Download Altered Space for a New Zen in Vietnam

DORISEA
WORKING
PAPER
ISSUE 3, 2013, ISSN: 2196-6893
ALEXANDER SOUCY
ALTERED SPACE
FOR A NEW ZEN IN VIETNAM
Competence Network DORISEA – Dynamics of Religion in Southeast Asia
2
ALEXANDER SOUCY
ALTERED SPACE FOR A NEW ZEN IN VIETNAM
Abstract: Twentieth century events, with the Buddhist Revival (in response to
colonialism), the war (and subsequent dispersal of the Vietnamese overseas), and
Communistchallenges,havebroughtaboutarenewedinterestinZenBuddhisminthe
twenty‐first century. The southern Vietnamese monk, Thích Thanh Từ, has drawn on
potenthistoricalsignifiersofTrầnNhânTôngandtheonlyVietnameseZenlineage(Trúc
Lâm) to create a new kind of Zen while simultaneously claiming identity with a
nationalisticsymbolfromthepast.In1997alocalpagodawastakenoverbyThíchThanh
Từ's organisation and Zen missionaries from southern Vietnam have turned it into a
majorZencentreontheoutskirtsofHanoi.Thispaperwillexplorehowtheyhavecreated
and transformed the northern Buddhist space into something entirely new, reflecting
more Modernist/Western/Global visions of Buddhism than local Vietnamese Buddhist
understandings.
1. INTRODUCTION
AnewinterestinZenBuddhismhasemergedin
Vietnam, originating in the centre and south in
the 1960s and, while stalling from 1975 until
sometimeinthemid‐1990s,movingtonorthern
Vietnaminthelastdecade.Thisneo‐Zenharkens
backtoagoldenageofBuddhisminVietnamdur‐
ingtheLýandTrầndynasties(11thto15thcentury)
whatisviewedasapurerandtruerformofBud‐
dhism.However,initsessenceitisreallyaform
ofglobalBuddhism.Itisinfluencedbythesame
ideas and pressures that have brought about
transformationsinwhatiscommonlyviewedas
WesternBuddhism,whichwasinturninfluenced
by the central tenets of the Buddhist reform
movementsthattookplaceinAsiaattheendof
the19thcenturyandbeginningofthe20th.This
paper is based on archival work and three
monthsofethnographicworkdoneatanewZen
centre on the outskirts of Hanoi in 2011, and
brieflybeforethatforafewweeksin2004–2005,
thispaperwilllookathowrelativelynewideasof
Buddhism, that originated in the Buddhist Re‐
formMovementofthe1920sand'30s,hasinflu‐
enced the new spaces that are being created by
oneparticulargroup.Thisgroup,calledTrúcLâm
ThiềnTông,wasfoundedbyasouthernVietnam‐
esemonknamedThíchThanhTừ,whocurrently
resides at the organisation's main monastery in
ĐàLạt.
2. ZEN IN VIETNAM
Ifirstencounteredthisgroupin2004ontheout‐
skirts of Hanoi, where they had constructed a
largeandmodernmeditationcentreandmonas‐
tery. Since then it has tripled or quadrupled in
size, both physically and in the numbers of fol‐
lowers.Itisremarkableforitsverymoderninter‐
pretationofBuddhismandforitsinnovativeac‐
tivities.WhileIwilldescribeafewoftheaspects
thatmakeitstandoutasentirelydifferentfrom
Buddhism as it is more traditionally and com‐
monlypracticedinHanoi,fornowletmejustsay
thatthedifferencesarestark.Nonetheless,asis
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often the case, the group gets its legitimacy by
claimingthatitisclosertoapurerformofBud‐
dhismfromthepastthathasinrecentcenturies
beencorruptedbyignoranceandsuperstition.
WhileZenhasalonghistoryinVietnam,there
has never been a tradition of continuous Zen
schools,ZenlineagesorZentransmission.Cuong
Tu Nguyen (1995; 1997) expresses scepticism
thatithaseverevenhadmuchofaninfluenceon
most Vietnamese lay or monastic Buddhists. In‐
stead,hearguesthatthefewextantwritingson
ZeninVietnamfromthemedievalperiodrepre‐
sent a rhetorical expression of Vietnamese elite
fascinationwithallthingsChinese,andaconcern
withappearingequaltotheChinesebymimick‐
ing their Buddhist literary forms, particularly
Ch'antransmissionofthelamptexts.Hebluntly
states: "For the ordinary Vietnamese Buddhists,
Zen was (and probably still is) merely 'a rumor
from the monasteries'" (Nguyen 1997, 99). De‐
spitethis,Zenhasbeenassociatedwiththeelite,
attractingkingsandscholars.Ithasbeenparticu‐
larly linked with what is considered the golden
era of Buddhism in Vietnam, during the Lý and
Trần dynasties, before Confucianism took away
itscourtlyinfluence.
TherootsofthecontemporaryinterestinZen
datebacktotheBuddhistReformMovementthat
started in the 1920s in Vietnam, but earlier in
othercountriesinAsia.Themaincentresofthese
internationalAsian reformmovements were Sri
Lanka, Japan and China. These revival move‐
ments,whichbecameinternationalizedandcon‐
nectedtosomedegree,soughttoclaimlegitimacy
for Buddhism by identifying it as a 'world reli‐
gion', as this category was constructed by the
Western academy. This was done as part of a
morecomprehensiveefforttogainlegitimacyand
tocompetewithChristianmissionaryincursions
andhegemoniccolonialpower.
