Download Joash Gambarage Johannes

THE KI-NATA NOUN STRUCTURE
By
Joash Gambarage Johannes
A Dissertation Submitted in (Partial) Fulfilment of the Requirements for the
Degree of Master of Arts (Linguistics) of the University of Dar es Salaam
University of Dar es Salaam
June, 2007
2
THE KI-NATA NOUN STRUCTURE
Joash Gambarage Johannes
MA (Linguistics) Dissertation
University of Dar es Salaam
June 2007
3
CERTIFICATION
The undersigned certifies that he has read and hereby recommends for the acceptance by the University of Dar
es Salaam a dissertation entitled: The Ki-Nata Noun Structure, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the
degree of Master of Arts (Linguistics) of the University of Dar es Salaam.
……………………………….
Prof. D.P.B. Massamba
(Supervisor)
Date: -------------------------------
4
DECLARATION
AND
COPYRIGHT
I, Joash Gambarage Johannes, declare that this dissertation is my own
original work and that it has not been presented and will not be presented to any
other University for a similar or any other degree award.
Signature ------------------------------------
This dissertation is copyright material protected under the Berne Convention, the
Copyright Act of 1999 and other international and national enactments, in that
behalf, on intellectual property. It may not be reproduced by any means, in full or
in part, except for short extracts in fair dealings for research or private study,
critical scholarly review or discourse with an acknowledgement, without the
written permission of the Dean of the School of Graduate Studies, on behalf of
both the author and the University of Dar es Salaam.
5
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am highly indebted to many people who assisted me in one way or another in
accomplishing this work. To them all I would like to express my sincere thanks.
In particular, Prof. D.P.B. Massamba, my supervisor, deserves my warm and
heartfelt thanks for his patience, forbearance, constant advice and timely
guidance, despite his many other important academic and social responsibilities.
Without such a commitment, this work would not have reached this stage.
A similar note of thanks goes to my sponsor, the Languages of Tanzania (LOT)
Project, funded by the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA),
through its research cooperation wing, the Swedish Agency for Research
Cooperation (SAREC), and the University of Dar es Salaam, without whose
support financially and materially, it would not be possible for me to reach this
academic level.
Many native speakers of Ki-Nata have unselfishly and objectively spared part of
their valuable time responding to my questions. They also provided valuable
criticisms, checking the correctness and appropriateness of my own Ki-Nata.
Since it would be unjust to name only some of them, but also impossible to list
6
all of them by name, I shall kindly ask them to accept my collective appreciation:
Mukoore βwaheene βoose, ‘Thank you very much to you all’.
My gratitude is also due to my lecturers and classmates, who I have drawn
gratefully on their valuable comments in the course of writing the research
proposal. They also built a favourable climate for a smooth running of the
course, culminating in this work. Unfortunately, for lack of space, I cannot
mention each by name.
Last, but far from least, I am more than ordinarily grateful for the patience and
understanding shown by my wife, Neema, for a difficult and tiresome task of
taking care of our newborn, Jones/Gambarage, at the time this study was in
progress.
7
DEDICATION
To my beloved son, Jones/Gambarage and my wife Neema.
8
ABSTRACT
This study presents a descriptive analysis of Ki-Nata noun structure. The only
descriptive study on Ki-Nata is that of Mekacha (1985) that only touches upon a
few aspects of the noun structure. In the light of recent researches and
approaches to linguistic analyses, there are peculiarities so striking and so
unlike the Ki-Nata language spoken today that the author has felt it important to
work on.
The study is based on the major assumption of Lexical Phonology, which is level
ordered-morphology. The basic insight of level ordered-morphology is that
derivational and inflectional processes of languages can be arranged in a series
of levels. This derives from the line of argument by Kiparsky (1982) that
morphological rules are sensitive to any output of phonological rules. Thus,
phonological rules operate alongside with morphology in the lexicon.
The work is organised into four chapters. Chapter One presents background
information to the study such as statement of the problem, objectives and
significance of the study, research hypotheses, theoretical framework, literature
review and the sound inventory of Ki-Nata. Chapter Two presents an overview
of the Bantu Noun Structure making reference to three aspects: augment, noun
class prefix and nominal derivation. Chapter Three discusses the Ki-Nata noun
structure based on such aspects as noun augments, nominal prefixes, singular-
9
plural pairing of the noun prefixes and nominal derivation processes. Chapter
Four gives the summary and conclusion.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Certification------------------------------------------------------------------------
i
Declaration and Copyright------------------------------------------------------
ii
Acknowledgement----------------------------------------------------------------
iii
Dedication--------------------------------------------------------------------------
v
Abstract-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
vi
Abbreviations ---------------------------------------------------------------------
x
List of Symbols -------------------------------------------------------------------
xii
LIST OF TABLES Table1: Ki-Nata Consonant System---------------------------------------------
8
Table 2: Noun class prefixes of Ke-Gusii and γi-Kuria -------------------
21
LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Ki-Nata Vowel Systems-----------------------------------------------
11
Figure 2: Noun Class Pairing in Ki-Nata -----------------------------------
65
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.1
General Introduction -------------------------------------------------
1
1.2
Geographical Location------------------------------------------------
1
1.3
Background to the Problem-------------------------------------------
2
1.4
Statement of the Problem---------------------------------------------
4
10
1.5
Objectives of the Study ------------------------------------------------
4
1.6
Significance of the Study----------------------------------------------
4
1.7
Research hypotheses--------------------------------------------------
5
1.8
Theoretical Framework ------------------------------------------------
5
1.9
Research Questions----------------------------------------------------
7
1.10
Scope and Limitation of the Study----------------------------------
7
1.11
Literature Review -------------------------------------------------------
7
1.11.1 Sound Inventory of Ki-Nata-------------------------------------------
8
1.11.1.1 Consonant System---------------------------------------------------
8
1.11.1.2 The Vowel System--------------------------------------------------
11
1.11.2
Studies on Noun Morphology in Ki-Nata ---------------------
12
1.11.3
The Missing Link -----------------------------------------------------
20
1.11.4 Other Related Literature --------------------------------------------
21
1.12. Research Methodology--------------------------------------------------
28
1.13. Summary--------------------------------------------------------------------
29
CHAPTER TWO: THE BANTU NOUN STRUCTURE: AN
OVERVIEW
2.1
Introduction----------------------------------------------------------------
30
2.2 The Bantu Noun Structure: An overview----------------------------
30
2.2.1
The Augment-----------------------------------------------------------
31
2.2.2
The Noun Class Prefix ----------------------------------------------
37
2.2.3
Noun Derivation---------------------------------------------------------
42
11
2.2.3.1 Deriving nouns by changing classes-----------------------------
42
2.2.3.2 Noun stems formed from verb stems/roots--------------------
43
2.2.3.2.1 Using a nominalizing suffix {-i}------------------------------------
43
2.2.3.3
Nouns formed with the nominalizing suffix {-o}---------------
45
2.2.3.4
Nouns formed with the nominalizing suffix {-e}---------------
45
2.3 Summary--------------------------------------------------------------------
46
CHAPTER THREE: THE KI-NATA NOUN STRUCTURE
3.1
Introduction---------------------------------------------------------------
48
3.2
Augment in Ki-Nata Nouns--------------------------------------------
48
3.2.1 Use and Omission of the Augment---------------------------------
55
3.3
The Noun Class Prefix in Ki-Nata ----------------------------------
61
Data Analyisis---------------------------------------------------------
64
3.3.1.1 Pairing system and a brief semantic survey-------------------
65
3.3.1.2
Surface representation of prefixes ----------------------------
69
3.4
Noun Derivation--------------------------------------------------------
85
3.5
Summary ----------------------------------------------------------------
97
3.3.1
CHAPTER FOUR: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
4.1
Summary ------------------------------------------------------------------
98
4.2
Conclusion----------------------------------------------------------------
100
REFERENCES--------------------------------------------------------------------
103
APPENDIX I-----------------------------------------------------------------------
107
12
ABBREVIATIONS
1/2/3PER sg/pl
A
1st /2nd /3rd person singular/plural
Aspect
AG
Augment
Cas
Causative
Ci/Cu
Consonant followed by i or u
CV
Consonant followed by a Vowel
VCV
Vowel-Consonant-Vowel cluster
C/Cl
Class
A-CONECT
A-connective
CP
Copula
EMGP
Extended Model of Generative Phonology
Fut
Future
FV
Final vowel
H&K
Hyman and Katamba
Inf
Infinitive
MA
Mood/Aspect
NEG
Negative
N&P
Nurse and Philipson
NPx
Noun Class Prefix
13
Loc
Locative
LOT
Languages of Tanzania Project
LP
Lexical Phonology
Pass
Passive
PERF
Perfective
SC
Subject Concord
ST
Stem
SUF
Suffix
TA
Tense and Aspect
TAM
Tense, Aspect and Mood
R
Verb Root
W.F.P
Word Final Position
14
LIST OF SYMBOLS
+
Morpheme boundary
Ø
Zero morpheme
//
Underlying Representation
[ ]
Surface Representation
→
Realized as
*
The structure is unacceptable
#
Word initial position
≠
X not equal to/not same as Y
§
Section/Subsection
Cο
Voiceless consonant
V:
Long vowel
15
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 General Introduction
This chapter presents preliminary information on the study. The chapter deals with such
aspects as geographical location, background to the problem, statement of the problem,
objectives of the study, significance of the problem, theoretical framework and research
questions. Fieldwork information as well as review of the related literature are also
included in the chapter.
1.2 Geographical Location
The Ki-Nata language is spoken by βa-Nata1, who inhabit parts of two Tanzanian
districts, namely Serengeti and Bunda in Mara Region. In Serengeti District, Ki-Nata is
spoken in such areas as Isenye, Nata-Motukeri, Nata-Mbiso, Makondose, Nyichoka and
Burunga. In Bunda District it is spoken in Mogeta and Kyandege. In the mentioned
districts the βa-Nata interact with other speech communities. In Serengeti, they interact
with Kuria, Ikoma and Isenye while in Bunda they interact with Kuria, Ikizo and
Zanake.
1
Although speakers of the language ‘aβa-Nata’ call their language ‘IKi-Nata’, the labels ‘Ki-nata’ and
‘βa-Nata’ are used throughout this presentation. The βa-Nata range from approximately 20,000 to 25,000
in number (cf. National Bureau of Statistics, 2003:168)
16
1.3 Background to the Problem
According to Greenberg (1963), Ki-Nata belongs to the Bantu family of languages,
which falls under the Benue-Congo group. The latter falls under a major group known as
Niger-Congo. Within the Bantu family, Ki-Nata belongs to the subgroup of Eastern
Bantu languages, in which some languages have not been seriously studied while some
are hardly known. Ki-Nata is among the languages that have been scantly studied.
According to Guthrie (1948), Ki-Nata falls under Zone E, Group 40, Index 5. Ki-Nata is
placed along with Ke-Ragoli (E41), Ke-Gusii (42), γi-Kuria (43), Ke-Zanake (E44), γiIsenye (E44b), Ci-Ndali (E44c), γi-Siora (E44g) and γi-Sweta (E44e). Others include γiKiroβa (E44f), γi-Ikizo (E44g), Ki-γirango (E44h), γi-Sembete (E44k) and Ki-Sonjo
(E46). In his classification Guthrie treats Ki-Nata and γi-Ikoma as one and the same
language.
Bryan (1959) is another scholar who attempted a classification of the language under
description. In her classification, Bryan followed closely Guthrie’s classification of KiNata. The only thing she added was that Ki-Nata was spoken around Ikoma2, south of
River Mara; and that, to the east it borders Sonjo, Sukuma to the South, Ikizo to the
West, and Ngoreme to the North.
2
Ikoma, Sonjo, Sukuma, Ikizu and Ngoreme as cited here by Bryan are place names of the respective
languages.
17
Heine (1976: 51), focusing on vernacular languages of Tanzania spoken in Mara Region
gives a classification that places Ki-Nata in the γi-Ikoma subgroup under the Ke-Zanake
group. The subgroup has the following languages: γi-Isenye, Ki-Nata, and γi-Ikoma.
Other sister languages to Ki-Nata like γi-Kuria and Ke-Ngoreme form different groups.
Heine adds, however, that his classification is not based on objective analytic
procedures, but rather on people’s subjective views based on degrees of mutual
intelligibility.
Nurse (1977: 71) places Ki-Nata in the Eastern Nyanza subgroup. Within this subgroup
he includes such languages as Ke-Gusii, γi-Kuria, Ke-Zanake, Ki-Nata, Ke-Ngoreme
and Ki-Shashi. This treatment is also maintained in the classification of Nurse and
Philipson (1980).
In the above classifications, we have the following reservations: Bryan (1959) and
Guthrie (1967-71) treat Ki-Nata and γi-Ikoma as one and the same language. We tend to
agree with Mekacha (1985) that a convenient Ki-Nata classification should have shown
that Ki-Nata and γi-Ikoma are closely related languages but not that they are one and the
same. Heine’s classification too should have, in our view, indicated that Ki-Nata is more
closely related to Ke-Ngoreme than to Ke-Zanake.
18
1.4 Statement of the Problem
In view of the reviewed literature (cf. section 10.2), it seems that little has been covered
in as far as the structure of the Ki-Nata noun is concerned. Issues pertaining to various
aspects such as shapes of augments and morphosyntactic contexts that license their
distribution on nouns, allomorphemic variation of noun prefixes and processes involved
in derived nouns have not been well covered.
1.5 Objectives of the Study
The central objective of this study is to make a descriptive study of the noun structure of
Ki-Nata. More specifically, the study seeks to give a detailed description of:
i)
The morphological structure of the Ki-Nata noun.
ii)
Shapes of augments in Ki-Nata nouns and morphosyntactic contexts
licensing their distribution on nouns.
iii)
Various forms of noun prefixes and rules governing their manifestation.
iv)
Processes involved in deriving nouns from verbs, etc.
1.6 Significance of the Study
This study is useful in that:
•
The Languages of Tanzania Project (LOT) is currently making efforts in
researching on and documenting Tanzanian languages. The completion of
this study is, therefore, a contribution to this undertaking.
•
This study is also useful to linguists who are interested in Bantu studies.
19
1.7 Research Hypotheses
In this study the following hypotheses are attested:
•
Augment in Ki-Nata is associated with semantic and syntactic concepts like
head-marker, determiner, etc. and its shape is controlled by vowel harmony
rule.
•
Surface manifestations of noun class prefixes are accounted for by certain
morphophonological rules.
•
Noun class prefix in Ki-Nata represents several concepts such as the form of
the thing involved (i.e. small, broad, abstract etc.), singular and plural, etc.
•
Morphological processes are involved in deriving nouns from verbs,
adjectives and nouns.
1.8 Theoretical Framework
This study is based on the framework of Lexical Phonology (LP), an Extended Model of
Generative Phonology (henceforth EMGP). LP has been arrived at through a
combination of ideas and theories from independent researches. The major ones are: the
theory of Morphology and the Lexicon, Level Ordered Morphology and the Problem of
Constraining Lexical Representations and Phonological Rules. The basic assumptions
of this theory, as stipulated by Kirpasky (1982), are well summarized by Massamba
(1996: 165-173). Let us briefly examine a few things in this theory that are relevant to
our area of study.
20
LP theory deals much with level ordered-morphology. The basic insight of level
ordered-morphology is that derivational and inflectional processes of languages can be
arranged in a series of levels. According to this theory, each step of word formation
process is tied to rules of a certain level. Within this approach, it is assumed that the
output of each word-formation process within the lexicon itself is accounted for by
phonological rules of its level. At a lexicon level, such rules are referred to as Lexical
Phonology Rules. Such rules apply after each step of word-formation.
In LP, as it is also widely accepted elsewhere, phonology is integrated with morphology
in the lexicon. This interdependence is explicitly governed by rule ordering that
morphological rules may be sensitive to any output of phonological rules. In other
words, phonological rules operate alongside morphology in the lexicon.
In relation to Ki-Nata noun structure, it is thought that the derivational aspects of the
noun are well covered in the LP framework. This is because Ki-Nata nouns derived from
verbs, for instance, are a result of different morphological processes such as prefixation
and suffixation, of which according to LP, can be assigned to level 1 and 2 of
morphology and phonology. We also argue that phonological and morphological rules
that account for surface manifestations of formatives in nouns derived from verbs are
possibly applicable to surface forms of underived nouns in Ki-Nata. This theory is,
therefore, ideal for this study.
21
1.9 Research Questions
In this study the following questions are addressed:
•
What is the shape/form of the noun in Ki-Nata?
•
What kinds of morphosyntactic generalizations are associated with noun
augments?
•
What are the various shapes of the noun prefixes and rules governing
them?
•
What morphological processes are involved in deriving nouns from
verbs?
1.10 Scope and Limitation of the Study
While there are aspects like tone and syllable structure that could be dealt with in
connection with the Ki-Nata noun, in this study, due to time constraint, we will limit
ourselves to the description of the noun structure.
1.11 Literature Review
This section has two parts. The first part is a survey of works done on Ki-Nata noun
morphology. The second part locates the gap in relation to our area of study. Before we
do this, however, it will be instructive to begin by examining the Ki-Nata sound
inventory.
22
1.11.1 Sound Inventory of Ki-Nata
Ki-Nata sound system has relatively simple consonant and vowel systems.
1.11.1.1 Ki-Nata Consonant System
Bilabial Alveolar Postalveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Plosive
t
Nasal
m
c
ɲ
n
Trill
k
ŋ
r
Fricative
β
Approx.
w
s
∫
γ h
j
Table1: Ki-Nata Consonant System.
The consonant system shown here, except for sounds [b], [d], [g], is clearly the same as
that of Mekacha (1985: 13). One thing we do not agree with Mekacha is his assumptions
that all the above Ki-Nata sounds are found at underlying level. We will cite some
examples to show that his assumption is misguided.
The alveolar nasal /n/ in a word like /okojόnga/ ‘to put through a sieve’ is phonetically
realized as a velar nasal [ŋ], thus [okojόŋga]. In generative phonology this phonological
fact is accounted for by the Homorganic Nasal Assimilation rule represented informally
as:
Rule 1: /n/
→
[ŋ] ⁄ — g
23
This rule is formally represented as:
+cons
-syll
+nas
+cons
→ [α place]
-syll
α place
This rule means that a nasal consonant is articulated at the same point with the following
non-nasal consonant. This shows that when /n/ precedes the voiced velar stop [g] it is
phonetically realized as [ŋ], in its surface form.
Moreover, consonants like [β], [γ] and [d] occur in certain phonetic environments only.
We will now show their phonetic realizations:
1.11.1.1.1 Phonetic realization of /β/
The bilabial voiced fricative /β/ occurs both word initially and intervocalically, except
where it is preceded by a bilabial nasal [m]. This phonological fact can be stated
informally by the rule:
Rule 2: /β/ → [b] / m—
Formal representation of this rule is:
+cons
-syll
+bil
+con
→ [-cont]
-syll
+cons
+bil
+nas
This rule means that a voiced bilabial fricative /β/ is realized as a voiced bilabial stop [b]
when it is preceded by a bilabial nasal [m]. Since the voiced bilabial stop [b] and the
voiced bilabial fricative [β] occur in mutually exclusive environments, the two sounds
are said to be allophones of the same phoneme.
