, by invading a northern strong point, the UN forces could cut off North Korean lines of communication. Inchon was also chosen because of its proximity to Seoul 15 Sep 1950 - Inchon landing of UN forces 29 Sep 1950 - UN troops complete recapture of Seoul Then what? The terrain of the rugged peninsula was described by the United States Air Force (and many others) as "an inhospitable site for a war." Korea is about the size of Minnesota, but unlike that state Korea is predominantly rough and mountainous, with peaks rising to 8,700 feet in the northeast. From those mountains a range extends south along the east coast of Korea. That range then supports several smaller spurs that run southwest. The mountains thus tend to restrict movement in any direction across the country and effectively shrink the size of the country in terms of "fighting space." Because of this the war tended to be restricted to certain key sectors, usually urban, and most of those involved heavy civilian populations. It was a recipe for terrible loss of life. See, for example, the case of Seoul… Civilians suffered dramatically… As an organized field force, the KPA disintegrated, having lost 13,000 as prisoners and 50,000 as casualties in August and September. Nevertheless, about 25,000 of its best troops took to the mountains and marched home as cohesive units; another 10,000 remained in South Korea as partisans. As the communists headed north, they took thousands of South Koreans with them as hostages and slave labourers and left additional thousands executed in their wake—most infamously at Taejon, where 5,000 civilians were massacred. The ROK army and national police, for their part, showed little sympathy to any southern communists they found or suspected, and U.S. aircraft attacked people and places with little restraint. As a result, the last two weeks of September saw atrocities rivaling those seen in Europe during the fratricidal Thirty Years' War of the 17th century.