TheVietnamese,fortheirpart,weretryingto
copewithFrenchcolonialdominationandpres‐
surefromChristianmissionaries,andBuddhism
becameoneofthefrontsofnationalculturalre‐
imagining that came about as resistance to
French hegemony. In 1932 Trần Văn Giáp, a
FrenchtrainedVietnamesescholar,wroteabout
thehistoryofearlyVietnameseBuddhism,basing
hisworkona'rediscovered'textcalledtheThiền
UyểnTậpAnh.VirtuallyeverydescriptionofBud‐
dhism in Vietnam from that point to today has
been a reproduction of Trần Văn Giáp's work
(Nguyen1997,22).Ithasstronglyinfluencednot
only academic descriptions of Buddhism in Vi‐
etnam(mostlybyVietnamesescholars),buthas
alsobeentakenupbytheBuddhistinstitutionas
aself‐description.TheVietnameseinterestinZen
picked up steam in South Vietnam during the
1960s,influencedbytranslationsofD.T.Suzuki's
writings.
In1997–1998whenIwasdoingmydoctoral
fieldworkinHanoi,andwhenIlivedtherefrom
1999until2001Ineverencounteredanyhintsof
Zen,otherthanintheformofacademicrhetoric.
Architecturally,thepagodasofVietnamlackmed‐
itation halls – a feature that could be said to be
essentialforaZenmonastery.NordidIeversee
anyone,orhearofanyone,whopracticedmedita‐
tion.Oneoldmanwhotookaleadershiproleata
localpagodainHanoioncesaidtomethatthere
wasnooneinnorthernVietnam–monasticorlay
–whoknewhowtomeditate,andthiswascon‐
firmedbyeverymonkImetinthenorth.While
therearebooksonmeditationinthebookstores,
itwasproblematictodescribeVietnamashaving
muchtodowithZen.InsteadtheBuddhistprac‐
ticerevolvedarounddevotionalism–usuallyla‐
belled as Pure Land Buddhism, and the main
practice was chanting sutras (Malarney 1999).
Further,mostparticipants–largelyoldwomen–
speakoftheirpracticesasbeingcommunalrather
than individual, positively affecting the lives of
their entire families. In doing so they denied or
redefineddoctrinalinterpretationsofkarma.1
However,by2004IstartedtoencounterViet‐
namese Buddhists in Hanoi practicing Zen. Old
women who I knew to formerly recite sutras,
werenowgoingtotheZencentrementionedear‐
lier, and practicing meditation in a meditation
hall. Though it is notably couched in historical
tropes of Vietnam's Zen Buddhist legacy, their
practice resembles an internationalized version
ofZenBuddhismthatwouldbeathomeinMon‐
trealorBerlin.
3. TRÚC LÂM NEO-ZEN
This neo‐Zen group was founded by a southern
monknamedThíchThanhTừ,whostartedtoset
upinthe1970sinsouthernVietnam.Sincethen,
he has opened monasteries and nunneries
throughoutVietnam,severalintheUnitedStates
andAustralia,andoneinCanada.Hehaspurpose‐
fullycalledhisorganisationTrúcLâmZen,evok‐
ingthenameoftheonlyZenschoolsupposedly
foundedinVietnam.
The Trúc Lâm School has, since the 1930s,
particular symbolic capital because it is at once
Zen and also Vietnamese. For this reason Trúc
1
3
SeeSoucy2012formoreonthis.
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LâmhasoftenbeenevokedasthepinnacleofVi‐
etnameseBuddhism.However,itneedstoberec‐
ognisedthatthisisessentiallyaninventedtradi‐
tion,despite–orperhapsbecauseof–itssystem‐
aticevocationofaVietnameseZenpastinaway
thatresemblesthemarketingstrategyof'brand‐
ing'.
In inventing this new Zen tradition, Thích
ThanhTừhasadoptedmuchoftheideologyofthe
reformBuddhists.Thismeansthat,ironically,the
interpretations of Buddhism, the architecture
andiconographyofitsspacesandtheformsofac‐
tivities that are enacted in these spaces, have
muchmoreincommonwithwhatwouldbecalled
'GlobalBuddhism'thanthelocalBuddhismthatis
still practiced by a majority of Buddhists in Vi‐
etnam.Thereisnotenoughtimehereformeto
discussalloftheseaspects,soletmesticktojust
two key interpretive difference in the approach
thatistakenbyTrúcLâm:theprevalenceofthe
historicalBuddhaasacentralunifyingfigure,and
the de‐naturalisation of Buddhism, by which I
meanthatthereisanotablede‐emphasisonthe
impactofthesupernaturalonpeople'slives.
The way that Sùng Phúc is constructed and
laid out, and the statuary and iconography that
are featured in the monastery's spaces are im‐
portant.Theyarepurposefullyindicativeofapar‐
ticularapproachtoBuddhism.Whenseeninjux‐
tapositionwiththelocalformsofBuddhistarchi‐
tectureandiconographythechangesshowacon‐
certedefforttomakeadistinctionbetweentheir
practiceandthepracticesofotherBuddhistsboth
in the region and in the Vietnamese Buddhist
community,nationallyandinternationally.
ThedifferencebetweenSùngPhúcandregu‐
larpagodasinHanoiareclearfrombeforeenter‐
ing the compound,and not just becausethe im‐
posingsizeofitscentralbuildings.Thefrontgate
alsoisnotablydifferentinthatthecoupletsonthe
pillars are written in quốc ngữ – contemporary
VietnamesewritingbasedontheRomanalphabet
–ratherthaninChinesecharacters,asisthenorm
formostpagodasandotherreligioussitesinVi‐
etnam. This same substitution of quốc ngữ for
ChinesecharactersisalsopresentatQuánSứPa‐
goda, and points to connections with reformist
ideasthatemergedearlyinthetwentiethcentury.