24
1.11.1.1.2 Phonetic realization of /γ/
The voiced velar fricative /γ/ is realized as a [γ] in all environments except where it is
preceded by a velar nasal [ŋ]. Whenever the phoneme /γ/ is preceded by the velar nasal
[ŋ], it surfaces as a voiced velar stop [g]. This phonological fact is accounted for by the
following informal rule:
Rule 3: /γ/ → [g] /ŋ —
This rule is formally represented as:
+ cons
-syll
+cont
→ [-cont]
+back
+voice
+high
-syll
+cons
+back
+high
+nas
________
Like the phones [β] and [b], the voiceless velar fricative [γ] and the voiced velar stop [g]
occur in environments that are mutually exclusive. This means that whereas [γ] occurs
both word initially and intervocalically, [g] occurs only in environments where it is
preceded by a velar nasal [ŋ].
1.11.1.1.3 Phonetic realization of /r/
The trill /r/ is realized as [r] both word initially and intervocalically except if it is
preceded by the alveolar nasal [n], in which case it consistently surfaces as a voiced
alveolar stop [d]. This phonological fact can be taken care of by the rule stated
informally as:
Rule 4: /r/ → [d] /n —
25
This rule is formally represented as follows:
+cons
-syll
+son
+cont
→
-cont
-son
+cons
-syll
_______
+nas
+cor
The rule means that while the voiced alveolar stop [d] occurs in the environment where
it is preceded by the alveolar nasal [n], the trill [r] occurs both word initially and
intervocalically. This means that the phones [d] and [r] are in complementary
distribution.
1.11.1.2 The vowel system
Ki-Nata has a seven-vowel system. This is opposed to the five-vowel system that
Mekacha (1985: 19) posits for the language. The seven vowels are presented below:
i
u
e
o
ɔ
ε
a
Figure 1: Ki-Nata Vowel System
The lax vowels /ε ɔ/ in Ki-Nata are phonemic as exemplified below by minimal pairs:
a) /o ɔ /
rόra
‘be sour’
rɔra
‘see’
26
b) /e ε/
kόŋo:ta
‘shake the dust’
kɔŋɔ:ta
‘beat severely’
réra
‘cry’
rέra
‘bring up a baby’
méra
‘swallow’
mέra
‘germinate’
This system is in agreement with the one Guthrie (1948: 18) posits for the languages of
Zone E. It is clear that Mekacha’s five vowel system excluded the lax vowels /ε ɔ/,
which are clearly manifested in Ki-Nata.
1.11.2 Studies on noun morphology in Ki-Nata
Mekacha (1985) describes various phonological processes affecting Ki-Nata vowels.
Although the work basically concerns itself with phonological phenomena, it also
touches on aspects like augments and noun classes. Mekacha analyses phonological
processes affecting vowels in different word categories. A few examples from his
analysis are here presented, showing the effects of phonological processes within the
nominal category.
1.11.2.1 Vowel deletion
There is an outright loss of a vowel segment in certain phonetic contexts, as exemplified
below:
1. a) mu+taki → [mtaki] ‘an officer’
27
b) a+aka+ramu → [akaram] ‘a pen’
However, here Mekacha (1985: 36) needs to make it clear that with the exception of
nouns in classes 1a, 2a and the locative classes (16-18), all Ki-Nata nouns occur with
augments when they are in isolation. For this case, what we see in example 1(a) is a
matter of inconsistence. Moreover, having aka as a prefix is an error. Again, the vowel
a in both noun stems in 1(a) and (b) above is long and not short as he puts it. The nouns
can therefore be accurately represented as [υmta:ki] and [akara:m]. The morphological
parsing of akara:mu therefore, should be a+ka+ra:mu, and not a+aka+ramu.
1.11.2.2 Glide formation
A vowel changes into a glide in certain phonetic environments, as exemplified below:
2. a) mu+ana→ [mwana] ‘a child’
The two vowels in 2(a) above are non-identical, thus the [u] changes into a glide.
Mekacha also discusses the concept of vowel harmony with respect to prefixes and preprefixes. He contends that pre-prefix vowels harmonize with prefix vowels. He cites
two kinds of vowel harmony, namely complete and partial vowel harmony. With regard
to complete vowel harmony, he gives the following evidence:
3. a) e+me+te
→
b) a+ma+βere →
[emete]
‘trees’
[amaβe:re]
‘milk’
c) o+mo+ri:si → [omori:si]
‘ herder’
As we can see, in examples 3 (a-c), the pre-prefix is a copy of the prefix vowel.
28
As for partial vowel harmony, he gives the following examples:
4. a) o+mu+kari → [omukari]
b) e+γi+ta:nda →
[eγita:nda]
‘woman’
‘bed’
As seen in examples 4(a-b), the pre-prefix is [o] when the noun class prefix vowel is [u],
as in 4(a) but [e] when the prefix vowel is [i], as in 4(b). This is to say that the pre-prefix
is in partial harmony with the prefix vowel in that, in 4(a) the pre-prefix and the prefix
vowel are all back vowels while in 4(b) the pre-prefix and the prefix vowel are front
vowels. The question, however, is why in this language it is unacceptable to have the
following forms:
5. a) *u+mu+kari
’woman’
b) *i+γi+ta:nda
‘a bed’
c) *i+γi:+se
‘flywhisk’
d) *i+βi+γero
‘things’
e) *i+mi+te:wa
‘grooms’ (augmentative)
f) *u+mu+kama
‘wind’
g) *u+ku+γa:mba
‘to speak’
In answering the above fundamental question, one generalization to take into
consideration is that pre-prefixes which are underlyingly high vowels, /u/ or /i/, are
lowered to [o] and [e] word initially (cf. Hyman and Katamba 1993: 211, on Luganda).
The tendency of lowering high pre-prefix vowels in word initial position is common in
Bantu languages, especially those around the Lake Victoria area (cf. Chagas 1977: 35).
29
It seems to be the case, in view of the data we have and the researcher’s native intuition,
that initial vowels /i/ and /u/, in nouns such as those in (5) above are pronounced as [I]
and [υ] respectively. Given this, we can conclude that in Ki-Nata when a noun stem
begins with a consonant and its prefix is either Ci or Cu, the augment is pronounced as
either [I] or [υ] respectively. The appropriate phonetic transcription of the data in (5)
above should, therefore, be:
6. a)
/u+mu+kári/ →
[υmukári]
b)
/i+γí+tanda/
→
[Iγítanda]
c)
/i+γi:+sé/
→
[Iγi:sé]
d)
/i+βi+γéro/
→
[Iβiγéro]
e)
/i+mi+te:wá/ →
[Imite:wá]
f)
/u+mu+káma/ →
[υmukáma]
g)
/u+ku+γá:mba/ →
[υkuγá:mba]
As we can see here, when a noun stem begins with a consonant with either the Ci or Cu
prefix the pre-prefix3 is pronounced as either [I] or [υ] respectively. This phonological
fact can informally be stated as:
Rule 5: /i/ or /u/ →
[I] or [υ]
_____ +Ci or Cu
The same is formally accounted for by the following rule:
3
It is not possible to get examples of nouns in which initial vowels [I] and [υ] occur word medially or
finally.
30
+syll
-cons
+hi
→ -high
α place
___ +C
+syll
-cons
+hi
α place
AG
NPX
That is, pre-prefixes which are underlyingly high vowels, /i/ or /u/, are lowered to [I] and
[υ] respectively, if the noun prefixes are respectively Ci or Cu. Thus, the pre-prefix
harmonizes partially with the vowel in the prefix.
Before we account for the generalization of pre-prefixes /i/ and /u/ let us closely observe
the data in 7(a-f) below:
7. a) /u+mu+aná /
→
[umwaná]
‘child’
b) /u+ru+ambé /
→
[urwambé]
‘gossip’
c) /u+βu+áŋgo/
→
[uβwáŋgo]
‘quickness’
d) /i+ri+oβá/
→
[iryoβá]
‘sun’
e) /i+ki+ará/
→
[ikyará]
‘finger’
f) /i+βi+andá/
→
[iβyandá]
‘intestine’
With regard to the data in 7(a-f), we note that the high vowels are not lowered as
expected. This situation can be accounted for by having recourse to rule ordering. The
thrust of the argument being that since we have two rules applying here, namely, glide
formation and vowel harmony, it is evident that glide formation applies first before
vowel harmony. The application of the glide formation rule bleeds the application of the
vowel harmony rule.
31
Following closely the transcriptions in (6) and (7) above, we can see that by not
distinguishing between vowels [i] and [I] or [u] and [υ], Mekacha’s transcription in (4)
above is confusing and misleading. The fact is that pre-prefixes which are underlyingly
/u/ or /i/ are respectively lowered to [I] or [υ] word initially.
As for the noun classes, Mekacha uses a system that arranges independent prefixes by
numbers in assigning names to different noun classes as established by Meinhof (1932)
and Guthrie (1948), (Werner, 1919:34; Massamba, 1977: 72). Mekacha (1985: 97-98)
presents a total number of 18 noun classes in Ki-Nata as follows:
8. 1
mu
10
n
2
βa
11
ru
3
mu
12
n (=class 10)
4
mi
13
ku (verbal infinitive)
5
ri
14
ka (diminutive)
6
ma
15
tu (diminutive)
7
γi
16
ha
8
βi
17
mu
9
n
18
γ u (augmentative)
32
Mekacha’s arrangement of Ki-Nata noun classes, however, differs from that of Meinhof
and Guthrie in terms of noun class prefixes. The arrangement of noun classes by
Meinhof (1932: 102), commonly referred to as Proto-Bantu, is as follows:
9. 1
*mu
8
*βi
15 *ku
2
*βa
9
*n
16 *pa
3
*mu
10
*n
17 *ku
4
*mi
11
*lu
18 *mu
5
*li
12
*ka
19 *pi
6
*ma
13
*tu
20 *γu
7
*ki
14
*βu
21*γi
The above Proto Bantu4 arrangement of noun classes was then taken up by many other
Bantu scholars like Meeusen (1967), Welmer (1973), Massamba (1976) and Hinnebusch
(1989), (cf. Maho, 1999: 51). If we disregard the pre-prefixes, Mekacha’s classification
of Ki-Nata noun class prefixes encounters the following mismatch:
10. Proto Bantu version
4
Mekacha’s version
12.
*ka
12.
n.
13.
*tu
13.
ku.
14.
*βu
14.
ka
15.
*ku
15.
tu
Other scholars (cf. Bleek 1862) have simply designated the classes by their prefixes, i.e. the mu class, etc.
33
18.
*mu
18.
γu
If we compare the above two arrangements, we note that there is a mismatch between
the two systems in classes 12-15 and 20. Most Bantuists would agree that a more
appropriate classification of nouns in Ki-Nata would be as follows:
11. Class
Noun class prefix
12
ka
13
tu
14
βu
15
ku
20
γu
As a matter of convention, it is generally agreed, from Bantu language studies, that each
class number is consistently associated with its specific noun class prefix. The above
arrangement matches with the Proto-Bantu order of noun classes and noun class prefixes
(cf. Werner 1919), and other Bantu languages related to Ki-Nata (see Cammenga 1992,
2002, on γi-Kuria and Ke-Gusii respectively; Massamba 1976, 1995 on Ci-Ruuri).
Maho (1999: 301) provides a pairing system of the Ki-Nata noun classes. Although he
examines various noun classes of Bantu languages, not much information is available
regarding the language under description. He gives the following class pairing system of
Ki-Nata nouns:
34
12. Class 1 and 2
[mu]/[βa]
[umwaaná]/[aβaaná]
‘child’/ ‘children’
Class 3 and 4
[mu]/[mi]
[umwandό]/[imyandό]
‘cloth’/ ‘clothes’
Class 5 and 6
[ri]/[ma]
[risosό]/[amasosό]
‘lung’/ ‘lungs’
Class 7 and 8
[ki]/[βi]
[Ιkímweso]/[Ιβímweso] ‘sacrifice’/‘sacrifices’
Class 9(aN) and
10(caN)
[aɲ akwahá]/[caɲ akwahá] ‘armpit’/ ‘armpits’
Class 12 and 8
[ka]/[βi]
[akamorí]/[υtumo:rí]
‘calf’/calves (dim)
Class 15 and 6
[ku]/[ma]
[υkuβόko]/[amaβόko]
‘arm’/ ‘arms’
[amata:rό]/[υγuta:rό]
;river(s) (aug)
Class 6 (aug.) and 20 [ma]/[γu]
Maho points out that concords for classes 9 and 10 are identical with a nasal prefix.
Moreover, we think that the pairing of noun classes by mere numbers, except for classes
9, 10 and 20, does not suffice to give a clear picture of the various singular-plural noun
class prefixes in Ki-Nata.
1.11.3 The Missing Link
The reviewed literature shows that little has been done with respect to the noun structure
of the language under description. In fact, the cited works have dealt with noun classes
and augments only superficially. Such aspects as shapes of augments and
morphosyntactic contexts that license their distribution on nouns, allomorphemic
variation of noun prefixes and processes involved in derived nouns have not been
discussed. This study, therefore, aims at addressing these issues.
35
1.11.4 Other Related Literature
As pointed out earlier, the language under description has been grouped together with
Ke-Gusii and γi-Kuria groups in Guthrie’s classification of Bantu languages. It is hoped
that, in this part, the review of related literature from Ke-Gusii, γi-Kuria and other Bantu
languages, especially Ci-Ruuri, can present noun morphological aspects more or less in
the same way as Ki-Nata. Let us begin by examining literature on Ke-Gusii and γi-Kuria
nominal morphology.
In his Phonology and Morphology of Ekegusii (2002) and Phonology and Morphology
of Kuria (1992), Cammenga gives a detailed description of Ke-Gusii and γi-Kuria
morphology. On noun morphology, the aspect we are much interested in, he presents the
noun classes, prefixes and agreement, noun derivation and allomorphs of noun class
prefixes. According to Cammenga (1992: 78, 2002: 199) the Ke-Gusii and γi-Kuria
nouns respectively, form the following noun class prefixes:
Ke-Gusii
γi-Kuria
Cl
NPx
examples
gloss
Cl
NPx
examples
gloss
1
omo
omoremi
farmer
1
omo
omokari
woman
1a
mo
1a
ø/mo
sokoro/?
grandfather
?
1b
ø
taata
father
2
aβa
aβa-kari
women
2
aβa
aβaremi
farmers
2a
βa
βa-sokoro
grandfathers
3
omo
omote
tree
3
omo
omote
tree
4
eme
emete
trees
4
eme
emete
trees
5
eri
eritɔɔke
banana
5
iri/ere
irisana
cave
36
6
ama
amatɔɔke
banana
6
ama
amasana
caves
7
eke
eγesaku
clan
7
eke
ekeγambɔ
language
8
eβI
eβisaku
clans
8
iβi
iβiγambɔ
languages
9
e-
ekaβira
tribe
9
e-
e-βaata
duck
9a
e-n
endaaγera
food
9a
eN-
embeγo
seed
10
ci
cikaβira
tribes
10
ici-
ici-βaata
ducks
10a
ci-n
cindaaγera
foods
10a
iciN
icimburi
goats
11
oro
oroko
firewood
11
oro
oroko
firewood
12
aka
akaana
small child
12
aka
akaana
small child
14
oβo
oβokombe
hoe
14
oβo
oβokaano
sesame seed
15
oko
okoγoro
leg/foot
15
oko
oγosoma
to read
16
a-
ase
place
16
aha
ahase
place
21
Ňa
ňamiira
a place
17
ko
kuuγikurya
in Kikurya
18
mo
moonse
inside
19
ihi
ihiβeγo
small seeds
20
oγo
oγoβeγo
large seed
21
Ňa-
Ňaβohanse
avillagename
name
Table 2: Noun class prefixes of Ke-Gusii and γi-Kuria
As we can see from the above data, the two languages have much in common as far as
the noun class prefixes are concerned. Cammenga suggests that both arrangements in the
above data form the following singular- plural pairing system: 1/2, 3/4, 5/6, 7/8, 9/10.
The data show that nouns in both languages have augments, except for kinship terms in
classes 1a, 2a and 21 for Ke-Gusii, kinship terms in classes 1a and 21, and locative
classes 17 and 18 for γi-Kuria. According to Cammenga, augments occur word initially
(observe the ones in italic form) and all noun class prefixes in both languages follow
37
immediately after augments. With regard to the number of prefixes, one should note that
while classes 17-20 are present in γi-Kuria they are not present in Ke-Gusii. Given the
difference in number of class prefixes in the two languages, one can say that the number
of noun class prefixes is not constant in all Bantu languages.
As far as the numbering is concerned, except for class 21, Cammenga advocates
Meinhof’s approach of classifying Bantu nouns. Based on Meinhof’s approach, class 21
has the prefix γi-. But what we see in Cammenga’s work is the prefix Ňa-. Again, there
is no example of nouns for the mo- prefix in class 1a in both languages. Since we know
that class 1a in most Bantu languages carries a null prefix we can conclude that
Cammenga is possibly wrong to have had the mo- prefix in class 1a. Apart from
numbering, Cammenga treats augments as part and parcel of the noun class prefixes in
his morphological parsing. This is inappropriate since augments and noun class prefixes
are two different morphological aspects.
The issue of the shape of the augment in classes 10 and 10a, in most Bantu languages
around Lake Victoria, seems to be complicated. Scholars such as Cammenga (1992: 78,
2002: 199) think that augments in classes 10 and 10a in Ke-Gusii and γi-Kuria have the
CV and VCV forms respectively as shown in his analysis (cf. table 2 above). This view
is incorrect since the ca is not the augment but rather part of the original form of classes
10 and 10a prefixes –caN (cf. Maho 1999: 301). We will explain this by presenting two
arguments: First, earlier studies of Bantu noun classes provide evidence that the prefix
38
for classes 10 and 10a was originally of a VCV structure which was later reduced to a
nasal form (N) in languages like Luganda and retained in some languages (cf. Werner
1919: 23, 26). Thus, diachronically, languages like γi-Kuria, Ki-Nata, and Ke-Gusii, to
mention but a few, have retained the early Proto-Bantu shape in class 10 with slight
transformation to CVC (caN) while in class 9 the original VCV form has been reduced
to VC, in this case aN (cf. Maho 1999: 301).
Second, it is widely accepted in Bantu language studies that the noun prefix controls the
concordial agreement between a noun and a verb. The following are example of
sentences:
13. a) γi-Kuria: ciŋgoγé ce-era ce-keɲere ‘those baboons have fled’
b) Ki-Nata: caŋguγé ci-iri ci-ŋosire
‘those baboons have fled’
c) Ke-Zanake: zeŋgoγé ze-rya ze-ŋosire ‘those baboons have fled’
d) Ki-Isenye: ceŋguγé ci-ire ce-kaŋosa ‘those baboons have fled’
If we disregard the surface forms of augments, it is apparent that in the above languages
the noun formatives in italics are part of the NPX because they are concordial elements.
This makes our exercise of determining this morpheme even simpler since augments
never count as markers of concordial agreement.
39
In his Umbo-Nomino Katika Ci-Ruuri, Massamba (1976) gives a detailed description of
Ci-Ruuri nominal morphology. The major aspects dealt with in his study include: Noun
classification, noun structure, and function of nominal morphemes. Other aspects are
derivation of nouns from verbs and function of augments. According to Massamba, the
structure of the Ci-Ruuri noun includes three morphemes, namely, a pre-prefix, noun
prefix and a noun root or stem. In his later work, The Classification of Ci-Ruuri Nouns,
Massamba (1995: 607-608) discusses various approaches to Bantu noun classification.
From the description of the Nominal Prefix Approach by Meinhof, Massamba forms the
following Ci-Ruuri noun class prefixes:
14. 1 mu
8 [β]i-
14
[β]u-
2
[β]a
9 n-
15
ku-
3
mu-
10 n-
16
a-
4
mi-
11 ru-
17
e-
5
li-
12 ka-
18
mu-
6
ma-
13 tu-
19
gu-
7
ci-
In the above data, as it is in Ke-Gusii and γi-Kuria, classes 1-10 and 12-13, odd
numbered prefixes indicate the singular forms of nouns to which they are attached, while
the even ones immediately following them, indicate their corresponding plurals.
Although in Ke-Gusii and γi-Kuria class 13 does not exist, it does in Ci-Ruuri. With
regard to class 12 [ka], Massamba (1995) explains that this prefix has disappeared in
40
some languages like Kiswahili and has been replaced by ki. Some speakers of standard
Kiswahili have, however, begun using it again. Regarding the function of the prefix,
Massamba argues that the prefix is a presentation of several concepts like humans (class
1 [mu-]), abstract (class 14 [βu-] etc. In Ki-Nata, as we shall see in Chapter Three, both
class 12 and 13 exist and also mark diminutiveness. As it is in Ci-Ruuri, the prefixes in
Ki-Nata convey different concepts.
Unlike Ki-Nata, where any vowel can appear as a pre-prefix, in Ci-Ruuri, according to
Massamba (1976, 1977, 1995), a vowel cannot appear as a pre-prefix if it has the
features:
+back
+high
+round
The Ci-Ruuri noun pre-prefix, like it is in other Bantu languages (cf. Hyman and
Katamba, 1991 on Luganda; Progovic, 1991 on Ki-Nande; Byarushengo et al, 1959 on
Luhaya), deletes in certain contexts such as in negative and interrogative constructions,
while in affirmative ones it is retained.
In all the three languages, nouns can be derived from verbs. The main processes
described in these languages (i.e. Ke-Gusii, γi-Kuria and Ci-Ruuri) include prefixation
and suffixation where prefixes and suffixes are added on verbal roots/stems. Both
Cammenga (1992, 2002) and Massamba (1976) explicitly show that suffixes added to
verbal roots/stems to form nouns appear in different patterns such as -i, -o, -e, etc. and
41
that they count for some semantic motivation of nouns to which they are attached.
Below are some examples from Ci-Ruuri (Massamba 1976:
74) and Ke-Gusii
(Cammenga 2002: 531):
15. a) Ci-Ruuri
Stem/root
lim-
Derived noun
‘cultivate’
o-mu-lim-i
‘cultivator’
(translation is mine)
b) Ke-Gusii
Input
-rem-
Suffixation
-i
Prefixation
mo-
Augmentation
o-
Output
‘dig’
omoremi
As seen from the above data, the output from both Ci-Ruuri and Ke-Gusii derived nouns
has involved prefixation and suffixation of affixes. Furthermore, the nominalizing suffix
–i in (a) and (b) above carries the connotation of the performer of the action. The data
we have in Ki-Nata reveal that nominal derivation uses prefixation and suffixation in
deriving nouns from verbs (cf. §. 3.3).
42
1.12 Research Methodology
1.12.1 Study Site
This research was conducted in Nata Ward, Serengeti District, Mara Region. This is
because Nata is the heartland of Ki-Nata. Due to this, it was hoped that the researcher
would be able to elicit the necessary linguistic information.
1.12.2 Population Sample
As a native speaker of the language, the researcher has furnished some data. But in order
to avoid imposing idiosyncratic features on the data, ten informants (of different age
groups and sex) were randomly chosen to provide a body of vocabulary (nouns), phrases
and sentences in the language under discussion. The selection of informants was based
on the requirement that the informant had to be a native speaker of the language.
1.12.3 Data Collection Procedure
Since the intention of this study was to collect a corpus of lexical items (nouns), phrases
and sentences in Ki-Nata, the procedure used was face-to-face interviews. This means,
the researcher went to the field to elicit data from the informants.
1.12.4 Instruments of Data Collection
1.12.4.1 Questionnaire
In this study, a close-ended type of questionnaire was used as a guide for the interview.
The questionnaire was written in English and included about 200 nouns denoting
different body parts, natural phenomena, nouns derived from adjectives, verbs, etc.
43
Also, for the sake of generalizations pertaining to augments in Ki-Nata, various phrases
and sentences were recorded.
1.12.4.2 Tape recorder
A tape recorder was used during the fieldwork to record some conversations, corpus of
lexical items, phrases and sentences.
1.13 Summary
In this chapter, we have presented preliminary information on our study such as
geographical location, background to the problem, statement of the problem, objectives
of the study, significance of the problem, theoretical framework and research questions.
Also, fieldwork information as well as review of related literature on Ki-Nata and other
related languages have been provided.
44
CHAPTER TWO
THE BANTU NOUN STRUCTURE: AN OVERVIEW
2.1 Introduction
In this chapter we examine the Bantu noun structure in detail. Since we believe that
Bantu languages share certain nominal morphological features, it is hoped that an
examination of Bantu noun structure will shed light in the course of exploring the noun
structure of Ki-Nata.
2.2 The Bantu noun structure: an overview
There are different forms of nouns in Bantu languages. One is the form in which a noun
is formed by a free morpheme. Such nouns have no affixes. Observe Kiswahili nouns
below:
16. mama
‘mother’
maji
‘water’
Faraja
‘person name’
Kaka
‘elder brother’
All Kiswahili nouns under 16 above are formed by free morphemes.
A Bantu noun can also be formed by bound morphemes. Such nouns are analyzed as
consisting of a stem/root and an affix. An affix, in the morphology of a noun, can be a
45
noun prefix, or in nouns derived from verbs a noun suffix (cf. Schadeberg, 2003: 71). In
most Bantu nouns, a noun root is that part which is no more analyzable morphologically.
Except for nouns formed by free morphemes, in most Bantu nouns a root/stem combines
with either an NPx or suffix or both to form a word (Adonijah, 2003: 43). In Kiswahili,
quick examples here would be words under 17 below:
17.
m-zee
‘old man’
lind-o
‘guard’
ki-lim-o
‘cultivation’
In 17 above, the prefix in the word m-zee, is m- and the stem is –zee. In lind-o, the word
has the root/stem lind- and the suffix –o. The word ki-lim-o is formed by the prefix ki-,
the root/stem –lim- and the suffix –o. However, as we have already seen, in some Bantu
languages, a noun prefix can be preceded by an augment. We shall now try to examine
this element more closely:
2.2.1 The Augment
In some Bantu languages nominal prefixes are sometimes preceded by a formative that
has been given different names by different Bantu scholars. Gregersen (1967), for
example refers to it as pre-prefix. De Blois (1970) calls it the augment; Guthrie (196771) calls it double prefix; and Mould (1974) calls it initial vowel. Of these labels, the
label augment seems to be used more commonly by Bantu scholars. As a matter of
consistency we will use this label throughout this work.
46
Most Bantuists tend to agree that an augment is a morphological segment retained from
an earlier Proto-Bantu CV form (Chagas 1977: 35). However, the occurrence of this
formative is reported with variations in terms of shape and function from one Bantu
language to another. It is important to point out here that some Bantu languages like KiSwahili (G42), Ki-Matuumbi (P13), Ki-Nkutšu (C73), to mention but a few, have no
augments (cf. Maho 1999: 61). Some Bantu scholars report that augments in some
languages (i.e. Luganda, Ruhaya, Isizulu, etc.) are simply initial vowels (cf. Ashton et al
(1954: 402); Byarushengo et al (1977: 35); Maho (1999: 61) respectively).
As is widely accepted in other Bantu languages, it is still possible to say that the shapes
of augments are mostly controlled by the vowel harmony rule. Furthermore, there seems
to be restrictions on the distribution of augments in Bantu languages. For instance, while
in Otjiherero no other vowel will appear as an augment apart from [o] and [e], in CiRuuri, as we pointed out earlier (cf. Massamba 1977: 52), and Ruhaya (cf. Chagas 1977:
35), [u] does not appear as an augment.
The most debatable issue pertaining to the augment is its function. This is because the
function of this formative seems to be difficult to pinpoint. There are various views
regarding the function of the augment in Bantu languages. One view is that of treating
augments as part and parcel of the class prefix. This is the view held by Guthrie (1970:
83, 87). Let us closely observe the way he treats this formative in the following
examples from Ki-Nata and Ci-Bemba:
47
18. a) Ki-Nata (E.45)
18. b) Ci-Bemba (M.42)
Cl 7 eβe
eβi-sara
‘roofs’
eβe-sima
‘wells’
eβe-kuβa
‘chests’
eβε-rεrɔ
‘vegetables’ (relish)
Cl 1 umu umu-londo
‘fisherman’
2 aβa
aβa-londo
‘fishermen’
3 umu
umu-koŋkwa ‘gully’
7 ici
ici-kolwe
‘ancestor’
7 icy
icy-alo
‘country’
As we can see from his morphological parsing of Ki-Bemba and Ki-Nata above, Guthrie
does not separate the augment from the noun class prefix. This shows that, to him, the
augment is part and parcel of the class prefix. Guthrie calls the unit in bold the “prefix
unit.” Such units, according to him, will always be quoted without a hyphen between an
augment and NPx (Guthrie 1970: 80). However, researches in Bantu languages show
that the augment and the prefix are two distinct formatives. Augments tend to disappear
in certain grammatical contexts (cf. Massamba 1976: 70; Hyman and Katamba
(henceforth H&K, 1993: 223-228).
Early scholars who worked on South African Bantu languages like Isizulu and Isixhosa,
wondered whether this formative should be called an “article” or not. Bourquin (1946)
in his The So-called Article in Xhosa, (cf. Massamba, 1976: 54), presents various views
from different scholars on the augment. He shows that Dohme (1857) is the pioneer of
48
the idea that augments function the same as “definite articles” in English. In the ZuluKafir Dictionary by Bourquin, (Massamba, 1976: 55) contends that this formative in
Isizulu shows definiteness of the noun. Other scholars supporting this view include
Bleek (1862) Comparative Grammar of South African Languages, who maintains that
this formative is an “article” and it deletes in certain environments such as when it
appears after a negative verb. Again according to Massamba (1976: 56), Mcharen (1886)
in Outline of Xhosa Grammar, and Torrend (1887) in Outline of Xhosa Grammar
contribute to the idea that the augment in Isixhosa is the “article” and it conveys the
concept of definiteness.
Massamba (1976: 56) reports that other scholars do not subscribe to the view that
augments in Bantu function as “articles”. Massamba (op. cit.) argues that Grout (1893)
in his Grammar of the Zulu Languages refutes the argument that augments are the same
as “articles.” He adds that in Isizulu or other languages closer to Isizulu there is nothing
like the so-called “article.” Bryant (1905) in his the Zulu-English Dictionary, apart from
agreeing with Grout, goes even further to add that “articles” do not exist in Bantu
languages (cf. Massamba 1976: 56).
Massamba (1976: 57-58) reports further that other scholars who go along with Grout
are: Werner (1919) in her Introductory Sketch of the Bantu Languages, who argues that
the function of augments in Bantu languages is not the same as that of English articles
“a” and “the.” Like Werner (ibid: 49), Samuelson (1915) in his A Zulu Grammar rejects
49
the argument that there is a “definite article” in Isizulu. He agrees that augments are
present in Isizulu and play the role of definiteness and that their manifestation depends
on the context.
H&K (1993: 211), also discuss the function of the augment, arguing that some scholars
claim that the presence or absence of an augment in Bantu languages is licensed by,
among other things, pragmatic/semantic or syntactic generalizations. On pragmatic
grounds, they review the argument of Givon (1971) that augment conditioning is
pragmatic. On the other hand, Progovic (1993: 257-267), who advocates the syntactic
function of augment, takes the view that augments are syntactically conditioned. H&K
(1993: 221) take the following Ki-Nande example from Progovic:
19. a) Yohani si anzire o-mukali
[+def, +spec]
‘John doesn’t like the woman’
b)
Yohani si anzire mukali
[-def, -spec]
‘John doesn’t like any woman’
c)
*Yohani anzire mukali
[-spec]
‘John likes any woman’
H&K show that the presence of an augment after a negative verb, such as in 19(a),
indicates a definite and specific referent, while its absence, as in 19(b), designates an
indefinite, none specific referent. According to H&K, specificity is here taken to mean
that there is referentiality. In other words, a specific referent exists or it is intended. The
50
ungrammaticality of 19(c) suggests that the non-augmented form cannot appear after an
affirmative verb. On Givon’s side, the above examples support his contention in that
concepts such as specificity and definiteness are reduced to pragmatic or semantic
primes. That is, the use or non-use of augments still depends upon context.
Apart from specificity and definiteness concepts, the augment is viewed as a determiner
marker (cf. Meeussen 1959). Addressing the Ki-Rundi case, Meeussen (1959: 63)
contends that the augment marks headness or initiality within an immediate NP. This is
to say that Meeussen is also of the opinion that augments are syntactically motivated.
Moreover, the presence of the augment in some Bantu languages has been viewed as
part of inflectional morphology. H&K (op .cit: 218) refer to Anderson (1988), who
argues that the function of the augment is conditioned by a combination of syntactic and
morphological requirements. According to H&K (op. cit: 218), Anderson (ibid) argues
further that there is no semantic or pragmatic generalization underlying the use of
augment; instead, the partial pragmatic generalizations concerning definiteness are
limited to specific construction, and for that reason, cannot serve as a general account of
the phenomenon.
However, the above generalizations may not necessarily capture all cases pertaining to
the function of augments in all Bantu languages. The study of augment in Tonga
language by Carter (1963: 34) (cf. H&K op. cit), for instance, reveals that the augment
51
has no defining function. According to H&K, Carter shows that it is impossible to set up
rules of use for the augment, since it has no use in the sense of function. She concludes
that the augment has no place in the structure of the language, since there are no
conditions under which its appearance is obligatory.
A closer examination of the above discussion on augment function in Bantu languages
shows that the issue of augment function is still elusive. Since the issue of function of
the augment in Bantu languages is rather complicated, there is a need for more research
in this area.
2.2.2 The Noun Class Prefix (NPx)
In his description of the characteristic features of Bantu languages, Guthrie (1948: 11)
makes mention of the system of grammatical gender. What needs to be stressed here is
that the use of the term “gender” by Guthrie differs from that of Indo-European
languages. Nouns in languages like German, Latin and Greek are classified according to
gender classes –a distinction between male entities (masculine), female entities
(feminine) and sexless entities or animals (neuter) (Werner 1919; Dixon 1968). To come
to grips with gender in Indo-European languages, let us observe the following examples
from German and Spanish by Yule (1985: 71):
20. a)
German
Grammatical Gender
Masculine
Example
der mond
Gloss
‘the moon’
52
b)
Spanish
Feminine
die sonne
‘the sun’
Neuter
das feuer
‘the fire’
Masculine
el sol
‘the sun’
la luna
‘the moon’
Feminine
As we can see from both German and Spanish examples, formatives in bold take
different forms depending on the noun category of grammatical gender –masculine,
feminine or neuter.
To Guthrie, nouns in Bantu languages are not classified by masculine, feminine and
neuter class genders but rather by independent prefixes –noun class prefixes. A noun
prefix in this case, according to him, is a sign of “gender.” A prefix as a feature of
grammatical gender is, therefore, used to assort words into a number of classes varying
roughly from 10 to 205. According to Guthrie, there is a closer association between
independent prefixes with identical stems and “gender.” This means that all nouns
having independent prefixes with identical stems will form one gender. To understand
what Guthrie means by “class genders” let us examine the following examples from
three different Bantu Languages:
21. a)
Ki-Nata:
I
Iki:-rema
II υβu-i:ro
5
‘darkness’
‘loyalty’
Since Guthrie’s noun class prefixes do not differ from those of Pro-Bantu by Meinhof (1932) we refer to
Proto Bantu ones as elaborated in (§. 1.8.2)
53
III ama-γuta
b)
c)
Kiswahili:
Chasu:
‘oil’
I m-vulana---------------wa-vulana ‘boy/boys’
II m-ti---------------------mi-ti
‘tree/trees’
III ki-ti----------------------vi-ti
‘chair/chairs’
IV ji-we---------------------ma-we
‘stone/stones’
I m-bwange
‘young man’
II va-bwange
‘young men’
III u-bwange
‘youth’
In Guthrie’s sense, 21(a) is an example of one class gender. Specifically, there are three
different one-class genders: the Iki-, υβu and ama-. Each noun in 21(a) is an example of
one-class gender simply because each independent prefix can only be associated with a
single identical stem. 21(b) has examples of two class-genders. Thus, each pair in 21(b)
is an example of two class-genders. The reason being that each identical stem in those
pairs can only be associated with two independent prefixes. As we can see in 21(b), in
each pair of independent prefixes –m-/wa, m-/mi-, ki-/vi-, and ji-/ma-, one independent
prefix denotes singular and the other plural. Chasu nouns in 21(c) are examples of
multiple-class genders. That is, a single identical stem can be associated with more than
two independent prefixes (cf. m-, va, and u- in 21c). Although Guthrie himself does not
define what gender means in Bantu languages, given the above treatment of noun
pairings in 21(a-c), to him gender seems to mean a combination of any identical stem
with an independent prefix. The combination of this sort, therefore, forms gender classes
as exemplified in 21(a-c).
54
As we have seen, the concept “gender” is so broad and it means different things to
different linguists (cf. Guthrie’s gender concept in Bantu and gender in Indo-European
languages). To most linguists, however, “gender” is used in the sense that is understood
in the perspective of the Indo-European languages. In this case, one would argue that the
concept of “gender” does not exist in Bantu languages. Moreover, the classification of
Bantu nouns as accepted by most Bantuists, can best be done by using a system of noun
classes and not a system of class genders as Guthrie suggests.
2.2.2.1 Semantic Motivation of Noun Classes
Most Bantuists agree that the Bantu noun class system appears to be at least partially
semantically motivated. This is because some nouns that share a particular feature, e.g.
[+HUMAN], or [+ABSTRACT], belong to the same class (Kahigi 2003). For instance,
in most Bantu languages nouns whose singulars begin with m(u)- and plurals with wagenerally refer to human beings or animates (cf. Massamba 1995: 606) and are normally
placed in classes 1 and 2 respectively; Classes 3 and 4 (mu-mi) contain, besides trees,
parts and organs of the body, etc. (cf. Werner 1919); Class 11 (lu-) (or u- in languages
like Ki-Swahili) consists mainly of long, thin, broad objects etc.