AsDavidMarrhasargued,theadoptionofquốc
ngữoverChinesecharacterswaspartoftheeffort
tomodernizeVietnamaspartoftheoverallstrug‐
gleagainstFrenchcolonialism(Marr1971,183,
214–215;1981,33,137,150).
4. PHYSICAL LAYOUT
The newly constructed Sùng Phúc is enormous,
relativetotheusualsizeofpagodasandBuddhist
compounds in northern Vietnam. EvenQuán Sứ
Pagoda, the political centre of the only official
Buddhist organisation in Vietnam, the Vietnam‐
eseBuddhistAssociation,isonlyafractionofthe
sizeofSùngPhúc.Themainmeditationhalltow‐
ers over the surrounding roofs of the village in
whichitislocated.Itisattachedtoanothersetof
buildingsdirectlybehindit,andthetwobuildings
togetherdominatethecompound.Theyarebuilt
ofconcrete,butareinanarchitecturalstylethat
is more generically Asian than specifically Viet‐
namese.
Quốc ngữ inscription on the front gate of Thiền Vien
SùngPhúc;
4
LectureHall
Inthefrontsectionofthemainhall,ontheground
floor is what is called the Lecture Hall (Giảng
Đường),whichalsocontainsanaltarwithastatue
ofthebabyBuddhaaswelltwophotographs.The
first, in the front and centre of the altar is the
founderofSùngPhúc,namedThíchThôngGiác.
Thesecondistheteacherofthecurrentabbotof
Sùng Phúc, Thích Thiện Hoa. Along the upper
walls around the room are tiles with paintings
fromthehistoryofCh'anBuddhisminChina.As
thisroomisprimarilyusedforpedagogicalrather
thanritualpurposes,therearerowsoftablesand
chairs,withcapacitytoseatperhaps100people.
WhatisunusualabouttheLectureHallisthe
dualrolethatitplaysasaplacewherelessonsare
givenaswellasprovidinganaltartopayrespects
tothemonasticancestors.Inregularpagodasin
the norththere is always a room where the pa‐
godaancestor'sareworship,calledanhàtổ.The
correspondingroominregularpagodasisgener‐
allysmallandsinglepurpose.Whileincenseislit
daily at the ancestor altar and offerings of fruit
andflowersmade,thereisusuallylittleotherrit‐
ualactivityinthisroom,exceptontheannualan‐
cestorday(LễGiỗTổ).Insomepagodastheguest
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receptionarea,comprisedofatableandbenches
orchairs,islocatedinfrontofthealtar.Thissetup
reflects the arrangement found in traditional
houses, in which the reception area – the most
prestigiousandimportantpartofthehouse–is
locatedinfrontoftheancestoraltar.Therefore,it
is a significant divergence that the room that
holdsthealtarforthepagoda'sancestorsisalso
theonegiven over asa classroom, and isdomi‐
nated byatable placed infront leftofthe altar,
wherethemonasticlecturersits;withhisbackto
thealtarandfacingtherowsoftablesandchairs
where lay and monasticstudentssit to listen to
thelectures.
AncestorHall
Evenmoreunusualiswhatiscalledthe'Ancestor
Hall' (Tổ Đường). This room is situated on the
second floor of the building behind the Main
Shrine,whereancestorshrinesareoftenlocated
insomepagodasinnorthernVietnam(including,
forexample,QuánSứPagoda).Itisanexpansive
spaceandisthereforetheroomwheremostac‐
tivitiestakeplace,includingmeditationandpub‐
lic lectures. The main focal point of the room is
the'ancestoraltar'.However,themeaningofthis
issomewhatdifferentthanusual:whilethepho‐
tographs of the immediate monastic ancestors
are located in the Lecture Hall, the altar in this
hallisdedicatedtoBodhidharma(BồĐềĐạtMa),
the mythic figure who introduced Zen to China,
andthepatriarchsoftheTrúcLâmschool,being
EmperorTrầnNhânTông(calledTrúcLâmĐầu
Đà),PhápLoaandHuyềnQuang(togethercalled
the'ThreeAncestorsofTrúcLâm'–TamTổTrúc
Lâm.)Thus,atSùngPhúcthestressisputonthe
foundingfiguresattheexpenseofthepagodaan‐
cestors,whoareinsteadrelegatedtotheLecture
Hall,whichissmaller,darker,lower,andusually
closedtovisitors.
"Ancestors in Ancestor Hall f Sùng Phúc, with Bodhi‐
dharmainthebackandthethreepatriarchsofTrúcLâm
Zen(fromtheTrầndynasty)inthefront.