Despite the opacity and blurred nature of the semantic criterion in Bantu noun classes,
there is still evidence which shows that members of a given noun class at least belong to
the same semantic realms i.e. [+HUMAN], [+ANIMATE], [+INANIMATE]. The later
55
makes us tend to agree with Massamba (1995) that the classification of Bantu noun was
initially based on clear semantic criteria, perhaps during Proto-Bantu period.
The term ‘noun prefix’ according to Guthrie (1970: 41), refers to ‘the concord element
of an ‘independent nominal’6 as in the following Ci-Bemba (M42) example:
Umulondo umbi akaya
‘another fisherman will go’
The nominal prefix umu- is taken as the controller of the grammatical agreement that
forms the part of a set umu-, u-, a-. All these are, therefore, placed in the same class,
numbered class 1 in this case.
Guthrie takes the approach in which each noun class is identified by a specific nominal
prefix. A number (an Arabic numeral) is then assigned to a nominal prefix, which
counts as a noun class marker, and the number assigned to it as its class number. In such
a case, a noun class prefix is thus a complex unit having both a noun prefix and a noun
class number.
6
The term “nominal” in this case does not simply refer to nouns alone but it is a cover term for
adnominals, pronouns and nouns.
56
2.2.3 Noun Derivation
Noun derivation in Bantu covers the formation of noun stems from verbs, adjectives and
other elements and the specification of the classes with which the noun stems may be
associated in the construction of nouns. Quite typical of the Bantu situation is the fact
that a noun stem, whether underived or derived, gets associated with as many groups of
classes as are allowed by the meaning restrictions of the stem/or the derivational affix
(cf. Kahigi 2003: 17). Studies on Bantu noun derivation (cf. Polomé, 1967; Massamba,
1977; Kahigi, 2003; Rugemalira, 2005, to mention but a few) reveal that nouns are
mainly derived through affixation. The following affixation processes are identified in
noun derivation:
2.2.3.1 Deriving nouns by changing classes
Rugemalira (2005: 67) gives the following examples from Runyambo:
22. a) en-ju
house [standard]
b) aka-ju (nice) small house; hut [pejorative if seen as inappropriately small]
c) oru-ju large house, hall; [pejorative if seen as inappropriately large/designed]
d) eci-ju
house [pejorative: too big or not well built/kept]
What happens here is that one noun stem –ju is associated with different noun class
prefixes such as class 9, 12, 11 and 7 as in 22 a, b, c and d above to modify the meaning
of the noun by change of the class. Basically, what we see here is meaning modification
or expansion of the same noun by the change of class.
57
2.2.3.2 Noun stems formed from verb stems/roots
The majority of derived nouns are ‘deverbative’. This means adding a nominal suffix [or
nominal class prefix] to simple verbal root/stem forms derived nouns (cf. Polomé, 1967:
77). There are different ways of deriving nouns from verb stems, some of which include:
i) using a nominalizing suffix {-i}. ii) using a nominalizing suffix {–o}. iii) by use of
suffix {-e}.
2.2.3.2.1 Using a nominalizing suffix {-i}.
In Bantu languages the pattern {-i} is associated with derived nouns of different classes.
For instance:
23.
Luganda
o-mu-som-i
‘reader’ from soma ‘read,’ Werner
(1919: 200).
Ci-Ruuri
o-βu-lim-i
‘cultivation’ from lima ‘cultivate,’ Massamba
(1977: 75).
Sisumbwa
li-lamuz*-i
‘huge or strong judge’ from lamula, ‘judge’
Kahigi (2003: 18).
Ki-Swahili
ki-ongoz-i
‘leader’ from ongoza ‘lead.’
ma-lez*-i
‘up bringing’ from lea ‘bring up’ Polomé
(1967: 77)
The agentive nominalizer suffix {-i} mostly indicates the person or thing performing the
action as for derived nouns in Luganda, Sisumbwa and Kiswahili above. Nouns derived
58
with suffix {-i} belonging to class prefix {βu-}, like in Ci-Ruuri above, express abstract
concepts, while those belonging to class prefix {ma-}, like in Ki-Swahili, express
totality, (cf. Polomé 1967: 77). However, one should note that the use of nominalizing
suffix {-i} may fricatize some consonants, i.e. nouns indicated by an asterisk above,
their root-final consonant /l/ changes to [z], (cf. Kahigi 2003: 19).
Apart from the agentive suffix {-i} Polomé (1967: 77) reports that the allomorph {-ji} is
also used to derive nouns from verbs. He gives examples of nouns like m-soma-ji
‘habitual reader’ from soma ‘read’, u-omba-ji ‘professional begging’ from omba ‘beg’,
ki-nywa-ji ‘beverage’/’a drink’ from kunywa ‘drink. Werner (1919: 43) concludes that
nouns derived by the Ki-Swahili suffix {-ji} taking the {m(u)-} or {u-} class prefixes
denote habitual actions. While on the one hand we agree with the idea by both Werner
(1919) and Polomé (1967) that Ki-Swahili nouns derived by suffix {-ji} taking the
{m(u)-} class prefix denote habitual action, on the other hand we are of the opinion that
Ki-Swahili nouns derived by suffix {-ji} taking the {u-} class prefix denote ‘manner of
doing something’ and not habitual actions as Werner (1919) states. We think that nouns
derived by { u-} NPX, and {ji-} suffix sound more of abstract nouns than nouns
denoting habitual actions.
59
2.2.3.3 Nouns formed with the nominalizing suffix (-o}
Polomé (1967: 78) contends that the suffix {-o} in most Bantu languages has essentially
a double function, indicating a) the implement which performs the action, and b) the
ultimate result of the action. He gives the following examples from Ki-Swahili:
24.
(i) ki-zib-o
‘cork’ from ziba ‘stop up’.
(ii) ki-funik-o ‘lid’ from funika ‘cover’
(iii) ma-lish-o ‘pasture’ from lisha ‘feed’
(iv) m-shon-o ‘seam’ from shona ‘sew’
(v) u-kom-o ‘end/conclusion’ from koma ‘stop/reach the end’
(vi) siki-o
‘ear’ from sikia ‘hear’
Here we should note that the suffix {-o} occurs with a number of class prefixes, the {ki}, {ma-}, {m-}, {u-}, Ø, etc. The two afore-mentioned functions of the suffix {-o},
according to Polomé, may be assumed simultaneously in all of the above examples.
However, the later statement seems to be too general since (vi) above does not
accommodate role (b) that is the ultimate result of the action. The noun siki-o ‘ear’, masiki-o ‘ears’ is its plural, simply means the implement which is used to perform the
action –kusikia ‘to hear’ but not the ultimate result of the action.
2.2.3.4 Nouns formed with the nominalizing suffix {-e}
Kahigi (2003: 20) gives the following examples of Sisumbwa nouns:
25.
βu-konde ‘gentleness’ from konda ‘become soft’
60
βu-moote ‘nice smell’ from moota ‘smell nice’
Regarding the function of the suffix {-e} Polomé (1967: 79-80) argues that deverbatives
formed by this suffix indicate the person or object undergoing the action. While in
Sisumbwa, according to Kahigi (2003: 20), the nominalizing suffix {-e} is used to form
derived nouns with the {βu-} class prefix only, in Ki-Swahili it is used with a variety of
noun class prefixes i.e. m-tum-e ‘apostle’ from tuma ‘send’, ki-umb-e ‘creature’ from
umba ‘create’ u-tum-e ‘apostasy’ from tuma ‘send’, etc.
Other productive patterns in deriving nouns from verbs include: use of suffix {-u}, i.e. in
Ki-Swahili word m-tukuf*-u ‘exalted person’ from tukuka ‘be exalted’. An asterisk
means that there is a morphophonological process by which a nominalizing suffix {-u}
has changed the voiceless velar plosive into the voiceless labial-dental fricative.
However, apart from affixation patterns, other processes like reduplication and
compounding are also productive in Bantu nominal derivation (cf.
Polomé 1967;
Kahigi 2003; Nurse and Phillipson 2003).
2.3 Summary
In this chapter we have attempted an overview description of the Bantu noun structure
by examining three aspects, namely noun augments, noun class prefixes and derivation.
It is evident that the canonical structure of underived nouns takes the rule (AUGMENT)
+ NPX + STEM, while the rule for derived nouns is (AUGMENT) + NPX +
STEM/ROOT + (NOMINALIZING SUFFIX). Moreover, it is important to point out
61
that morphophonological, syntactic and semantic criteria become handy in the
description of Bantu noun structure.
62
CHAPTER THREE
THE KI-NATA NOUN STRUCTURE
3.1 Introduction
In this chapter we describe three aspects of the noun structure in Ki-Nata, namely AG,
NPx and nominal derivation. In augmented nouns the canonical shape of a Ki-Nata noun
with AG, ie. AG- NPx- NOUN STEM/ROOT- SUFFIX, shows that it is the AG that
precedes the NPx. If a noun has an AG, NPx and a noun stem/root, the noun stem/root
occupies the third slot and the noun suffix fills the last slot. We will now begin with the
AG.
3.2 AGs in Ki-Nata Nouns
In Ki-Nata, the AG manifests itself as a single vowel preceding a CV prefix. However,
nouns in the locative classes 16-18, including some nouns in class 5 with stems
beginning with consonants never take AGs. Moreover, proper nouns in this language
occur without AGs. Examples of proper nouns are nouns denoting names of people,
place names and country names as shown below:
26. a) Wambura
b) Ro:βanda
Saβiti
Mo:tukeri
Nyakorema
Ti:rina
c) βuraya ‘Europe’
βu:ngereca ‘United Kingdom’
63
As we can see, proper nouns in 26(a-c) never take AGs. Let us now go back and
examine the following data in which AGs appear with nouns:
27.
Class AG
1
1a
3
5
Examples
Class AG
Examples
Gloss
2
aβâ:to
person(s)/people
umwa:ná
aβa:ná
child(ren)
υmusa:ní
aβasa:ní
friend(s)
βa:tá:ta
father(s)
o/u/υ omô:to
ta:tá
a
2a
misé:ŋge
βamíse:ŋge
so:kόro
βasó:koro
o/u/υ/ɔ omoté
4
e/i/Ι/ε emeté
grandfather(s)
tree(s)/medicine(s)
umwε:rí
imyε:rí
υmutwé
Imitwé
head(s)
ɔ mɔrɔrɔ
εmέrɔrɔ
fire(s)
amâ:to
people (aug)
e/i/(Ι) erê:to
6
a
iryo:βá
-
riso:sό
7
paternal aunt(s)
moon(s)/month(s)
sun
amasό:so
lung(s)
eβériβici
girdle(s)
ikya:rá
iβya:rá
finger(s)
Ιkímwe:so
Ιβímwe:so
sacrifice(s)
eγekúβa
eβekúβa
εkέmεrɔ
εβέmεrɔ
ε/e/i/Ι ekériβici
8
ε/e/i/Ι
chest(s)/bosom(s)
throat(s)
64
9
11
amborí
ca:mborí
goat(s)
á:nda
cá:nda
stomach(s)
aɲakwa:há
ca:ɲakwa:há armpit(s)
aŋguγé
ca:ŋguγé
baboon(s)
atwí:γa
cátwi:γa
giraffe(s)
ca:siko
day(s)
o/u/υ orosíko
10
10
urwa:mbé
12
13
14
a
-
gossip
υrute:wa
ca:te:wa
broom(s)
υrúβaru
cá:mbaru
rib(s)
ɔ rɔhɔ:ŋgɔ
ca:hɔ:ŋgɔ
sieve(s)
aka:ná
19
/i/e/Ι/ε ihya:ná
child(ren) (dim)
aγácoγu
ehécoγu
elephant(s)(dim)
aγasáka
Ιhisáka
bush(es) (dim)
akárɔrɔ
εhέrɔrɔ
fire(s) (dim)
o/u/υ otόcoγu
elephants (dim)
utwa:ná
children (dim)
utwo:má
iron bars (dim)
υtumo:rí
calves (dim)
o/u/υ oβόruγi
manner of
cooking
oβoβése
quality
unripe
if
being
65
Class AG
15
Examples
Class AG
Examples
Gloss
uβwá:ŋgo
quickness
υβucόmu
beauty/goodness
o/u/υ okohéta
to pass
ukwa:ŋgá
to refuse
υkuhέ:cεra
to breath
oγoténa
to cut
uγwa:sáma
to open the
mouth wider
υγukáma
15a
16
o/u/υ
okόγoro
milking
6
a amáγoro
leg(s)
υkuβόko
amaβόko
arm(s)
oγotwé
amatwé
ear(s)
ha:sé
down/on the
ground
17
18
ha:rí
there
háno
here
kume:cá
on the table
komutwé
on the head
kúmotoka
on the car
múno
in here
mu:rí
in there
66
Class AG
19
Examples
Class AG
i/Ι/e/ε/
Examples
Gloss
mwiβa:ncá
in the cattle shed
ihya:ná
children (dim)
Ιhíta:mbara
20
rags (dim)
ehéβeγu
seeds (dim)
ehécoγu
elephants (dim)
εhέmεrɔ
throats (dim)
amasúβe
husband(s) (aug)
uγwa:ná
ama:ná
child(ren) (aug)
υγuta:rό
amata:rό
river(s) (aug)
ɔ γɔrɔrɔ
amárɔrɔ
fire(s) (aug)
o/u/υ oγosúβe
6
a
AGs which manifest as single vowels are identified as [i-], [u-], [e-], [ε-], [o-], [ɔ-] and
[a-]. AGs [Ι-] and [υ-] appear here as variant forms of [i-] and [u-] respectively. It is also
evident that some nouns (cf. nouns in classes 1a/2a, 9/10, 16-18 and some nouns in class
5, whose stems begin with consonants, occur without AGs. As we can see, in this
language, nouns in locative classes (16-18) and proper nouns (1a/2a) never take AGs.
Since there is no evidence from this language, which shows that nouns in locative
classes, or class 1a/2a occur with AGs, we can conclude that it is the nature of nouns in
these classes to occur without AGs. From our informants’ intuitions, it would seem that
these nouns initially occurred with AGs but due to diachronic changes the nouns have
lost their AGs.
67
Viewed superficially, one tends to think that the vowel in class 9 is the AG, but the fact
is, this vowel is part of the NPx, just like the ca in class 10 (cf. our discussion in §.
1.11.4 in Chapter One). In all classes other than 1a/2a, 9/10 and 16-18, strict vowel
harmony is observed between the AG and the prefix vowel. The AG is [e-] when the
prefix vowel is [e-] as in classes (4), (5), (6), (7), (8) and (19). The AG is [ε] when the
prefix vowel is [ε] as in classes 4, 7, 8 and 19; and the AG is [ɔ] when the prefix vowel
is also [ɔ] as classes 3, 11and 20. When the vowel of the prefix is [o-] the AG is also [o-]
as in classes (1), (3), (11), (13), (14), (15/15a) and (20); and when the AG is [a-] the
vowel of the prefix is also [a-] as in classes (2), (6) and (12). This paradigm shows that
AGs are in complete harmony with the prefix vowels.
As explained earlier, (cf. examples 6 and 7 in Chapter One), generalization pertaining to
AGs [i-]/[I-] and [u-]/[υ-] are accounted for by rule ordering. We have two rules
applying here namely glide formation and vowel harmony. The glide formation rule
applies before the vowel harmony rule. Once the glide formation rule has applied, vowel
harmony rule cannot. Observe the following nouns:
28. Cl 3 and 4 /umuε:rí/ →
[umwε:rí]
/imiε:rí/ →
[imyε:rí]
‘moon(s)/month(s)’
/umua:ndó/ → [umwa:ndó]
/imia:ndó/ → [imya:ndó]
‘cloth(es)’
Cl 7 and 8
/iγio:tó/ → [iγyo:tó]
/iβio:tó/ →
[iβyo:tó]
68
‘fire(s) for warming’
/ikia:rá/ →
[ikya:rá]
/iβia:rá/ →
[iβya:rá]
‘finger(s)’
Cl 11
/urua:mbé/ → [urwa:mbé]
‘gossip’
As we can see, AGs [i] and [u] are accounted for by glide formation rule. Once glide
formation rule has applied, vowel harmony rule cannot. Glide formation occurs when
prefix vowels, underlyingly /i/ or /u/ change into glides [y] or [w] respectively when
followed by non-identical vowels.
AGs [Ι-] and [υ-] are accounted for by vowel harmony. AG is [Ι-] or [υ-] when the prefix
vowel is /i/ or /u/ respectively. Observe what happens in the following nouns:
29. Cl. 7 and 8 /iγítanda/ → [Iγítanda] /iβítanda/ → [Iβítanda]
/iγi:sé/
→ [Iγi:sé]
/iβi:sé/
→ [Iβi:sé]
‘bedstead(s)’
‘flywhisks’
Cl. 3
/imite:wá/ → [Imite:wá]
‘brooms’ (aug).
Cl. 19
/ihítamba:ra/ → [Ιhítamba:ra]
‘rags. dim’
Cl. 1
/umukári/ → [υmukári]
‘woman’
Cl. 2
/umukáma/ → [υmukáma]
‘wind’
Cl. 15
/ukuγá:mba/ → [υkuγá:mba]
‘to speak’
From the above data, it is evident that AGs are underlyingly /i-/ or /u-/ but they are
lowered to [Ι-] and [υ-] respectively when they occur word initially if the noun stems
69
begin with consonants. (cf. rule 5 in Chapter One). In this regard we can still say that
there is a partial vowel harmony between AG [Ι-] or [υ-] and the prefix vowels.
3.2.1 Use and Omission of the AG
One of our working hypothesis claims that in Ki-Nata the use or non-use of AG in a
particular construction is essentially determined by semantic and syntactic attributes. An
attempt is made here to determine whether or not this is true. Let us examine various
constructions and see under which contexts AGs are retained or omitted:
30) a. u-mw-aná na-koréra.
AG-NPx1- ST TA-crying
‘the child is crying.’
b). mw-aná na-koréra?
NPx1-ST TA-crying
‘child is crying?’
c). *mw-aná na-koréra.
NPx1-ST TA-crying
‘child is crying.’
d). o - mo - t(e)7 o - γw - í:re. ‘the tree has fallen’
AG-NPx1-ST SC2-fall-PERF
e). mo - t(e) o - γw - í:re?
NPx1-ST SC2-fall-PERF
‘tree has fallen?’
f). *mo - t(e) o - γw - í:re.
NPx1-ST SC2-fall-PERF
‘tree has fallen’
31 a). N - gor - (e) a - ma - βere. ‘I should buy some milk’
1PER-buy-MA AG-NPx6-ST
b). N-gor-(e) ma-βere?
1PER-buy-MA NPx6-ST
7
‘should I buy any milk?’
The brackets mean that the relevant vowel deletes before the AG in the adjacent word.
70
c). * N-gor-(e) ma-βere.
1PER-buy-MA NPx6-ST
32 a). ruγ-(a) o- βo - kima.
cook AG-NPx14-ST
b). βo - kima ke?
NPx14-ST which
c) *o - βo - kima ke?
AG-NPx14-ST which
‘I should buy any milk’
‘cook some stiff porridge’
‘which ugali?’
‘which some ugali’
d). o- βo - kima βw(a)
o - βu - ta:ka. ‘some ugali of cassava flour’
AG-NPx14-ST A-CONECT AG-NPx14-ST
33 a). mo-suβe ke a - het-ire hano?
NPx1-ST which SC1-Pass-PERF here
b). mo-suβe wond(e) a - het - ire; n’timweche.
NPx1-ST certain SC1-Pass-PERF
‘which man has passed here?’
‘a certain man passed; I don’t
know him’
c). o-mo-suβe wond(e) a - het - ire; n’timweche. ‘a certain man passed;
AG-NPx1-ST certain SC1-Pass-PERF
I don’t know him’
34 a) N - no: - kuγeγ(a) e - γi - ko Wambura?
1PER-TA-carry
AG-NPx7-ST
b) N - te - kuγeγa γi-ko.
1PER-TA-carry NPx7-ST
c) *N - te - kuγeγ(a) e -γi – ko.
1PER-NEG-carry AG-NPx7-ST
d) ri: -si u-mw-ana!
eat-Cas AG- NPx1-ST
‘Wambura, will you carry the
calabash?’
‘I won’t carry any calabash’
‘I won’t carry the calabash’
‘cause the child to eat’
e) N - te - korisi mw-ana.
1PER-NEG-feed
NPx1-ST
‘I won’t cause any child to eat’
f) Ne - korisi u-mw-ana.
1PER-feed NPx1-ST
‘I will cause the child to eat’
71
35.
a) Uyo n(i) o:-mo - γo:ndo.
That CP AG-NPx2-ST
‘that is the farm’
b) Uyo m’mo - γo:ndo?
That CP NPx2-ST
‘Is that a farm’?
c) *Uyo m’o-mo - γo:ndo?
That CP NPx2-ST
‘Is that a farm’?
d) tanyi’mo - γo:ndo.
Isn’t NPx2-ST
36.
‘that isn’t the farm’
e) * tanyi’o-mo - γo:ndo.
Isn’t AG-NPx2-ST
‘that isn’t the farm’
f) Kiyo n(i) e: -kí - γeso.
That CP AG-NPx7-ST
‘that is the knife’
g) Kiyo ŋ’kí - γeso?
That CP NPx7-ST
‘Is that a knife?’
h) tanyi’kí - γeso.
isn’t NPx7- ST
‘It isn’t a knife’
i) *tanyi’e – kí - γeso.
isn’t AG-NPx7-ST
‘It isn’t the knife’
a) kira ŋ-gúγe.
every 9-baboon
‘every baboon’
b) *kira a-ŋ-gúγe.
‘every baboon’
c) kira ro-síko.
every AG-11-day
‘every day’
d) *kira o-ro-síko.
‘every day’
We now examine more closely these constructions to see in which contexts the AG is
omitted or retained. Examination of sentences 30(a-f) shows that sentences 30(a and d)
are affirmative, while those in 30(b and e) are interrogative. While the affirmative
sentences (30a and d) are acceptable in Ki-Nata, sentences 30(c and f) are unacceptable.
This is because nouns in affirmative sentences such as those in 30(c and f) have to
72
appear with AGs. The AG disappears when such sentences are changed into questions
(cf. 30b and e).
As in sentences 30(a-f), sentence 31(a), which is affirmative, the AG is obligatorily
required. Sentence 31(c) is unacceptable because nouns in affirmative sentences have to
appear with AGs. When 31(a), which is affirmative, changes into an interrogative
sentence, i.e. 31(b), the noun loses its AG.
In sentences 32(a-d) we have the following forms of sentences: Sentence 32(a) is a
normal affirmative, while 32(d) is the reply of the question in 32(c). As we can see, in
all affirmative sentences (32a and d) nouns appear with AGs. On the other hand, while
sentence 32(b) is acceptable as a Wh-question in this language, sentence 32(c), which is
also a Wh-question, is unacceptable simply because the noun has occurred without an
augment.
What we need to point out here is that in the affirmative sentences 30(a and d), 31(a) and
32(a and d) the presence of the augment specifies the noun in question. This means in
30(a and d) the speaker has the knowledge of “the child” and “the tree” in question; in
31(a) the speaker knows which kind of milk he/she is talking about; likewise in
sentences 32(a and d) the speaker has some prior information on the type of ugali he/she
is talking about. The omission of AG in some interrogative sentences renders the
objects (child, tree, milk and ugali) unspecified. Furthermore, we emphasize here that
73
while in any case in Wh-questions 32(b) and 33(a) the noun must appear without an AG,
it is possible for the noun in questions 30(b and e) and 31(b) to appear with an AG.
However, this is possible only if the speaker has prior information on the noun
(umwa:na and omote).
Sentence 33(a) is a question followed by two replies; 33(b) and 33(c). The same
treatment of the omission of AG in Wh-questions is maintained in sentence 33(a). Unlike
languages like Ki-Nande (cf. Progovic 1993) which, whenever a negative verb is used a
noun must appear without an AG, sentences 33(b) and 33(c) are acceptable in Ki-Nata.
The two sentences have a relationship of some kind in that the speaker in both sentences
talks of an unknown person. However, while the speaker in sentence 33(b) does not have
a clear image of the man who passed there, the speaker in sentence 33(c) does. It is in
view of this difference that other Ki-Nata speakers would reject sentence 33(b) as being
ungrammatical simply because a noun, in this case denoting the unknown person, should
not carry an AG. To recapitulate, sentence 33(c) is acceptable in this language if a
speaker has a clear image of the man in question, though unknown by name.
Sentence 34(a) is a request followed by two negative replies in 34(b) and 34(c). In
making this request the speaker assumes that the hearer knows or sees the calabash in
question. Because the speaker has special information regarding the calabash, this noun,
therefore, appears with the AG. Negative sentence 34(c) is unacceptable in this language
simply because the noun has occurred with an augment. A noun in a negative sentence
74
(particularly when it is before a negative verb) must appear without an AG, which is the
case in sentence 34(b). This is because, as we have explained earlier, the speaker in
sentence 34(b) does not specify which calabash he/she does not want to carry. In other
words, the speaker means that he/she won’t carry any calabash at all. Although both
sentences 33(c) and 34 (b) are replies, there is a sharp difference between them. The
difference is that while the noun in 33(c) occurs with an AG before a negative verb, in
34(b) the noun loses its AG after a negative verb.
Sentence 34(d) is imperative followed by two negative replies in 34(d and e). In this
language nouns in imperative sentences must appear with AG. While the presence of
AG in sentence 34(f), shows that the speaker has knowledge of the child in question,
sentence 34(e) does not specify which particular child the speaker is not willing to feed.
Sentences 35(a-f) involve the use of a copula verb, which has the underlying form /N/
with different surface manifestations such as [m’] and [ŋ’] due to homorganic nasal
assimilation. Unlike other languages like Luganda (cf. H&K 1993), in which the use of
a copula in any construction does not permit a noun to occur with an AG, in Ki-Nata
sentences 35(a and f) show that in affirmative sentences, especially those with deictic
words (i.e. uyo ‘that’), the copula and the AG co-occur. As can be seen, the AG deletes
in question sentences with affirmative copula (35b and g), and in sentences with
prenominally negativized copula (35d and h). The reverse of this is the ungrammaticality
of sentences (35c, e and i).
75
As we can see, the use of kira restricts the use of the AG in 36(b and d). It seems that
kira and the AG are mutually exclusive morphemes. The later means that while the AG
specifies the noun kira, does not, a result of which the two cannot co-exist in the same
NP.
3.2.2 Summary
Our discussion regarding the function of AG has revealed that in Ki-Nata the AG serves
two major roles, which are syntactic and semantic. The syntactic role operates when
syntactic operators such as negation, Wh-enclitics, post-verbal position (copula), etc.
control non-augmented forms. The specificity concept, as we have seen, is partially
reflected in semantic/pragmatic primes. However, although these two roles show up, the
surveyed Ki-Nata data show that at some point the two roles function together. In other
words, the AG function largely depends upon the context –the retention or deletion of
AG depends on whether the speaker or hearer has prior information of the object in
question.
3.3 The Noun Class Prefix in Ki-Nata
In this subsection we identify and describe specific noun prefixes in relation to their
noun class numbers. We also describe surface representations of various NPxs. Since
any attempt to classify Bantu nouns cannot ignore the semantic aspect, we also look into
this aspect and see what concepts are portrayed by these prefixes. Following the
76
approach of Bantu noun classification established by Bleek (1862) and modified by
Meinhof (1932), Ki-Nata nouns can be classified as follows:
37.
Class prefix examples
1
mu-
1a
2
2a
3
4
5
6
7
βa-
βa-
mu-
mi-
ri-
ma-
ki-
Gloss
u-mu-a:ná
→
[umwa:ná]
child
u-mu-kári
→
[υmukári]
woman/wife
ta:tá
→
[ta:tá]
father
misénge
→
[miséŋge]
paternal aunt
a-βa:-ná
→
[aβa:ná]
children
a-βa-kári
→
[aβakári]
women
βa:tá:ta
→
[βa:tá:ta]
father
βa:míse:nge
→
[βa:míse:ŋge] paternal aunt
u-mu-e:rí
→
[umwε:rí]
moon/month
u-mu-ô:yo
→
[umwô:yo]
heart
i-mi-e:rí
→
[imyε:rí]
moons/months
i-mi-ô:yo
→
[imyô:yo]
hearts
rí-iβuri
→
[rí:βuri]
feather
ri:-so:sό
→
[ri:so:sό]
lung
a-má-βuri
→
[amáβuri]
feathers
a-ma-sό:so
→
[amasό:so]
lungs
i-ki-a:rá
→
[ikya:rá]
finger
i-kí-mue:so
→
[Ιkímwe:so]
sacrifice
77
Class prefix examples
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
βi-
N-
N-
Gloss
i-βi-a:rá
→
[iβya:rá]
fingers
i-βí-mue:so
→
[Ιβímwe:so]
sacrifices
a-m-borí
→
[amborí]
goat
a-ɲ-akwa:há →
[aɲakwa:há]
armpit
ci-a:m-borí
[ca:mborí]
goats
→
ci-a:ɲ-akwahá →
[ca:ɲakwa:há] armpits
u-ru-a:mbé
→
[urwa:mbé]
gossip
u-rú-βaru
→
[υrúβaru]
rib
a-ka-:ná
→
[aka:ná]
child (dim)
a-ka-mo:rí
→
[akamo:rí]
calf (dim)
u-tu-a:ná
→
[utwa:ná]
children (dim)
u-tu-mo:rí
→
[υtumo:rí]
calves (dim)
u-βu-á:ngo
→
[uβwá:ŋgo]
quickness
u-βu-cόmu
→
[υβucόmu]
u-ku-a:ngá
→
[ukwa:ŋgá]
to refuse
u-ku-hέ:cεra →
[υkuhέ:cεra]
to breath
ku-
u-ku-βόko
→
[υkuβόko]
arm
ha-
ha:sé
→
[ha:sé] down/on the ground
ha:rí
→
[ha:rí]
there
ku:maγúta
→
[ku:maγúta]
on the oil
kú:mance
→
[ku:mance]
on the water
ru-
ka-
tu-
βu-
ku-
ku-
beauty/goodness
15a
78
Class prefix examples
18
19
20
mu-
hi-
γu-
Gloss
mu:maγúta
→
[mu:maγúta]
in the oil
mu:mance
→
[mu:mance]
in the water
i-hi-a:ná
→
[ihya:ná]
children (dim)
i-hí-ta:mbara →
[Ιhíta:mbara] rags (dim)
u-γu-a:ná
→
[uγua:ná]
child (aug)
u-γu-ta:rό
→
[υγuta:rό]
river (aug)
3.3.1 Data Analysis
A close look on this data tends to reveal the following facts: First, some NPxs have
similar shapes: for instance, mu is found in class 1 and class 3; ku is found in classes 15
and 15a. As we pointed out earlier, classes 16-18 are locative classes. The mu- in class
18 and ku- in class 17, therefore, are locative class markers. The fact that the same forms
appear in these NPxs, (mu- for example, appears as NPx for class 1, 3 and 18 and kuappears both as NPx for class 15 and 17), denotes that in this language the semantic
criterion of noun classification has been blurred. Second, the difference between classes
1a/2a and 1/2 is that while nouns included in classes 1a/2a are those denoting kinship
terms such as ma:mé ‘uncle’, ta:tá ‘father’etc. and proper nouns like Masato,
Winyanya etc., classes 1/2 carry common names denoting human beings, eg. umwa:ná
‘child’, etc. Classes 15 and 15a differ in that while in class 15 we have gerundive nouns,
class 15a includes nouns denoting two body parts, which are υkuβόko ‘arm’ and
okόγoro ‘leg’. Third, following what we discussed in Chapter One (cf. §.1.10.4), we
emphasize that the NPx in class 9 is a vowel followed by a nasal (VC) while in class 10
79
it is a CVC form. However, both NPxs are underlyingly represented as N in the above
data. Four, locative markers in classes 17 (ku-) and 18 (mu-) precede prefix markers in
italic form (ma and mɔ).
3.3.1.1 Pairing system and a brief semantic survey
From the above data we note that Ki-Nata has a total number of 20 noun classes marked
by different Independent Prefixes (IPs). The NPxs in this language form several
singular-plural pairs as shown below:
Singular
1
1a
3
5
7
9
11
12
15a
20
Plural
2
2a
4
6
8
10
13
14
19
Figure 2: Noun class pairings in Ki-Nata.
The above figure shows that class 1 mu- and class 2 βa- form one pair. Class 1a ø and
class 2a βa- form another pair. Other pairs are: 3 mu- and 4 mi-, 5 ri- and 6 ma, 7 ki- and
8 βi-, 9 N- and 10 N-, 11 ru- and 10 N-, 12 ka- and 13 tu-, 15a ku- and 6 ma-, 7 ki- and
19 hi-, and 20 γu- and 6 ma-. Class 12 ka- can also pair with classes 19 hi- and 8 βi- all
of which are diminutive markers. However, in some cases class 12 ka- can also form
diminutive pairs with class 14 βu- and class 11 ru-. This shows that, in this language, the
classification of nouns on the basis of singularity and plurality is rather opaque. Suffice
80
it to say that various surface representations of prefixes that manifest themselves in this
language are dealt with in the subsequent subsections.
3.3.1.1.1 A Brief Semantic Survey
Our discussion in Chapter Two revealed that nouns in Bantu languages are partially
semantically motivated. This is in the sense that nouns belonging to the same class tend
to share some semantic features. In Ki-Nata, like in most other Bantu languages, nouns
whose singulars begin with m(u)- and whose plurals begin with βa- (or wa- in languages
like Kiswahili) generally refer to human beings or animates; nouns beginning with ru(with cognates like lu- or u in other Bantu languages) generally refer to things that are
thin, broader, elongated or circular; nouns which begin with βu- (with cognates like u, vu
or bu in other Bantu languages) generally refer to abstract concepts. However, in this
language, some nouns like υβuta ‘bow’, υβuka:no ‘sesame’, υβurwe ‘finger millet’
which are in this class, refer to concrete things. In short, we can say that nouns in KiNata are partially-semantically motivated.
Although in the discussion above we tried to show that Ki-Nata noun classification is to
some extent semantically motivated, the semantic criteria cannot be seriously considered
as sufficient in the classification of all noun classes in this language. There are some
obvious reasons: One, based on our argument on noun classification as shown in 37, (cf.
§.3.2 above), we can say that there is some overlapping of NPxs, e.g. mu- in class 1 is
repeated in class 3 and in class 18; ku- in classes 15, 15a and 17, where each mu- and ku-
81
in the respective classes denotes nouns of different kinds. This makes the semantic
criterion unstable in the classification of Ki-Nata nouns.
Two, the overlapping of the singular- plural parings of noun classes (cf. §.3.2.1.1) is
another point that weakens the semantic criterion as a concrete parameter for Ki-Nata
noun classification. Observe the following data on the singular-plural pairings of
diminutive classes:
38. a) Class 12
Class 19
akaβόri ‘small goat’ (+derog, - derog)
b) Class 1
eheβόri ‘minute; nice goats’
Class 8
akaβόri ‘small goat’ (+derog, - derog)
c) Class 12
eβeβόri ‘small goats (+derog)
Class 13
akaβόri ‘small goat’ (+derog, - derog)
otoβόri ‘small goats’ (+derog,
-derog)
d) Class 7
ekeβόri ‘small goat’ (+derog.)
e) Class 11
Class 8
eβeβόri ‘small goats’ (+derog)
Class 14
oroβόri ‘dwarf; small goat’ (+derog.) oβoβόri ‘(minute) goats’ (+derog.)
f) Class 12
Class 14
akaβόri ‘small goat’ (+derog, - derog) oβoβόri ‘(minute) goats’ (+derog.)
82
As we can see in the above data, there are varying degrees of diminutiveness. However,
the singular- plural paring of diminutive classes has no clear demarcation line since one
diminutive class, 12 ka for instance, pairs with various classes (cf. cl 8, 13, 14 and 19
above). This shows that the semantic criterion is no longer a concrete parameter for KiNata noun classification.
Class 19 hi-, originally *pi- in Proto-Bantu, is a diminutive class. However, in Ki-Nata
the prefix in class 19 differs from other Bantu languages. The difference is that while in
Proto-Bantu the prefix in class 19 denotes singularity (cf. Werner 1919: 62) in Ki-Nata it
denotes plurality. Although, classes 7 and 12 have their plural counterparts, they are still
used alternatively as singular prefixes for class 19. It is important to point out here that,
given the data we have, there is no clear demarcation line in the pairing of diminutive
classes. Therefore, with regard to the pairing of diminutive classes, one can easily
conclude that clear distinctions have been blurred.
Three, it is also evident that in classifying Ki-Nata nouns by semantic criterion not only
is it difficult but also impossible to classify nouns by grouping them into classes such as
diminutives, augmentatives, inanimate, body parts, concrete things, etc. For example,
class one which is said to be the human class has other entities like Nyámuha:nga ‘God’,
rinani ‘ogre in Ki-Nata tales’ etc. that feature in this class.
83
The above arguments reveal that the semantic criterion in the classification of Ki-Nata
nouns has a lot of problems. Some of the reasons that account for non-stability of the
semantic criterion of noun classification in most Bantu languages (cf. Massamba, 1993:
606), include: First, due to passage of time meanings change, expand, shift or get
different shades. This makes it possible for other things to be either included in or
excluded from the meanings of words. Second, due to language contact and language
adaptation loan words can interfere with the already established morphological structure
of the target language. Lastly, language development process may trigger changes in the
forms of the words themselves. These and other problems that relate to them, interfere
with the semantic criterion of Ki-Nata and other Bantu noun classification. It is the
researcher’s view that the classification of nouns in Ki-Nata using the semantic criterion
is opaque and faces lots of irregularities.
3.3.1.2 Surface representation of prefixes
Our Ki-Nata data reveal that NPxs have different variant forms (allomorphs) ranging in
number between one and five. Except for class 1a, which occurs without any prefix,
NPxs that exhibit only one basic form are in classes 2 βa-, 2a βa-, 6 ma-and 16 ha-. We
will now present the variant forms of NPxs with an account of the morphophonological
processes involved:
84
Class 1 and 3 are marked by the prefix mu- and variant forms namely mu-, mw-, mo- and
mɔ. However, in certain phonetic environments the prefix mu- loses the vowel u- as the
case in the following words:
39.