5
MainShrine
TheMainShrine(calledtheĐạiHùngDảoĐiện,
orTheGreatPalace),isalsosignificantlydifferent
from the main shrines of regular pagodas in
northernVietnam.Normally,altarsarecrowded
with members of the Buddhist pantheon, espe‐
cially images of the historical Buddha, Thích Ca
Mầu Ni Phật, Amitābha Buddha (A Di Đà Phật),
MaitreyaBuddha(DiLạcPhật)andbodhisattvas
such as Guanyin Bodhisattva (Quan Thế Âm Bồ
Tát) and Kṣitigarbha (Địa Tạng), and they may
sometimesalsoholdstatuesthatarenotBuddhist,
strictly speaking, such as the Ten Kings of Hell,
various goddesses or deified heroes, or even
Hindugods(e.g.acentralfeatureofDâuPagoda
isthegodShiva).ThemainshrineatSùngPhúc,
however,isdedicatedalmostsolelytotheHistor‐
icalBuddha,withalargegoldenstatueofhimin
thecentre.Tohisrightisawhitemarblestatueof
Mañjuśrī(VănThùSưLợi),abodhisattvarepre‐
sentingtranscendentalwisdomandpersonifying
meditation, and Samantabhadra (Phổ Hiền Bồ
Tát), who is a bodhisattva associated with Bud‐
dhistpracticeandmeditation.Theaccentonthe
historicalBuddhaisfurtherdisplayedbybasre‐
lief panels painted gold and brown and hung
aroundtheupperwallssurroundingthehall,de‐
pictingimportantscenesinthelifeoftheBuddha.
One scene that stands out as not usually being
presentinportrayalsofthelifeoftheBuddhaisa
sceneshowingtheBuddha'sflowersermon.This
is taken from a Zen myth in which the Buddha
holdsupaflowerandonlyhisdisciple,Kāśyapa,
understand the significance of the Buddha's ac‐
tion. The story, probably invented by Chinese
Ch'anBuddhists,isusedtoshowtheimportance
ofdirectexperienceratherthanusingtherational
mind, ritual or scholasticism to gain enlighten‐
ment, and also displays the power of mind‐to‐
mindtransmission.Thisdisplayofthelifeofthe
Buddhaisnotcommoninpagodasofthenorth,
withQuánSứPagoda–thecentreoftheBuddhist
Revivalmovementinthefirsthalfofthetwenti‐
ethcentury–beingtheonlyotheronethatIknow.
I have never seen a depiction of the flower epi‐
sode anywhere in Vietnam except in Trúc Lâm
centres.
ThefloorabovetheAncestorAltaristheMed‐
itationHall(ThiềnĐường).Themainaltarofthis
largeroomhasalargebrownishgoldstatueofthe
historical Buddha seated in meditation with
handsfoldedonhislapandholdingastupa.Be‐
hindthestatue,onthewall,isabasreliefofthe
Bodhi tree under which he reached enlighten‐
mentthroughmeditation.Onastandinfrontof
thealtarisasmallwoodenstatueofMaitreya(Di
Lạc) with children climbing over him. The most
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notableaspectofthisroomisthelargeglasscase
infrontofthemainaltar,inthecentreoftheroom,
containingsmallglassstupas,eachholdingsup‐
posedrelicsofvariousBuddhistsaintsandofthe
historicalBuddha.
5. EMPHASIS ON THE HISTORICAL BUDDHA
There are two aspects of the way that these
spaceshavebeenrestructuredthatareworthyof
notehere.ThefirstisthattheHistoricalBuddha
has been elevated above all other buddhas and
bodhisattvas,particularlyADiĐàandQuanÂm.
TheimportanceofthehistoricalBuddhaisrela‐
tivelyrecent,stemmingfromreformmovements
ofthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcentu‐
ries.JudithSnodgrass(2009)arguesthatmuchof
theemphasisonthehistoricalBuddha,Siddhār‐
tha Gautama, was produced by the works of a
missionary to Ceylon named Reverend Robert
SpenceHardy.Hardy'spurposeindoingresearch
andwritingaboutBuddhismwassolelytoshow
Buddhism to be inadequate as a religion, but in
doingsoheproducedanarrativeoftheBuddha
thatdidnotexistbeforeinanysingleplace.Con‐
sequently,scholarslikeT.W.RhysDavidslooked
toHardy'smaterialbecauseitprovidedaframe‐
work that made Buddhism more easily under‐
stood to Western scholars and the public, who
werelookingforsomethingthatresembledChris‐
tianity. In fact, Buddhism never placed so much
emphasis on the historical Buddha, but instead
viewedhimasoneofmanybuddhasinacyclical
process,andasaresultdidnotplacegreatstress
on his hagiography. The image of the Buddha
gainingenlightenmentundertheBodhiTreedid
notexistasacentralsymboloftheBuddhistreli‐
gion.However,onceinplace,thisimagehasbe‐
comeaunifyingsymbolofaglobalBuddhismthat
transcends the various traditions. As Donald
Lopezwrites,"YetwhatweregardasBuddhism
today, especially the common portrayal of the
BuddhismoftheBuddha,isinfactacreationof
modernBuddhism"(Lopez2002,x).InVietnam,
thestressonthehistoricalBuddhawaspresent
from the beginning of the Reform Movement in
thelate1920sandearly1930s.Recountingatotal
6
storyoftheBuddha'slifewasacentralfeatureof
most of the early Buddhist journals associated
withtheReformMovement.Forexample,thema‐
jor journal published from Saigon, called Từ‐Bi
Âm(TheVoiceofCompassion),featuredaserial
biography of Śākyamuni called "Lược Truyện
PhậtThích‐Ca‐Mâu‐Ni(SakyaMuni)"[Biograph‐
ical Sketches of Śākyamuni Buddha] (Từ‐Bi Âm
1932, 28–38). The first installmentfeatured the
storyoftheBuddha'sbirthandincludedpictures
ofQueenMaya'sdreamofthewhiteelephantand
thevisittothekingbytheseerAsita,whorecog‐
nized the thirty‐two auspicious markings of a
BuddhaandpredictingSiddhārtha'sdestinyasei‐
theragreatkingorsupremereligiousleader.The
storytookthirtyoneissues,endinginApril1933.