Class 1
Class 3
/umuháβe/ → [υmháβe]
‘poor person’
/umukári/ → [υmkári]
‘woman’ or ‘wife’
/umúnwa/ → [υmnwa]
‘mouth’
/umutwé/ → [υmtwé]
‘head’
This process can be informally accounted for by the following rule:
Rule 6:
/u/
→
[ø]/ N____ [+C]
Formally this rule can be represented as:
+syll
-cons
+high
+back
→ [ø]
+cons
-syll
+nas
+bil
_____
+cons
+ -syll
That is, a high back vowel deletes when it occurs between a bilabial nasal and any
consonant. The deletion of /u/ in the above examples is accounted for by the
phonological process known as syncope; a phonological process that allows segment
deletion in a word in an environment other than the final position (cf. Massamba 1996:
98)
85
Another variant form in classes 1 and 3 is the prefix mw-. Observe the following
examples:
40. Cl 1
Cl 3
/umuá:na / → [umwa:ná]
‘child’
/umuí:ti/ → [umwí:ti]
‘killer’
/umuε:rí/ → [umwε:rí]
‘moon’ or ‘month’
/umuô:yo/ → [umwô:yo]
‘heart’
The variant form mw- can be accounted for by the glide formation rule. This can be
informally written as:
Rule 7(a): /u/ → [w]/___ +V
7(b)
V → V:/mw____
Cond: V ≠ u
As we can see, glide formation in rule 7(a) triggers vowel lengthening as seen in 7(b).
This rule can be formally represented as:
V1
+syll
-cons
+high
+back
→
- syll
-cons
______
V2
syll
+
-cons
Condition: V1 ≠ V2
That is, a high back vowel changes into a glide [w] when followed by a non-identical
vowel across morpheme boundary.
Another allomorph that surfaces in the above mentioned classes is the mo-. Examples of
nouns are:
86
41. Cl 1
Cl 3
/umukiri:sito/ → [omokíri:sito]
‘a christian’
/umusúβe/ → [omosúβe]
‘man’/‘husband’
/umukéra/ → [omokéra]
‘tail’
/umuté/ →
‘tree’/‘medicine’
[omoté]
As we have already pointed out, the underlying form in classes 1 and 3 is mu-. What
happens with the variant mo- in the noun /umuté/ ‘tree’ is that the prefix vowel /u/
becomes [o] when a noun stem/root contains a close-mid front vowel, /e/. This
phonological fact can informally be presented as:
Rule 8: /u/
→ [o]/____ [e]
NPx
STEM
Formally the same rule is represented as:
+syll
-cons
+high
+back
→
-high
-low
+syll
____
-cons
-high
-low
-back
That is, a high back vowel is realized as a close-mid back vowel if a noun stem contains
a close-mid front, [e]. In the nouns /umokíri:sito/ ‘a christian’ and /umosúβe/
‘man’/‘husband’ the prefix vowel /u/ becomes [o] when the vowel in the noun final
position is also a close-mid vowel. As we can see, the prefix vowel in the noun
[omokéra] ‘tail’ is in harmony with the vowel in the penultiment syllable.
In Ki-Nata the surface form mɔ- occurs in a limited number of nouns. The few examples
available are:
87
42. Cl 3
/umurɔrɔ/ → [ɔmɔ rɔrɔ]8
‘fire’
/umurεmɔ/ → [ɔmɔ rεmɔ]
‘responsibility’
The underlying form in classes 1 and 3 is mu-. As we can see, the prefix vowel /u/
lowers to [ɔ] when a noun ends with an open-mid back vowel. This vowel harmony rule
can informally be represented as:
Rule 9: /u/ → [ɔ ]/____ [ɔ ]
NPx
W.F.P
Formally this rule can be represented as:
+syll
-cons
+high
+back
+syll
→
-high
_____
-cons
-high
-low
+back
The rule means that a high front vowel is realized as a open-mid back vowel (ɔ) if the
noun final position is also occupied by an open-mid back vowels. This occurs whereby
at the surface level the prefix vowel acquires the same phonetic features as the vowel in
word final position.
Class 4, which is the plural form for class 3, is marked by four prefixes, namely mi-,
my-, me- and mε. As seen in (37) above and from the Proto-Bantu point of view (cf.
Chapter One, p.17 example 9), the underlying form is mi-. The allomorphs my-, me- and
8
Note that in a quick speech, the word ɔmɔ rɔrɔ ‘fire’ is articulated as ɔmɔ rrɔ. Thus there is a deletion of
segment /ɔ/.
88
mε- manifest in the following examples:8 Note that in a quick speech, the word ɔmɔ rɔrɔ
‘fire’ is articulated as ɔmɔ rrɔ. Thus there is a deletion of segment /ɔ/.
43. Cl 4
a)
b)
my-
me-
/imi:aka/ → [imya:ka]
‘years’
/imi:eri/ → [imyε:rí]
‘moons’/‘months’
/imiô:βo/ →
‘holes’
/imite/
[imyô:βo]
→ [emeté]
‘trees’
/imiγό:ndo/ → [emeγό:ndo] ‘farms’
c)
mε
/imirɔrɔ/ →
[εmέrɔrɔ]
‘fires’
The allomorph my- in (a) above is accounted for by the glide formation rule while
allomorphs me- and mε- are accounted for by the vowel harmony rule. In the allomorph
my-, the / i-/ glides into /y-/ when it precedes any vowel other than [i]. The above
phonological process can informally be represented as follows:
Rule 10(a):
/i/ → [y]/___ +V
10(b) V → V:/my____
Cond: V ≠ i
As we can see, the glide formation in rule 7(a) triggers vowel lengthening as shown in
rule 7(b).
89
This rule can formally be represented as:
V1
+syll
-cons
+high
-back
→
-syll
-cons
______
V2
syll
+
+ -cons
Condition: V1 ≠ V2
That is, when a high front vowel is followed by a non-identical vowel it changes into its
corresponding glide across a morpheme boundary.
The allomorphs me- and mε- are accounted for by the vowel harmony rule. Prefixes meand mε- manifest whereby at surface level the vowel in the prefix acquires the same
phonetic features as the vowel in the stem. For the prefix me-, this phonological fact is
informally accounted for by the following rule:
Rule 11:
/i/
→ [e]/____ [o]/[e]
NPx
STEM
This rule is formally represented as:
+syll
-cons
+high
-back
+tense
NPx
→
-low
-high
+syll
_____
-cons
-high
-low
STEM
That is, at the surface level the prefix vowel acquires the same phonetic features as the
vowel in the root/stem.
90
Likewise, the allomorph mε- is accounted for by vowel harmony rule. There is partial
vowel harmony between the prefix vowel and the vowel in the root/stem. The prefix
vowel acquires the same phonetic features as the vowel in the root/stem. This
phonological fact be informally represented by the following rule:
→ [ε]/____ [ɔ ]
NPx
STEM
This rule is formally represented as:
Rule 12:
/i/
+syll
-cons
→
+high
-back
+tense
NPx
-low
-high
-tense
+syll
_____
-cons
-high
-low
+back
STEM
That is, at the surface level the prefix vowel acquires the same phonetic features as the
vowel in the root/stem.
Class 5 has the prefix ri- in its underlying representation. Allomorphs in this class are ri, ry- and re-. Examples are:
44. Cl 5
a)
ry-
/irio:βá/ → [iryo:βá] ‘sun’
/irio:kí/ → [iryo:kí] ‘smoke’
b)
re-
/irí:to/ → [eré:to]
‘person (aug)
In class 5(a) the high front vowel /i/ glides into [y] when it is followed by a non-identical
vowel (cf. Rule 10a and b above). In 5(b) above, the prefix vowel [e] is in harmony with
the vowel in the stem, which is also a mid vowel (cf. Rule 11 above).
91
Class 7 is marked by the prefix ki- and five allomorphs, which are ki-, ky-, ke-, γi- γyand γe-. In this class allomorphs are accounted for by either the glide formation rule or
vowel harmony rule. Observe examples of nouns from class 7:
45. Cl 7 a)
b)
c)
d)
e)
ky-
ke-
γi-
γy-
γe-
/ikia:rá / →
[ikya:rá]
‘finger’
/ikia:má/ →
[ikya:má]
‘party’ or ‘club’
/ikiβόno/ →
[ekeβόno]
‘buttock’
/ ikiriβici / → [ekériβici]
‘girdle’
/ikisa:kwá/ → [Ιγisa:kwá]
‘small animal skin’
/ikisára/
→ [Ιγisára]
‘roof’
/ikio:tό/
→ [iγyo:tό]
‘fire for warming purposes’
/ikie:kíβu/ → [iγye:kíβu]
‘something being burnt’
/ikisόβe/ → [eγesόβe]
‘seed’
/ikitú:mbe/ → [eγetú:mbe] ‘a three-legged traditional stool’
As we can see, while variants ky- in 7(b) and γy- in 7(d) operate under the glide
formation rule (cf. Rule 10 above), variants ke- in 7(b) and γe- in 7(e) are operative
under the vowel harmony rule (cf. Rule 11 above). Here the prefix vowel occurs as the
front or back close-mid vowel if the stem has any close-mid vowel [o]/[e].
Class 15 is marked by the prefix ku- and five allomorphs, which are ku-, kw-, ko-, γu-,
γw and γo-. As the case in variant forms in class 7, in this class too, allomorphs are
92
accounted for by either glide formation rule or vowel harmony rule. Let us first observe
the following examples of nouns from class 15:
46. Cl 15 a) kw-
b) ko-
c) γu-
d) γw-
/ukua:ŋgá/
→
[ukwa:ŋgá]
‘to refuse’
/ukua:ndéka/ →
[ukwa:ndéka] ‘to write’
/ukurúγa/
→
[okorúγa]
‘to cook’
/ukuréma/
→
[okoréma]
‘to cultivate’
/ukukáma/
→
[υγukáma]
‘milking’
/υkusáβa/
→
[υγusáβa]
‘to beg’
/ukua:sáma/
→
[uγwa:sáma] ‘to the mouth wider’
/ukua:kéra/
→
[uγwa:kéra]
‘to swallow without
chewing’
e) γo-
/ukuténa/
→
[oγoténa]
‘to cut’
/okotwé/
→
[oγotwé]
‘ear’
The vowels in variants kw- in 15(a) and γw- in 15(d) operate under the glide formation
rule (cf. Rule 7 above). The variants ko- in 15(b) and γo- in 15(e) are operative under the
vowel harmony rule (cf. Rule 8 above). That is, at the surface level the prefix vowel
acquires the same phonetic features as the vowel in the stem.
As explained in Chapter One, the sounds [β] and [b], likewise [γ] and [g], in this
language are in complementary distribution (cf. §. 10.1.1.1 and §. 10.1.1.2). The voiced
bilabial fricative /β/ occurs both word initially and intervocalically. The voiced velar
fricative /γ/ is realized as /γ/ in all environments except where it is preceded by a velar
93
nasal [ŋ]. Whenever the phoneme /γ/ is preceded by the velar nasal [ŋ] it surfaces as a
voiced velar stop [g]. Like phones [β] and [b], the voiceless velar fricative [γ] and the
voiced velar stop [g] occur in environments that are mutually exclusive. This means that
whereas [γ] or [β] occurs both word initially and intervocalically, [g] or [b] occurs only
in environments preceded by a velar nasal [ŋ] and bilabial nasal [m] respectively (cf.
Rule 2 and 3).
However, the question we should ask here is, when does the surface form ke- become γein class 7(e) or ko- becomes γo- in class 15? This can be explained by using Dahl’s Law.
Dahl’s Law states that a voiceless consonant becomes voiced if the consonant in the next
syllable is also voiceless (cf. N&P 2003: 56). However, regarding variants γy- in 7(d)
and γw- in 15 (d) we must stress that two rules are in order here. One is the glide
formation rule (cf. rule 7 and 10 above) and the other is consonantal voicing (Dahl’s
Law). That is consonantal voicing (Dahl’s Law) takes place only after the glide
formation rule. The manifestation of [γ] therefore can be accounted for by the following
informal rule:
Rule 13:
9
/k/
→ [γ]/______+Cо9
A diacritic (о) means that a consonant is voiceless.
94
The above rule can formally be represented as:
+ cons
-syll
-cont
+back
-voice
+high
→
+cont
+voice
_____ +
+cons
-voice
That is, a voiceless velar stop /k/ changes to a voiced velar fricative [γ] if it precedes a
syllable with a voiceless consonant.
Nouns in class 8 are marked by the prefix βi- and variants βi-, βe- and βy-. Observe the
following nouns:
47. Cl 8
a)
b)
βe-
βy-
/iβihό:nco/
→
[eβehό:nco]
‘plates’
/iβiβό:nda/
→
[eβeβό:nda]
‘smoking pipes’
/iβia:rá/
→
[iβya:rá]
‘fingers’
/iβia:ndá/
→
[iβya:ndá]
‘intestines’
The βi- is the underlying form. The glide y- in (b) is a result of the juxtaposition of two
non-identical vowels, /i/ and /a/, thus, the high front vowel /i/ changes into glide /y/ (cf.
Rule 10 above). The vowel in variant βe- is in harmony with the vowel in the root. The
vowel in the prefix βe- is a mid front vowel if the noun stem has a mid-vowel (cf. Rule
11 above).
95
Class 11 is marked by the prefix ru- and allomorphs such as ru-, rw- and ro-. Let us
examine the following examples:
48. Cl 11
a)
b)
rw-
ro-
/urua:mbé/
→
[urwa:mbé] ‘gossip’
/uruo:ki/
→
[υrwo:ki] ‘vapour’
/urusíko/
→
[orosíko] ‘day’
/uruhόγo/
→
[orohόγo] ‘highland’
As we see, in class 11(a) the variant rw- is accounted for by glide formation rule. That
is, a high back vowel /u/ changes into glide /w/ if it is followed by a non-identical vowel
(cf. Rule 7 above). The vowel in variant ro- is in harmony with the vowel in the root
whereby the vowel in the prefix ro- is a close-mid back vowel, if the noun stem contains
a close-mid vowel (cf. Rule 8 above).
Nouns in class 12 are marked by the prefix ka- and variants such as γa- and ko-. Below
are examples of nouns that manifest such allomorphs.
49. Cl 12 a) γa-
/akácoγu/ → [aγácoγu]
‘small elephant’ (+derog,
-derog)
/akáta:nda/ → [aγáta:nda]
‘small bed stead’ (+derog,
derog)
b) ko-
/akaô:ro/ → [akô:ro]
(-derog.) ‘little fire’
/akaô:βo/ → [akô:βo]
(-derog.) small; shallow ‘hole’
-
96
What we see in (a) is the operation of Dahl’s Law. Since in the next syllable there is a
voiceless plosive, the voiceless velar stop /k/ changes into the voiced velar fricative [γ].
Thus, in (b) above, the prefix vowel /a/ has been deleted and its place filled in with the
preceding vowel. As seen in the outputs, deletion of the prefix vowel /a/ is accompanied
by a compensatory lengthening of the remaining vowel.
Nouns in class 13, which are actually the plurals of nouns in class 12, are marked by the
prefix tu- and the variants tw- and to-. These are found in the following examples:
50. Cl 13 a) tw-
/utua:ná/ →
[utwa:ná]
‘small children’ (+derog,
-derog)
/utuo:má/ → [utwo:má]
‘small iron bars’ (+derog,
-derog)
b) to-
/utúcoγu/ → [otόcoγu]
‘very
small
elephants’
(+derog,
-derog)
/utúγoro/ → [otόγoro]
‘inappropriately small legs’
(+derog)
Allomorphs in (a) operate under the glide formation rule (cf. Rule 7 above). In (b) the
vowel in the prefix to- is a close-mid back and this is possible if the noun stem has also a
close-mid vowel (cf. Rule 8 above).
Nouns in class 14 have the prefix βu- and variants βw-and βo-. The variants are evident
in the following noun examples:
97
51. Cl 14 a) βw-
b) βo-
/uβuá:ŋgo/
→
[uβwá:ŋgo]
‘quickness’
/uβua:ná/
→
[uβwa:ná]
‘childhood’
/uβuγé:mba/ →
[oβoγé:mba] ‘manner of rain
making’
/uβuβése/
→
[oβoβése]
‘quality if unripe’
The glide formation in (a) is due to the fact that the prefix vowel underlyingly /u/ is
preceded by the /a/, which is non identical to it. In (b) above, the vowel in the prefix is
operative under vowel harmony (cf. Rule 8 above). That is, the vowel in the prefix
occurs as a close-mid back vowel if the stem also has a mid-vowel.
The Proto-Bantu prefix for class 19 is *pi. What happened in Ki-Nata is a sound shift
from the Proto-Bantu /*p/ to [h]. Nouns in this class are, therefore, marked by the prefix
hi- and variants hy-, he- and hε-. Observe the examples below:
52. Cl 19 a) hy- /ihia:ná/ → [ihya:ná] (nice) small children [pejorative if
inappropriately small]
/ihia:rá/ → [ihya:rá] (nice) small fingers [pejorative if
inappropriately small]
b) he- /ihíβeγu/ → ehéβeγu (nice) small seeds [pejorative if
inappropriately small]
/ihícoγu/ → ehécoγu (nice) small elephants [pejorative if
inappropriately small]
c) hε- /ihímεrɔ/ → εhέmεrɔ small throats [pejorative if inappropriately
98
small]
In (a) above, the prefix vowel is underlyingly /i/ and it changes into the glide [y], since it
is followed by a non-identical vowel (cf. Rule 11). In (b) above, the vowel /e/ in the
prefix occurs as the front mid vowel if the stem has a mid-vowel (cf. Rule 12). Likewise,
the allomorph hε- is accounted for by vowel harmony. There is partial vowel harmony
between the prefix vowel and the vowel in the root/stem. The prefix vowel acquires the
same phonetic features as the vowel in the root/stem (cf. Rule 12 above).
Nouns in class 20 are marked by the prefix γu- and variants γw- and γo-. Let us examine
the following examples:
53. Cl 20 a) γw- /ukua:ná/
→
[uγwa:ná] badly shaped/ poorly disciplined child
[also pejorative if
/uγwε:rí/
→
seen as extraordinarily fat]
[uγwε:rí] huge moon [pejorative if seen as
inappropriately huge]
b) γo- /oγosúβe/ →
[oγosúβe] extraor[pejorative]
dinarily fat; man/husband with bad attributes;
/oγoβόri/
→
[oγoβόri] huge goat [pejorative if seen as
inappropriately huge]
Like other allomorphs, in 20(a) above, the allomorph is γw- since the vowel that is
underlyingly /i/, has changed into the glide [y] (cf. Rule 11). In 20(b) above, the vowel
in the prefix, which is a mid back vowel, is in harmony with the mid vowel in the stem
(cf. Rule 9 above).
99
3.3.2 Summary
In our discussion on surface representation of NPxs we have revealed that, first, the
NPxs in this language are realized in various surface forms. Second, each surface form is
derived from its underlying form. Third, all surface forms examined in this work are
accounted for by such morphophonological rules as glide formation and vowel harmony.
3.4 Noun Derivation
The data we have show that the majority of the nouns in this language are derived from
verbs and by changing the noun class. However, this does not mean that there are no
other processes involved in noun derivation. Apart from the above mentioned processes,
nouns in Ki-Nata are also derived from adjectives, compounding and reduplication
processes.
3.4.1 Deriving nouns through change of class
In this method of noun derivation, a derived or underived noun stem gets associated with
different groups of noun classes. However, when we change an NPx of a derived or
underived noun, we must consider the meaning restriction of the stem and/or the
derivational affix. To come to grips with this, some examples are in order:
3.4.1.1 Underived
54.
Cl 2
υmutwé
‘standard head’
Cl 4
Imitwé
‘standard heads’
100
Cl12
aγatwé
(nice) small head [pejorative if inappropriately small]
Cl 8
Iβitwé
(nice) small head [pejorative if inappropriately small]
Cl 20 υγutwé
huge head [pejorative if seen as inappropriately huge]
In 3.4.1.1 (a) above as we can see, nouns are derived from nouns by change of noun
class. When different NPxs are associated with one stem like -twe in 3.4.1.1 (a) above,
the meaning of the derived noun becomes modified.
3.4.1.2 Derived
55.
Cl 1
o-mό-rem-i
‘farmer’
Cl 2
a-βá-rem-i
‘farmers’
from réma ‘cultivate’
Cl 12 a-ká-rem-i
‘small farmer’
Cl 13
‘small farmers (derog.)’
e-hé-rem-i
Cl 14 o- βό-rem-i
‘cultivation’
Cl 20 o-γό-rem-i
‘huge farmer’
What we see here is that the change of class in both derived and underived nouns, like in
3.4.1.1 (a) and 3.4.1.2 (b), modifies the meaning of the noun. The striking difference
between the derived and underived nouns is that while in underived nouns NPxs are only
associated with noun stems, in derived nouns both the NPxs and the suffix must be
associated with the verb root –rem-.
101
3.4.2. Deriving nouns from verbal roots/stems
Of the methods used to derive nouns, quite typical of Ki-Nata is deriving nouns from
verbs. Deriving nouns from verbs involves two major steps.
(i)
Adding an AG and an NPx before a verb stem/root. This method is commonly
known as prefixation. As it will soon be evident, nouns derived from verbs by
mere prefixation receive no derivational suffixes. However, derived nouns such
as those found in class 5, (cf. §. 3.2), do not have augments.
(ii)
Adding an AG and an NPx before a verb stem/root and adding a noun suffix at
the end of the noun stem/root. In other words, both prefixation and suffixation
are applied to the verb stem/root. We should point out here that nouns derived
by suffixation are formed when verbal stem/root receive additional extension
suffixes. Suffixes in this case seem to take different shapes and different
semantic implications.
We will now start with nouns derived from verbs by prefixation.
3.4.2.1 (AG) + NPx
Deverbatives (nouns derived from verbs) formed by merely adding an NPx to a verbal
stem or an AG and an NPx are:
STEM/ROOT
56.
a) ruγ-
DERIVED NOUN
‘cook’
o-ko-rúγ-a
‘manner of cooking’
AG-C15-R-FV
102
b) a:ŋg-
‘refuse’
u-kw-a:ŋg-á ‘manner of refusing’
AG-C15-R-FV
c) rem-
cultivate
o-ko-rém-a
AG-C15-R-FV
‘manner of cultivating’
d) ) ruγ-
‘cook’
ko-rúγ-a
C15-R-FV
‘to cook’
e) a:ŋg-
‘refuse’
kw-a:ŋg-á
C15-R-FV
‘to refuse’
f) ) rem-
‘cultivate’
ko-rém-a
C15-R-FV
‘to cultivate’
g) rok-
‘vomit’
ri-rok-á
C5-R-FV
‘the vomiting’
h) rem-
‘cultivate’
rí-rem-a
5-R-FV
‘the farming’
i) he:β-
‘chase’
ri- heβ-á
5-R-FV
‘the chasing’
Nouns derived from verbs by prefixation are found in classes 5 and 15, and all refer to
non-human objects. As we can see, from 56(a-c) both the AG and the NPx are used in
the formation of deverbative nouns. However, we note here that nouns without AGs, like
nouns in 56(d-f), differ in meaning from the augmented ones (cf. 56a-c), though they all
belong to the same class. As we can see, in this language, if gerundive nouns occur with
an AG, they carry a concept of “manner” or “a way of doing something”. We would
argue here that the suffix –a in the above examples remains with the status of a final
vowel. The reason is that, according to the data we have, all verbs in 56(a-i) have the –a
as their final vowel. We form deverbative nouns, therefore, by merely adding a class
prefix to the verbal stems. This means that the noun suffix remains that of the verb stem.
103
3.4.2.2 AG + NPx + ROOT + SUFFIX
There are many possibilities in which nouns can be derived from verbs using the above
morphological processes. Ki-Nata has a number of suffixes that together with the AG
and NPx, change verbs into derived nouns. These include the nominalizing suffix -i, and
-o, the passive marker -u/-βu, the applicative marker -er- and the negation marker ta-. In
this language the suffixes -e and -ε are not productive.
3.4.2.2.1 Pattern -i: Examples are:
STEM/ROOT
57.
a) γor-
DERIVED NOUN
‘buy’
o-mo- γόr-i ‘buyer’
A-C1-R-SUF
b) rwan-
‘fight’
υ-mú-rwan-i ‘fighter’
A-C1-R-SUF
c) saβ-
‘beg’
υ-mú-saβ-i
‘begger’
A-C1-R-SUF
d) ro:t-
‘dream’
υ-mú-ro:t-i ‘dreamer’
A-C1-R-SUF
e) andek-
‘write’
u-βw-ándek-i ‘job of writing’
A-C14-R-SUF
f) ruγ-
‘cook’
o-βό-ruγ-i
‘job of cooking’
A-C14-R-SUF
g) sar-
‘circumcise’
υ-βú- sa:r-i
‘skill of circumcising’
A-C1-R-SUF
h) som-
‘read’
υ-βú-som-i
‘job of studying’
A-C1-R-SUF
104
The above examples show that the agentive nominalizer –i together with the NPx omu-,
change verbs into derived nouns in classes 1/2 and 14. There are two concepts coming
out clearly through the suffix –i. One is that when the agentive nominalizer –i and the
prefix omu- in class 1 are affixed to a verb root, the derived noun resulting from this
process denotes a doer of an action. This is verified by the derived nouns in 57(a-d).
However, the concept of the actor manifests also in derived nouns in class 2 i.e. a-βasaβ-i ‘beggars’ from saβ- ‘beg’; nouns denoting animates in class 9 and 10, i.e. a-mbiem-i ‘predator’ from βyem- ‘hunt’. Also, when the suffix –i and class 14 βu- are
affixed to a verb root, the nouns derived pertain to abstract nouns (cf. 57e-h).
3.4.2.2.2 Pattern –o
The following examples of nouns are derived from verbs using the nominalizing suffix –
o:
STEM/ROOT
58.
DERIVED NOUN
a) mεr-
‘swallow’
ε-kέ-mεr-o
‘throat’
A-C7-R-SUF
b) tir-
‘climb’
o-mό-tir-o
‘ladder’
A-C3-R-SUF
c) andek-
‘write’
i-ri-ándek-o ‘that which has been written’
A-C5-R-SUF
d) γamb-
‘say’
Ι-kí-γamb-o
‘a say’
A-C7-R-SUF
e) γend-
‘walk’
υ-rú-γend-o
‘journey’
A-C11-R-SUF
f) huŋgur-
‘open’
o-ro- huŋgur-ό ‘key’
105
A-C11-R-SUF
g) tum-
‘sew’
o-mό-tum-o
A-C3-R-SUF
h) βin-
‘sing’
ri-βin-á
C5-R-SUF
‘seam’
‘song’
The derived nouns in 58(a-h) show that the nominalizing suffix –o can occur with
various noun classes to form nouns belonging to different classes. Occurring with the
suffix –o are nouns in classes 3, 5, 7, and 11. Although the plural counterparts of the
above cited nouns have not been shown, it is evident, from the data we have, that they
too occur with the suffix –o. The nominalizing suffix –o occurring with NPxs in the
above examples seems to perform triple functions: First, it is the implement performing
the action. In this function the suffix –o occurs with the ki- prefix of class 7 and ru- in
class 11 as in examples 58(a and f). Second, it is the ultimate result of the action as in
58(c-e, g-h). Suffix –o here occurs with prefixes ri-, ki- and ru- of classes 5, 7, and 11
respectively. Third, it is the instrument used to perform the action. The prefixes that
occur with the suffix –o are mu- in class 3 and ru- in class 11 as in 58(b and f).
However, as we can see, it is possible for one NPx occurring with the suffix –o to
perform different roles (cf. 58a and d, e and f).
3.4.2.2.3 Pattern –u/-βu
This pattern uses the passive suffix to form deverbatives. Examples are:
STEM/ROOT
59.
a) tem-
DERIVED NOUN
‘beat’
υ-mu-tém-u
‘beaten one’
106
A-C1-R-SUF
b) γeγ-
‘carry’
υ-mu-γéγ-u
‘carried one’
A-C1-R-SUF
c) sek-
‘laugh’
υ-mu-sék-u
‘someone laughed at’
A-C1-R-SUF
d) keri-
‘salute’
υ-mu-kéri-βu ‘saluted one’
A-C1-R-SUF
e) ha-
‘give’
υ-mu-há-βu
‘given one’
A-C1-R-SUF
The extension suffixes –u/-βu, which are passive markers in this language, occur with all
NPxs except for those in classes 1a/2a, 15 and the locatives (16-18). We need to
comment here that the verb stems/roots, which the derivational suffix –βu can occur
with in forming deverbatives, are either monosyllabic verbs, except for –ku ‘die’, (cf. υmu-há:-βu ‘given one’ from -ha ‘give’ Ι-kí-nywe:-βu ‘a drink’ from nywa ‘drink’) or
verb stems ending with a high front vowel /i/ (cf. υ-mu-keri-βu ‘saluted one’ from keri
‘salute’, υ-mu-hiki-βu ‘one reached in destination’ The suffix –u/-βu occurring with AG
[υ] or [Ι] with the prefix mu- denotes the concept of the undergoer of the action.
3.4.2.3 Nouns formed from adjective
Examples are:
STEM
60. a) –re
b) –nene
DERIVED NOUN
‘tall’/‘long’
υ-βú-re
‘length’
‘fat’
υ-βu-néne
‘fatness’
107
c) –γuhe
‘short’
o-βo-γúhe
‘shortness’
d) –sohu
‘selfish’
υ-βu-sόhu
‘selfishness’
e) –comu
‘good’/‘beautiful’
υ-βu-cόmu
‘goodness’/‘beauty’
f) –γoγo
‘mean’
υ-βu-γoγό
‘meanness’
Most adjective stems occur with the prefix in class 14 βu- to form abstract nouns
denoting different states of affairs. However, it is possible in this language to affix the
above adjective stems with prefixes of classes denoting augmentativeness and
diminutiveness to form augmentative and diminutive nouns.
3.4.2.4 Proper nouns:
Ki-Nata has proper nouns that take different morpho-semantic characteristics:
Proper nouns formed by a free morph:
61. a) ta:tá
b) mmá
‘father’
‘mother’
c) βukoβá ‘Bukoba region’
d) tetú
‘black cow’
e) shorí
‘white cow’
f) βirirí
‘red cow’
All nouns in 61(a-f) are formed by a free morph. As we can see, nouns such as these
denote many things, including kinship terms (cf. 61a-b); place names (cf. 61c) and
individual heads of cattle (cf. 61d-f). One thing to observe clearly is that although most
108
animals enter classes 9 for singular and 10 for plural, in Ki-Nata, all nouns denoting
individual animates are placed in class 1a for singular and class 2a for plural. This is to
say, except for 61(c) above, the rest of the proper nouns take the βa- prefix of class 2a in
their plurality.
3.4.2.5 Negation marker
In this language, nominal derivation using the negation marker ta- is not very
productive. There is a limited number of nouns formed by the negation marker. In the
noun ɲantahete:ra ‘one who is never passed by anything’, we see that the verb root -hetoccurs with, among other things, the ɲa- and the negation marker ta- to form the
deverbative noun. What we see here is that due to simplification in pronunciation the
intensive marker er-er- has been shortened to e:r-. Thus, there is a deletion of segment
/r/.
3.4.2.6 Reduplication.
This process does not appear to be very productive in Ki-Nata nouns. However, few
nouns manifest a partial reduplication where the noun appears to have two CV
sequences that are identical and which contain the ‘repetitive notion’ as a recurring
element of meaning (N&P 2003: 79). Examples are:
62. a) omukarakára
‘castor oil plant’
b) riβaβá
‘wing’
c) riβaβajό
‘pawpaw’
109
d) oro:teté
‘back bone’
e) riŋoŋoí
‘crane’ [bird]
Almost all nouns in this language manifest a complete reduplication. In this, two
identical nouns appear in sequence:
63. a) omosúβesuβé ‘real man’ aβasúβesuβé ‘real men’ or ‘ordinary men’
b) ekehurerόhurerό ‘real pan’ eβehurerόhurerό ‘real pans’ or ‘ordinary pans’
c) riγuháγuhá ‘real bone’ amaγúhaγuhá ‘real bones’ or ‘ordinary bones’
It is evident that the nouns in (a-c) manifest a complete reduplication. From this process,
one can easily see that the first noun in this process should appear with its prefix, while
in the duplicate, only the stem appears. However, the rule is inapplicable to the noun
omo:tomo:to ‘real man’ its plural aβa:toβa:to ‘real persons’ or ‘ordinary people’ where
the prefix is retained in the second noun and only the augment is dropped. Furthermore,
we see that nouns in singular forms denote the concept of ‘realness’ while nouns in
plural forms denote both ‘realness’ and ‘ordinariness.’
3.4.2.7 Compounding
Nouns of the structure A+B generally refer to a “B-like kind of A” structure (cf. N&P
2003: 86). The first is the head of the compound while the second is the modifier. Let us
examine the few available examples:
3.4.2.7.1 Verb-Noun Compounds:
64.
a) rihiriŋgiti-máβi
‘dung beetle’ [roller of faeces]
110
b) εkεmεra-ncόka
‘kind of crane that eats snakes’
c) riβututuri-mánce ‘cuckow’
d) Ιγikaŋga-βáremi
‘kind of lizard that scares farmers by running closer to
their feet’
e) Ιγikaŋgata-βúkwe ‘bride price advance’
The Ki-Nata data we have show that nouns formed by this process are rare. The verb
stem (in bold) in the above compounds is prefixed with an augment (except for 64a and
c) and NPx; the noun retains the NPx but drops the augment.
3.4.2.7.2 Noun-Noun compounds
In this language, this type of derivation is not common. Noun-Noun compounds
available here are those formed by the sa- and ɲa- prefixes. Examples are:
65.
a) Sa-mitwe:-na:né
‘female unicorn with eight heads’ [Ki-Nata tales]
b) Sa-koro-Wambúra ‘Wambura’s grand father’
c) ɲa-koro-Wambúra ‘Wambura’s grand mother’
Nouns in 65(b and c) are found in Ki-Nata greetings. The prefixes sa- and ɲa- in some
occurrences denote gender (sa- for males and ɲa- for females). In 65(a) the nouns retain
the NPx but drop the augment.
iii) Noun-Adjective compounds
Examples of N-A compounds are:
111
66.
a) ta:ta-moɲi ‘young father’
b) ma:-moɲi
‘young mother’
c) ta:ta-mokoro ‘big father’
In Ki-Nata, this type of derivation is not very productive. We only find such few forms
of N-V compounds in kinship terms like in 66(a-c) above.
3.5 Summary
In this chapter we attempted a description of Ki-Nata noun structure in three major
aspects, namely noun AGs, NPx and nominal derivation. It is evident that augments in
this language manifest in various shapes as [i], [Ι] [e], [ε], [ɔ], [o], [υ], [u] and [a]. Their
distribution is controlled by the vowel harmony rule. However, the nature of the stem
counts in making some generalizations pertaining to the shapes of prefixes. Furthermore,
in this language, AGs delete in certain contexts and are retained in others.
As far as the number of NPxs is concerned, this language seems to have 20 noun classes
marked by various prefixes. Although the semantic criterion of classifying nouns seems
to be blurred, one can still see that some Ki-Nata nouns are semantically motivated.
Various processes are involved in noun derivation. Of the processes employed, the
analysis shows that most nouns are derived from verbs. Patterns like -i, -o, -u/βu- are
productive in changing verbs into nouns. Other processes discussed are reduplication
and compounding.
112
CHAPTER FOUR
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
4.1 Summary
In the three preceding chapters, we have attempted a description of three aspects of KiNata noun structure, namely the noun AG, NPx and Nominal Derivation. These
elements combine to form the canonical form of the Ki-Nata noun structure. The nature
of their combination differs from one kind of noun to another. For instance, in this
language the canonical structure of underived nouns is (AUGMENT) + NPx + STEM,
while that of the derived nouns is
(AUGMENT) + NPx + STEM/ROOT +
(NOMINALIZING SUFFIX). Moreover, through our analysis, morphophonological,
syntactic and semantic criteria are quite valuable in the description of the Ki-Nata noun
structure.
In Chapter One we presented preliminary information to our study such as geographical
location, background to the problem, statement of the problem, objectives of the study,
significance of the problem, theoretical framework and research questions. The chapter
also included fieldwork information as well as a review of the related literature.
In the second chapter, we surveyed the Bantu noun structure in three aspects –AG, NPx
and Nominal Derivation. Regarding the AG, researches in Bantu languages tend to show
that the AG and the NPx are two distinct formatives. This is because augments tend to
113
disappear in certain grammatical contexts. Moreover, we have seen that the AG shape is
mostly governed by the vowel harmony rule.
Following our data presentation and analysis in Chapter Three, the following things have
been addressed: First, the discussion has revealed that the AG in Ki-Nata serves two
major roles, syntactic and semantic. The syntactic role operates when syntactic operators
such as negation, Wh-enclitics, post-verbal position (copula), etc. control nonaugmented forms. The specificity concept, as we have seen, is partially reflected in
semantic/pragmatic primes. However, although these two roles show up, the surveyed
Ki-Nata data show that at some point the two roles function together. In other words, the
AG function largely depends upon the context in the sense that the retention or deletion
of AG depends on whether the speaker or hearer has prior information of the object in
question.
Second, regarding AGs [i] or [u] and [I] or [υ], we have shown that there are two rules
applying here exclusively; the glide formation and vowel harmony. The application of
the glide formation rule bleeds the application of the vowel harmony rule. In other
words, once the glide formation rule has applied the vowel harmony rule cannot.
Although there are some restrictions in some other Bantu languages for certain vowels to
occur as AGs, in Ki-Nata all vowels occur as AGs.
114
Third, regarding the NPx, this language seems to have 20 noun classes marked by
various prefixes. Although the semantic criterion of classifying nouns seems to be
blurred, one can still say that this criterion was initially clear perhaps during the ProtoBantu period (cf. Massamba 1995). This is because even today some nouns, especially
those in classes 1, 2, 3, 4 and 14, in Ki-Nata and other Bantu languages (cf. §.2.1.2.1)
are partially semantically motivated.