Similarly,ViênÂm,publishedinHuế,includedan
explanationofthestoryoftheBuddhainitsvery
first issue, called "Sự Tích Đức Phật Thích‐Ca
Mâu‐Ni(CakyaMouni)"(ViênÂm1933).InViên
ÂmtheBuddha'sstorywasserializedover16is‐
sues,endinginAugust1935.ThemainBuddhist
magazine published in the north, Đuốc‐Tuệ, did
not start printing a story of the Buddha until
somewhat later, in issue 16 (Nguyễn‐Trọng‐
Thuật1936,7–13),anditwasnotserializedand
wasmuchshorter.2
Thereareanumberofotherindicationsthat
the Buddha increasingly becomes central to the
wayBuddhismisconstructedinVietnam.Some‐
time in the mid‐twentieth century monastics
starttoadoptthesurnameoftheBuddha,'Thích'
(Śākya), as a preface to all monastic names.
ThoughitisapracticepeculiartoVietnam,howit
comes about is still a mystery to me. At around
thesametime,Buddhistpublicationsstarttobe
dateddifferently.WeseeintheearliestBuddhist
magazinesthattheWesterndatingsystemisused
(infact,datesarewrittenentirelyinFrench).By
themid‐1940s,however,publicationsstarttobe
givenaBuddhistdate.AlthoughIhavenotcome
across any explanation, it seems that this date
represents the supposed year of the Buddha's
birth, and therefore closely mimics the idea be‐
hindtheChristiancalendar.3Itisalsolikelythat
what has become a major celebration for Bud‐
dhistsaroundtheworld–theBuddha'sBirthday
(Wesak,orPhậtĐảninVietnamese)–alsodidnot
2 Iamnotsurewhythenorthernreformersdidnotplace
asmuchprominenceonthehistoricalBuddha.Thearticleit‐
selffollowsthestandardpattern,andlaysoutthelifeofthe
Buddhainnine stages.Inissues previoustothisone,other,
somewhat briefer articles were dedicated to other buddhas
and bodhisattvas: issue 1 features an article on A Di Đà
(Amitābha) (Đuốc‐Tuệ 1935); issue 8 features an article on
QuanÂm(Guanyin)(Đ.N.T.1936a),and;issue10hasashort
essay that describes Địa Tạng (Kṣitigarbha) (Đ.N.T. 1936b).
ThisdoesnotmeanthatthehistoricalBuddhawasnotplaced
inapositionofimportance,butthataconsolidatedbiograph‐
icalnarrativewasnotgivenuntilitssecondyearofpublica‐
tion.Inthesecondissue,however,thereisastoryofoneofthe
arhants, called: "The Story of [Ma‐Đăng‐Già]" [Truyện Ma‐
Đăng‐Già](Chung1935)andinissues5‐6thereisatranscrip‐
tion of a dharma talk given on the subject of the Buddha
(Thanh‐Đoan1936).
3 ViênÂmintroducedtheBuddhistyearinissue60,1943
(Buddhayear2507).
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existatthebeginningofthetwentiethcentury.4
1934 wasthe first year thatPhật Đản was cele‐
bratedinHuế,asthisspeechbyNguyểnKhoaTân,
printedinViênÂmmagazine,indicates:
Nouspouvonsaffirmersansjactance,maissans
risque d'erreur, que dans l'histoire du Boud‐
dhisme en Annam, c'est pour la première fois
qu'on enregistre une commémoration collec‐
tive de la Naissance de Çakya Mouni [Śākya‐
muni].Nonpasquelesbonzesaientnégligéjus‐
qu'icidemarquer,pardescérémonies,leretour
d'unedatequileurestchère.MaisenAnnam,
aucunedecescérémoniesn'aréunijusqu'ici,en
des solennités publiques, tous les adeptes du
Bouddhaetdonnéunesignificationsocialeàla
solidarité de la grande famille bouddhiqe
(NguyểnKhoaTân1934,61).5
Alloftheseexamplesillustratehowthehistor‐
ical Buddha, Śākyamuni, became increasingly
centraltoBuddhisminVietnam.
ThestressonthehistoricalBuddhaassistsin
theconstructionofBuddhismasa'worldreligion'
that is truly international, and modern in the
sensethatitconformstoaWestern(i.e.Christian)
view of religion. The reform movement, in at‐
tempting to construct Buddhism in this way,
sought commonalitiesofdifferent kindsof Bud‐
dhism.Byandlargethishasledtothephilosoph‐
icalbasicsofBuddhism(especiallyasencodedin
the Four Noble Truths) being accentuated; a
stressonpractice,especiallymeditationandmor‐
alisticpractices(especiallyasencodedintheNo‐
belEightfoldPathandtheFivePrecepts);andin
keysymbolsofBuddhism(especiallyasencoded
intheThreeJewels,orThreeRefuges:TheBud‐
dha,The Dharmaand theSangha.) This process
has resulted in an accentuation on the Buddha
andhislifeandacorrespondingde‐emphasison
theMahayanaBuddhistpantheon,andespecially
acleansingofnon‐Buddhistelements.
Thus, at Sùng Phúc we see that the Main
ShrineisdedicatedentirelytothehistoricalBud‐
dha,andthemainstatuesportrayingtheBuddha
inthegestureoftheFlowerSermon,andthedis‐
play of illustrations from the story of the Bud‐
dha'slifeinawaythatalwaysremindsmeofsta‐
tionsofthecross.Alongthetopofthewallssur‐
rounding the room are large panels (perhaps
threefeetbysixfeet)portrayingkeyeventsfrom
7
thelifeoftheBuddha.Infact,theonlyiconogra‐
phythatdoesnotdirectlyrelatetothehistorical
BuddhaarethestatuesofMañjuśrī(VănThùSư
Lợi), and Samantabhadra (Phổ Hiền Bồ Tát), on
eithersideofthemainstatue.Likewise,themain
statueoftheMeditationHallportraysthehistori‐
calBuddha,andhiscentralityisstrikinglyreiter‐
atedbythelargecollectionofsupposedBuddha
relicsthatdominatesthecentreoftheroom.
StatueofthehistoricalBuddhaandrelicsintheMedita‐
tionHallofSùngPhúc
Other activities and practices further evoke
the Buddha. Principalamongthese is the useof
himasaformofgreeting'MôPhật!',ratherthan
thePureLandBuddhistgreetingof'ADiĐàPhật!'
that is the norm at regular Buddhist pagodas.
Likewise, when people are gathered in aformal
setting,theyalwaysevoke'NamMôPhậtBổnSư
ThíchCaMâuNi'beforetheystarttospeak.The
Buddha'snameischantedbeforelectures,before
andaftermealsandatthebeginningandendof
themainpenitenceritual.Itisalsoworthnoting
thattheorderinwhichitissaidisdifferentthan
the norm, with the word for 'Buddha' (Phật) in
themiddleofthephraseratherthanattheend.
ThiswordorderistheinventionoftheTrúcLâm
organisation, used to further create distinction.
Thích Thanh Từ's explanation for adopting this
wordorderisasfollows:
As you remember, in Chinese language, the
common noun is always located at the end of
the sentence, while the uncommon noun is
placed in front. "Bon Su Thich Ca Mau Ni"
(Śākyamuni)isauniquenounand"Phat"(Bud‐
dha)isacommonnoun.Forexample,tointro‐
duce a venerable named "Chan Tam," should
4 Eventoday,theritualcalendarsoflocalBuddhistpagodas
inHanoidonotstressPhậtĐảnasimportant.Forexample,the
ritualcalendaratPhúcLộcPagodadoesnotevenmentionthe
Buddha'sbirthday(Soucy2012,53).
5 Alexander Woodside claims that the first celebration in
thousandsofresidencehangingoutflags(whichoneIamnot
sure,sincetheworldBuddhistflagwouldnotbeadopteduntil
1951)andattendingceremoniesatDiệu ĐếPagoda(Wood‐
side1971,48).
Huếwasin1935,describingalargepubliccelebration,with
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you say "Venerable Chan Tam" or "Chan Tam
Venerable?"Ifweusedthesecondone,people
willlaughatus.It'sbecause"venerable"isthe
common noun and "Chan Tam" is the unique
noun.InVietnamese,weshouldsay"Venerable
ChanTam."Thus,asVietnamese,weshouldsay
itinVietnameselanguage.Whydowehaveto
follow the words, grammars, and everything
thatChinesepeoplehave?Dowehavethecour‐
age?(ThíchThanhTừ2000,59–60)
Forthisreason,ThíchThanhTừdecidedthat
hisorganisationwouldusetheVietnameseword
orderinordertonotbea'slave'toculturaland
linguisticformsborrowedfromChina.
Takenasawhole,thewaythatthehistorical
Buddha is accentuated at Sùng Phúc, and in the
TrúcLâmorganisationasawholeisstriking.Fur‐
thermore, this practice is a peculiarity of the
emergingGlobalBuddhism,whichhasitsrootsin
the pan‐Asian Buddhist reform movements that
tookplaceatthebeginningofthetwentiethcen‐
turyandhasbeenadoptedbyWesternBuddhist
practices.
6. RATIONAL BUDDHISM
8
beexcludedasnon‐Buddhist.Thishappenedvery
muchatthelevelofelitereformers,butithascre‐
atedadiscoursewhichpermeatesthewayBud‐
dhismhasbeenpracticedeverywhere.Curiously,
nowherehasthisnewBuddhistorthodoxybeen
more heartily embraced than in the West. As
Snodgrass writes: "The image of the Buddha
seatedinmeditationbeneathatreeprovidesthe
modelformodern Buddhism'sdisproportionate
emphasisonmeditation…andthebasisforacer‐
tain arrogance among some Western Buddhists
who feel that the Buddhism of their practice is
closertoŚākyamuni'steachingsthanthatoftra‐
ditional Asian practitioners" (Snodgrass 2009,
21). This tendency by western practitioners of
Buddhismtoseetheirpracticeasbeingstripped
ofethnicculturalimpuritiesandtobesomehow
ethnically neutral is, of course, a misapprehen‐
sion.AsVictorHoripointsout,theBuddhismthey
are practicing is, rather, ethnically Western ra‐
ther than non‐ethnic or ethnically neutral (Hori
2010).
However, while the notion of returning to a
pureBuddhismthatresemblesascloseaspossi‐
bletheimaginedoriginalintentofthehistorical
BuddhaiscentraltoWesternBuddhistpractices,
thistendencywasalsoapartoftheBuddhistre‐
formmovementsinAsia.Mostusually,elements
that were perceived as non‐Buddhist were
deemed'superstition'.Aspartofamodernistdis‐
course,theytendedtobepracticesthatmostre‐
flectedanon‐rationalistviewoftheworldandin‐
volved belief and interaction with an imminent
and intimately connected supernatural world.