Fourth, on nominal derivation, we have seen in this chapter that various processes are
involved. Of these processes, the analysis shows that most nouns in Ki-Nata are derived
from verbs. Patterns like -i, -o, -u/βu- are productive in changing verbs into nouns. Other
productive processes discussed are reduplication and compounding. We have also seen
that only few nouns can be derived through compounding by (i) VERB + NOUN (ii)
NOUN +NOUN (iii) NOUN + ADJECTIVE.
4.2 Conclusion
Our aim in this study has been to explore the aspects of the Ki-Nata noun structure by
using Lexical Phonology as our framework. We have seen that where there is rule
ordering (morphophonological rules) phonological rules apply first before the
morphological ones. For example, the glide formation rule applies before the vowel
harmony rule. Again, as we have seen, where the glide formation rule has applied the
vowel harmony rule cannot. Moreover, the process of deriving nouns from verbs and
115
adjectives is arranged in a series of levels. Each step of word formation process is tied to
Lexical Phonology Rules i.e. augmentation, prefixation and suffixation.
This study, as per the hypotheses made in Chapter One, has testified that in this language
the AG is associated with concepts like specificity as its deletion or retention depends
upon the context; and its shape is controlled by the vowel harmony rule. The surface
manifestations of AGs and NPxs are accounted for by morphophonological rules. We
have seen that the vowel harmony rule governing AG occurs between the AG itself and
the vowel in the prefix, while the surface manifestation of the prefix is accounted for by
the nature of the stem or vowel harmony between the vowel in the prefix and that of the
stem/root.
Although noun class prefixes in Ki-Nata represent several concepts such as the form of
the thing involved (i.e. small, broad, abstract etc.), singular and plural, etc., we have seen
that the semantic criterion, as explicitly shown in Chapter Two, cannot give a
satisfactory Ki-Nata Noun classification. It was clear that only certain noun classes, i.e.
class 1 mu-, refer to particular kinds of objects.
Obviously, there is a lot that we have not attempted to do. We have not, for instance,
explored the syllable structure of the noun in this language. Over and above, apart from
mentioning at the outset that this language is tonal, we have not done any description of
the Suprasegmental features of the Ki-Nata noun. In effect, although the three features of
116
the noun–AG, NPx and Nominal Derivation have been dealt with in this study, the full
picture of the Ki-Nata noun structure remains incomplete.
While we cannot claim to have explored each and every aspect in our area of study, we
hope that we have been able to shed some light on the major three components of the KiNata noun structure. We also hope that this study is a stimulus for further exploration
and detailed reading and examination, not only on the issues highlighted in our study,
but also on this largely undescribed Bantu language.
117
REFERENCES
Adonijah, A. (2003). Swahili Noun Class System: A Critical Survey of the Loan words.
Unpublished M.A. Dissertation. University of Dar es Salaam.
Ashton, E.O. et al. (1954). A Luganda Grammar. London: Longmans, Green and
Co.
Bleek, W. (1862). A Comparative Grammar of South African Languages. London:
Trubner & Co.
Bryan, M.A. (1959) The Bantu Languages of Africa. London: Oxford University
Press.
Byarushengo, E.R. et al. (eds). (1977). Haya Grammatical Structure. In Occasional
Papers in Linguistics No. 6. University of Southern California.
Chagas, J.E. (1977). The Pre-prefix. In Byarushengo et al. (eds). Haya
Grammatical Structure. In Occasional Papers in Linguistics No. 6. University of
Southern California.
Cammenga, J. (1992). Kuria Phonology Morphology. Unpublished M.A.Thesis.
University of Amsterdam.
---------(2002). Phonology and Morphology of Ekegusii. A Bantu Language of
Kenya. Köln: Rüdiger Köpee Verlag.
De Blois, K. (1970). The Augment In Bantu Languages. In Africana Linguistica
IV. pp. 85-165. Tervuren.
Givon, T. (1971). Studies in Chibemba and Bantu Grammar. Supplement 3 to
Studies in African Linguistics.
Greenberg J. H. (1963) Studies in African Linguistic Classification: Part 1. The Niger
Congo Family. In Southwestern Journal of Anthropology. pp. 309-317.
Gregersen, E.A. (1967). Prefix and Pronoun in Bantu. In IJAL, Memoirs 21.
Baltmore: Waverly Press.
Guthrie, M. (1948). The Classification of Bantu Languages. London: Oxford
University Press.
-------------(1967-71). Comparative Bantu. Farnborough: Gregg Internatinal
Publishers.
118
-------------(1970). Collected Papers on Bantu Linguistics. Farnborough: Gregg
International Publishers.
Heine, B. (1976). Knowledge and Use the Second Language in Musoma Region: A
Qualitative Survey. In Kiswahili. Vol 46. pp. 49-59.
Hinnebusch, T.J. (1989). Bantu. In The Niger-Congo Languages. Nework and
London: University Press.
Hyman, L. and F. Katamba (1993). The Augment in Luganda: Syntax or
Pragmatic? In Mchombo, S.A. Theoretical Aspect of Bantu Grammar 1.
California: CSLI Publication.
Kahigi, K. K. (2003). The Sisumbwa Noun: Its Classes and Derivation. In
Occasional Papers in Linguistics. No.1. pp.1-86. University of Dar es Salaam:
LOT Publications.
Kiparsky, P. (1982). From Cyclic Phonology to Lexical Phonology. In Hust, H
and Smith, N. (eds). The Structure of Phonological Representation. Part I.
Dordrecht-Holland/ Cinnaminson: Foris Publications.
Maho, J. (1999). A Comparative Study of Bantu Noun Classes. Cothoburgensin:
Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis.
Massamba, D. P. B. (1976). Umbo-Nomino katika Ci-Ruuri. Unpublished
Undergraduate Dissertation. University of Dar es Salaam.
---------(1977). A Comparative Study of Jita, Ruri and Kwaya Languages of the
Eastern Shores of Lake Nyanza. Unpublished M.A.Thesis. University of
Dar es Salaam.
---------(1995). The Classification of Ci-Ruuri Nouns. In Journal of Asian and
African Studies. Nos. 48-49.
---------(1996). Phonological Theory: History and Development. Dar es Salaam:
Dar es Salaam University Press.
Meeussen, A.E. (1959). Essai de Grammaire Rundi. Tervuren. Annales du Musée Royal
du Congo Belge (de l’Afrique centrale)
119
Meinhof, C. (1932). Introduction to the Phonology of the Bantu Languages.
Berlin.
----------(1899). Grundris Einer Lautlehre der Bantuspraschen. Leipzig:
F.A. Brochhaus.
Mekacha, R.D.K. (1985). Phonological Processes Affecting Ki-Nata Vowels.
Unpublished M.A. Dissertation. University of Dar es Salaam.
Mould, M. (1974). The Syntax and Semantics of the Initial Vowel in Luganda. In
Voeltz, E. (ed.). Proceedings of the Third Annual Conference on African
Linguistics. pp.223-230. Bloomington: Indiana University Press..
National Bureau of Statistics. (2003). 2002 Population and Housing Census General
Report. Dar es Salaam: Government Printer.
Nurse, D. (1977). Classification of the Chaga Dialects. Humburg: Buske.
Nurse, D. and Phillipson, G. (1980). Bantu Languages of East Africa: a
Lexicostatistical Survey. In Polomé. E. C. and Hill, C.P. (eds.) Languages in
Tanzania. London: Oxford University Press.
Nurse, D. and Phillipson, G. (eds.) (2003). The Bantu Languages. Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press.
Polomé. E. C. (1967). Swahili Language Handbook. 1717 Massachusetts Avenue:
Centre for Applied Linguistics.
Progovic, L. (1993). Non Augmented NPs in Kinande as Negative Polarity. In
Mchombo, S.A. Theoretical Aspect of Bantu Grammar I. California: CSLI
Publication.
Rugemarila, J. M. (2005). A Grammar of Runyambo. Dar es Salaam: Languages of
Tanzania (LOT).
Schadeberg T. C. (1995). Spirantization and the 7-to-5 Vowel Merger in Bantu. In
Belgian Journal of Linguistics. Vol. 9. pp. 73-84
Schadeberg T. C. (2003). Derivation. In Nurse, D. and Phillipson, G.
(eds.). The Bantu Languages. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Wermer, W. E. (1973). Noun class and Concord Systems. In African Languages
Structures. Berkeley: University of California Press.
120
Werner, A. (1919). Introductory Sketch of the Bantu Languages. London: Kegan Paul,
Trench, Trubner and Co. Ltd..
Yule, G. (1985). The Study of Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
121
APPENDIX
Working Data
S/No
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
32
33
34
35
36
37
English
person
people
a christian person
christian people
child
children
father
fathers
maternal uncle
maternal uncles
woman
women
lip/mouth
lips/mouths
tail
tails
load
loads
head
heads
tree
trees
lung
lungs
sun
people (aug)
People (aug)
feather
feathers
urine
oil, fat
bottle (augm.)
bottles (augm.)
thing
things
girdle
Kiswahili
mtu
watu
mkristo
wakristo
mtoto
watoto
baba
kina baba
mjomba
wajomba
mwanamke
wanawake
mdomo
midomo
mkia
mikia
mzigo
mizigo
kichwa
vichwa
mti
miti
pafu
mapafu
jua
jitu
majitu
unyoya
manyoya
mkojo
mafuta
lichupa*
machupa*
kitu
vitu
kiuno
Ki-Nata
omô:to
aβâ:to
omokírisito
aβakírisito
umwa:ná
aβa:ná
ta:tá
βatá:ta
ma:mé
βa:ma:mé
υmukári
aβakári
υmúnwa
Imínwa
omokéra
emekéra
omoríγo
emeríγo
υmutwé
Imitwé
omoté
emeté
ri:so:sό
amasό:so
iryo:βá
erê:to
amâ:to
rí:βuri
amáβuri
amasíno:ro
amaγúta
oγocuβá
amacuβá
Ikiγéro
Iβiγéro
ekériβici
122
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
girdles
animal skin (dim)
animal skins (dim)
bosom/chest
bosoms/chests
English
water (dim)
darkness
house(s)
goat(s)
armpit(s)
viuno
ngozi
ngozi
kifua
vifua
kingereza/Vingereza
vinywaji
giza
nyumba
mbuzi
kwapa
49
50
51
hyena(s)
table(s)
pen(s)
fisi
meza
kalamu
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
torch(es)
stomach(s)
duck(s)
rib
ribs
day(s)
elbow
hair
hairs
door(s)
razor(s)
kulunzi/tochi
tumbo
bata
ubavu
mbavu
siku
kiwiko
unywele
nywele
mlango/milango
wembe/nyembe
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
spider’s web
bead(s)
elephant (dim.)
elephants (dim)
water (dim)
husband (dim)
husbands (dim)
teaching profession
beauty/goodness
humanity
bow(s)
snuff
night
childhood
utando wa buibui
ushanga/shanga
katembo*
tutembo*
tumaji*
kanaume
twanaume
ualimu
uzuri
utu
uta
ugoro
usiku
utoto
eβériβici
aγase:rό
amase:rό
eγekúβa
eβekúβa
eγecu:ŋgú
ama:ncé
Iki:réma
aɲu:mbá/caɲumbá
amborí/ca:mborí
aɲakwa:há/caɲak
wa:há
ahití/ca:hití
amecá/ca:mecá
akará:m(u)/cakará
:m(u)
atό:ci/cáto:ci
ánda/cá:nda
ambá:ta/cá:mba:ta
υrúβaru
cá:mbaru
orosíko/ca:sikό
aŋgokόro
υrucwé:re
ca:ncwe:ré
eγéseku/eβéseku
υrúγe:mbe/cá:ŋge
mbe
υru:ɲáwamboβe
υrúre:sa/ υβúre:sa
aγácoγu
ehécoγu
Ihi:ncé
aγasúβe
otosúβe
uβwarim(ú)
υβucόm(u)
oβό:to
υβutá
υβuγorό
oβotíko
uβwa:ná
123
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
100
101
102
103
104
105
106
107
108
109
110
111
112
113
114
115
116
117
118
brain matter
leg
legs
ear
ears
arm
arms
to refuse
winnowing
to cut
to laugh
place
there
here
at the head
at the book
on the head
on the table
yonder
on the house
on the car
in there
in here
inside the head
inside the cupboard
inside the cattle shade
in the grandmother’s
house
seeds (dim)
oranges (dim)
rags (dim)
goats (dim)
children (dim)
pus (dim)
river (aug)
rivers (aug)
husband(aug)
husbands (aug)
finger (aug)
fingers (aug)
flour (aug)
water (aug)
ubongo
mguu
miguu
sikio
masikio
mkono
mikono
kukataa
pepeta/pembua
kukata
kucheka
mahali
pale
hapa
kwenye kichwa
kwenye kitabu
juu ya kichwa
juu ya meza
kule/huko
juu ya nyumba
juu ya gari
mule
humu
ndani kichwani
ndani ya kabati
ndani ya zizi
ndani ya nyumba ya
bibi
vimbegu*
vimachungwa*
vitambara*
vimbuzi*
vitoto*
viusaa*
jito*
mamito*
jianaume*
mianaume/manaume*
jidole*
mavidole*
miunga/maunga*
mimaji*
uβwoŋgό
okόγoro
amáγoro
oγotwé
amatwé
υkuβόko
amaβόko
ukwaŋgá
okohόŋga
γoténa
γuséka
aháse
ha:rí
háno
mo:mutwé
mό:γitaβo
ko:mutwé
ku:mecá
yi:rí/íyo
ko:ɲumbá
kú:motoka
mu:rí
múno
mo:mutwé
mu:kaβáti
mwi:βancá
mwa:γo:kό
ehéβeγu
ehecu:ŋgwá
Ihíta:su
eheβόri
ihya:ná
Ihíβoro
υγuta:rό
amata:rό
oγosúβe
amasúβe
uγwa:rá
ama:rá
amátu
Imi:ncé
124
119
120
121
122
123
124
125
126
127
128
129
130
131
132
134
135
136
137
138
139
140
141
142
143
144
145
146
147
148
149
150
151
152
153
154
155
156
157
158
159
160
161
cat (aug)
cats (aug)
cook
cooks
shepherd
shepherds
reader
readers
speker
speker
extraction tool
extraction tools
throat
throats
ladder
ladders
activity
activities
writings
kind of hair platting
journey
a cry
key
seam
agreement
song
play
boil
boils
beloved
the bitten one
the circumcised one
the thatched one
he who has been eaten
dead people
the given one
something drinkable
manner of farming
manners of farming
manner of cooking
manners of cooking
manner of harvesting
jipaka*
mapaka*
mpishi
wapishi
mchungaji
wachungaji
msomaji
wasomaji
msemaji/muongeaji
Wasemaji/waongeaji
king’oleo
ving’oleo
koo
makoo
ngazi
ngazi
shughuli/kazi
shughuli/kazi
maandishi
msuko
safari
kilio
ufunguo
mshono
mapatano
wimbo
mchezo
jipu
majipu
mpedwa
mpigwaji
mtahiriwa
iliyoezekwa
aliyeliwa
mfu/wafu
aliyepewa
kinachonyweka
kilimo
kilimo
upishi
mapishi
uvunaji
υγúɲa:m(u)
amáɲa:m(u)
omόruγi
aβáruγi
omori:si
aβarí:si
υmúsomi
aβásomi
υmúγa:mbi
aβáγa:mbi
Ikí:hero
Iβí:hero
ekémero
eβémero
omόti:ri
eméti:ro
omόremo
eméremo
amá:ndeko
omόsuko
υruγe:ndo
ekérero
orohu:ŋgurό
υmú∫ono
am(a)ise(r)erano
iryé:mbo
rí:βarana
ri:βi:mbá
amaβí:mba
υmuséγu
υmutému
υmusá:ru
anseré:tu
omoré:βu
omokú
υmuhá:βu
Ikiɲwé:βu
okoréma
amárema
okorúγa
amáruγa
υkuγésa
125
162
163
164
165
167
167
168
169
170
171
172
173
174
175
176
177
178
179
180
181
182
183
184
185
186
187
188
189
190
191
192
193
194
195
196
197
manners of harvesting
manner of eating
manners of eating
smallness
quickness
shortness
length/tallness
quality if being unripe
beauty/goodness
sourness
quantity/numerous
state
childhood
foolishness
let him/her winnow
dog
cry
care/nurse a child
month
months
heart
hearts
intestines
pancreas
pancreases
shake the dust
a kind of beating*
son’s wife/daughter in
law
scarecrow*
dung beetle [roller of
faeses]
bride price’s advance
crane
cuckow
shadow
butterfly
someone who is never
passed by anything
a male unicorn with 8
heads
uvunaji
ulaji
ulaji
udogo
uharaka
ufupi
urefu
ubichi
uzuri
uchachu
wingi
amáγesa
υkurá:γera
amará:γera
oβosú:hu
uβwá:ŋgo
oβoγúhe
υβúre
oβoβése
υβucόmu
oβόroro
uβwa:rú
utoto
ujinga
apepete
mbwa
lia
lea
mwezi
miezi
moyo
mioyo
utumbo
kongosho
kongosho
kung’uta
kung’uta
mkamwana
uβwa:ná
υβuráγa:nu
aho:ŋgé/i:rúre
ase:sé
réra
rέra
umwε:rí
imyεrí
umwό:yo
imyό:yo
υβúra
ikya:ná
iβya:ná
kόŋo:ta
kɔŋɔ:ta
υmukamwá:na
aina ya mjusi wa
mashambani
mdudu aviringishaye
mavi
posa*
korongo
dudumizi
kivuli
kipepeo
mtu asiyepitwa na
jambo au kitu
zimwi lenye vichwa
nane
Ιγikaŋga-βáremi
rihiriŋgiti-máβi
Ιγikaŋgata-βúkwe
εkεmεra-ncόka
riβututuri-mánce
Ιki:ri:rí
Ιkiβa:βáyo
ɲantaheteramόhumo
sa-mitwe:-na:né
126
198
199
200
young father
young mother
Wambura’s grand
father’
baba mdogo
mama mdogo
Babu yake Wambura
Constructions
Translate the following constructions into Ki-Nata:
1. A child is crying.
2. The child is crying.
3. Bring a book
4. Buy good books.
5. Go with a calabash.
6. Bring some water and some milk.
7. An old man and an old woman have arrived.
8. A/the thief entered in the house.
9. Saβiti likes a/the woman.
10. Saβiti doesn’t like any woman.
11. Don’t go with a calabash
12. A child is not crying.
13. Children are not crying.
14. Bedsteads won’t be taken away.
15. Speaking is a cure.
16. Speaking isn’t a cure.
ta:ta-mόɲi
ma:-mόɲi
sa-koro-Wambúra
127
17. The cups belong to the woman.
18. The cups do not belong to the woman.
19. He didn’t see these cups.
20. Put the book on the table
21. Put the cups in the cupboard.
22. Every book should be read.
23. The owner the book has arrived.
24. Every person should study.
25. The owner (dim) of the house has come.
26. She is the farmer.
27. They are the farmers.
28. You fool!
29. You thieves!
30. Have you brought my flywhisk?
31. I have brought it.
32. Give me a chair.
33. Which chair?
34. Which shoes do you like?
35. The one in the house.