Whilethesepointscanbemadeinageneralway
throughout Buddhist Asia, I will write particu‐
larlyabouttheVietnamesecase.WhileBuddhist
orthodoxies stressed self‐reliance and the Bud‐
dhaasanexampleratherthananactiveforce,lo‐
calpracticesandbeliefswerecentrallyconcerned
with interactions, supplications and manipula‐
tionsoftheseforces.Instancesofthisareperva‐
sive.Someexamplesare:fortunetellingandgeo‐
mancy,wherebysupernaturaltechnologiesseek
tonavigatetimeandspaceinsuchawaythatpos‐
itiveinfluencesareenhancedandnegativeones
avoided; interactions with spirits through pos‐
sessionrituals,inordertoenlisttheirsupportfor
worldly endeavours; or engaging with the dead
(ghostsandancestors)toensureprotectionfrom
negative elements and promotion of positive
ones,andalsotoensurethattheproximatedead
(ancestors)receivedeverythingtheyrequiredin
the afterlife. Practices that deal with death, of
course, were particularly the purview of Bud‐
dhismasitwas,andis,traditionallypracticed.En‐
listing the help of non‐Buddhist spirits through
Partoftheprocessofre‐creatingBuddhismtofit
intothecategoryof'religion'thathademergedin
theWestwasthecreationoforthodoxieswhich
definedtheboundariesofthis'new'entity.Tosay
thatBuddhismhadtakenonlocalcharacteristics
and accretions over time and with its transmis‐
sion from India to other countries in Asia (and
eventually elsewhere), somewhat misses the
point,thoughthisiswhatreformersandmodern‐
istshaveclaimed(Lopez2002,xxxv).Itdoesso
becauseitpresumesthattherewasaninnerker‐
nelorcoreoftrueandpureBuddhismthatcanbe
tracedbacktotheBuddhaandhisoriginalteach‐
ings.However,BuddhismatthetimeoftheBud‐
dha was not institutionalized or codified. Even
withtheinstitutionalizationofBuddhism,itwas
not thought of in terms of orthodoxies until the
nineteenthandtwentiethcentury,whenreform‐
ers started to define a core of Buddhism that
would give it status as a world religion. In fact,
thereisnopurecoreofBuddhism,butitispre‐
ciselythisconstructionthathastakenplaceinthe
modernperiodandthenprojectedbackonallof
Buddhisthistory.
IntheprocessofconstructingacoreBuddhist
orthodoxy that could be shared by all forms of
Buddhism and thereby unite them into a single
entity – a world religion – commonalities were
not only sought, but boundaries drawn. Local
practicesandbeliefsthathadbeenapartofthe
way that Buddhism had been practicedcame to
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possessionritualscalledlênđồnghasalsobeen,
and continues to be, seen as connected to Bud‐
dhism.6
Thepracticesmentionedabove,andahostof
others–likeburningspiritmoneyweretargeted
byBuddhistreformersinVietnaminthefirstpart
ofthetwentiethcenturyandexcludedorde‐em‐
phasizedas'superstition'and'backwardpractic‐
es'. For example, DeVido writes of Trí Hải, the
mainBuddhistreformerinthenorth:
Trí Hải knew Chinese but realized many Bud‐
dhists, including the monastics, did not; some
were illiterate and did not even understand
whattheywerechanting,letalonethecontent
of Buddhist doctrines. Trí Hải was concerned
thatBuddhistswouldonlycarryout"supersti‐
tiouspractices"(burningofpaperritualobjects,
spiritmedia[sic]activitiesandworshipoflocal
animalcults)andBuddhismwoulddeclineand
die. Therefore there must be a revival and it
needed a strategy and organisation. (DeVido
2007,266)
Concernswith'non‐Buddhist'practiceswere
later taken up by the Buddhist institution as a
whole and adopted into the new normative un‐
derstandingofBuddhism.Theseviews,basedas
theywereonamodern,Western,rationaloutlook,
werealsomoreeasilyacceptedbythenewCom‐
munist state in the north, and several decades
later in the south. Consequently, the contempo‐
rary state‐sponsored Buddhism, as practiced at
itscentralpagodasandpropagatedinwidelycir‐
culatedVietnameseBuddhistmagazines,largely
followsthepathsetforwardbythereformersof
theearlytwentiethcentury.
At Sùng Phúc there is a concerted effort to
avoid practice and discourage beliefs that are
seen as superstitious. There is a complete ab‐
senceofanyreligiousaspectsthatareassociated
withwhatIhavecalledelsewheretheSpiritSide
(bênthánh)(Soucy2012),suchasamothergod‐
dessshrine(nhàmẫu),whicharestandardforpa‐
godasinnorthernVietnam,orevenoficonogra‐
phy of any gods or goddesses. In fact, the only
non‐Buddhist iconography at Sùng Phúc is lo‐
cated in the communal house which is on the
groundsofthemonastery,andasmallstatueof
the Earth God (Ông Địa) placed under a bonsai
treeneartheguestreceptionroom(whichtheab‐
botofSùngPhúcinsistedtomewasonlydecora‐
tion,andnotforworship).Anotherexampleisthe
banningofoneofthemostcommonpracticesat
regular pagodas: making offerings of spirit
6 ParticularlyinnorthernVietnam,localBuddhistpagodas
usually have shrines dedicated to the mother goddesses
(mẫu),andIhaveencounteredonemonkwhoactednotonly
9
money and burning them afterwards to convey
theiressenceuptothebuddhas.Thisactivityis
entirelyabsentatSùngPhúc,andthereisnoout‐
doorfurnaceinwhichtoburnthemoneyasthere
isatallotherpagodasinthenorth.
ZenBuddhism,asitispresentedbytheTrúc
Lâmorganisation,andatSùngPhúc,isrational‐
ized and de‐supernaturalised. In contrast with
Buddhismasitisgenerallypracticedinthenorth,
Trúc Lâm stresses the importance of individual
actionratherthandivineassistance,andofcom‐
prehension.Untilthelastdecade,effortstoedu‐
catelayBuddhistsinthenorthhavebeensome‐
whatlimited.In1997–1998,whenIfirststarted
todoresearchinHanoi,Buddhistlectureswhere
onlygivenatQuánSứPagodaandBàĐáPagoda
(theheadquartersoftheHanoiBuddhistAssocia‐
tion).Whilecalled'lectures',theyofteninvolved
reciting vinaya (monastic rules) rather than
teaching, and most attendees were more inter‐
estedingainingmeritfromattendancethangain‐
ingknowledgefromlistening.Theywerealways
chanted in Sino‐Vietnamese (Hán‐Việt). Though
they were written in quốc Ngữ (the contempo‐
raryRomanizedwritingsystem),thewordsmade
it difficult for most practitioners to understand
theirmeanings.Bycontrast,allofthesutrasand
ritualsatSùngPhúcusecolloquialVietnameseso
thateveryonecanunderstandtheircontents.Fur‐
thermore, every opportunity is taken to give
teachings on Buddhism through dharma talks,
whether it is a Sunday program for youths or a
mortuaryritual.
However, while rationalising Buddhist prac‐
ticeisaprominentfeatureofSùngPhúc,thereis
alsoadistinctivede‐supernalisationtotheprac‐
ticesandteachingsthatareexpoundedthere.The
ideathattheBuddhacanassistindailylife,abe‐
lief common in other pagodas, is systematically
refuted,asisthenotionthatpeopleengageinre‐
ciprocal relationships with the supernatural.
Thus, practices associated with lộc are entirely
absent.Thereisnogivingofofferingsandreceiv‐
ing blessings in return. Instead, Trúc Lâm
stressesindividualeffortandcultivationwhiledi‐
minishing the possibility for supernatural assis‐
tance.Thus,thecentrelacksafurnaceforburning
spirit money and the 1st and 15th of the lunar
month, when most Buddhists make offerings at
pagodas, is completely ignored. Iconography of
spirits that is associated with supplication are
resolutelyexcludedfromthearchitecture.Infact
theviewofsacredtime,wherebycertainmonths,
asamonkbutalsoaspiritmedium(bà/ôngđồng).Formore
on the view that sees spirit mediumship as part (or at least
complimentary)toBuddhistpractice,seeSoucy(2012,espe‐
ciallychapter1).
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daysandtimesareseenasmoresupernaturally
potent,doesnotfigureintotheactivitiesatSùng
Phúc.Instead,theviewispeculiarlymodernistin
itsstressofindividualstrivinganddenialofsu‐
pernaturalreciprocity.
10
Consequently, there isa strong effortto include
activities and events directed specifically to‐
wardschildrenandyouth.Finally,theseelements
are wrapped up and given legitimation by both
universalizing and internationalizing Trúc Lâm,
whileatthesametimeaccentuatingthenational‐
isticelements.
7. CONCLUSION
ThearchitecturallayoutofSùngPhúc,andtheac‐
tivities that take place there, say a great deal
abouttheoverallorientationofSùngPhúc.First
ofall,theyservetosetSùngPhúc,andtheTrúc
Lâmorganisation,asideasdistinctfromthereg‐
ularformofBuddhismthatisfoundthroughout
Vietnam.Theprimedistinctionismadebetween
ZenandPureLandBuddhism,thoughthisdistinc‐
tionismadewithcare.Amorerigorousdistinc‐
tionismadebetweenZen,asthetrueVietnamese
Buddhism, and the practices of Buddhists most
commonlyfoundinpagodas,whichThíchThanh
Từandhisfollowerscharacterizeascompletely
erroneous:
However, nowadays it's so pitiful as we have
seen at many places and temples, people just
have belief, not the wisdom.Theybelieve that
offering to the Buddha will gain his blessings
and prostrating to him will return merits.
Whatevertheydo,theyrelyontheBuddhafor
hisblessingsandprotection.Whentheysuffer
withthedisturbanceofgreed,hatred,andigno‐
rance,theyvisitthetempleandpraytotheBud‐
dhasothathecouldcleartheirafflictions.They
[rely] on the Buddha for everything. They do
notpractice,butaskorpraytotheBuddhafor
freegiving.Dotheypracticewisdomorbelief?
Ifit'sabelief,thenthereisnowisdom.Andifit's
notthewisdomthenthere'snoenlightenment"
(Thích Thanh Từ [Tu Tam Hoang] 2000, 32–
33).
Alexander Soucy is an Associate Professor in the
ReligiousStudiesDepartment,atSaintMary'sUni‐
versity(Halifax,Canada).HeistheauthorofThe
Buddha Side: Gender, Power, and Buddhist Prac‐
ticeinVietnam(2012)andseveralarticlesonViet‐
namese Buddhism and Gender. He also co‐edited
WildGeese:BuddhisminCanada(2010),andhas
published several essays on Buddhism in Canada,
particularlyrelatingtoVietnameseBuddhism.He
has been active in promoting the study of Bud‐
dhism in Canada by organizing conferences and
conferencepanelsonthesubject.Hismostrecent
workhasbeenlookingattransnationalVietnam‐
ese Buddhism and the rising popularity of Zen in
Vietnam.
Contact: [email protected]
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