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DORISEA WORKING PAPER ISSUE 3, 2013, ISSN: 2196-6893 ALEXANDER SOUCY ALTERED SPACE FOR A NEW ZEN IN VIETNAM Competence Network DORISEA – Dynamics of Religion in Southeast Asia 2 ALEXANDER SOUCY ALTERED SPACE FOR A NEW ZEN IN VIETNAM Abstract: Twentieth century events, with the Buddhist Revival (in response to colonialism), the war (and subsequent dispersal of the Vietnamese overseas), and Communistchallenges,havebroughtaboutarenewedinterestinZenBuddhisminthe twenty‐first century. The southern Vietnamese monk, Thích Thanh Từ, has drawn on potenthistoricalsignifiersofTrầnNhânTôngandtheonlyVietnameseZenlineage(Trúc Lâm) to create a new kind of Zen while simultaneously claiming identity with a nationalisticsymbolfromthepast.In1997alocalpagodawastakenoverbyThíchThanh Từ's organisation and Zen missionaries from southern Vietnam have turned it into a majorZencentreontheoutskirtsofHanoi.Thispaperwillexplorehowtheyhavecreated and transformed the northern Buddhist space into something entirely new, reflecting more Modernist/Western/Global visions of Buddhism than local Vietnamese Buddhist understandings. 1. INTRODUCTION AnewinterestinZenBuddhismhasemergedin Vietnam, originating in the centre and south in the 1960s and, while stalling from 1975 until sometimeinthemid‐1990s,movingtonorthern Vietnaminthelastdecade.Thisneo‐Zenharkens backtoagoldenageofBuddhisminVietnamdur‐ ingtheLýandTrầndynasties(11thto15thcentury) whatisviewedasapurerandtruerformofBud‐ dhism.However,initsessenceitisreallyaform ofglobalBuddhism.Itisinfluencedbythesame ideas and pressures that have brought about transformationsinwhatiscommonlyviewedas WesternBuddhism,whichwasinturninfluenced by the central tenets of the Buddhist reform movementsthattookplaceinAsiaattheendof the19thcenturyandbeginningofthe20th.This paper is based on archival work and three monthsofethnographicworkdoneatanewZen centre on the outskirts of Hanoi in 2011, and brieflybeforethatforafewweeksin2004–2005, thispaperwilllookathowrelativelynewideasof Buddhism, that originated in the Buddhist Re‐ formMovementofthe1920sand'30s,hasinflu‐ enced the new spaces that are being created by oneparticulargroup.Thisgroup,calledTrúcLâm ThiềnTông,wasfoundedbyasouthernVietnam‐ esemonknamedThíchThanhTừ,whocurrently resides at the organisation's main monastery in ĐàLạt. 2. ZEN IN VIETNAM Ifirstencounteredthisgroupin2004ontheout‐ skirts of Hanoi, where they had constructed a largeandmodernmeditationcentreandmonas‐ tery. Since then it has tripled or quadrupled in size, both physically and in the numbers of fol‐ lowers.Itisremarkableforitsverymoderninter‐ pretationofBuddhismandforitsinnovativeac‐ tivities.WhileIwilldescribeafewoftheaspects thatmakeitstandoutasentirelydifferentfrom Buddhism as it is more traditionally and com‐ monlypracticedinHanoi,fornowletmejustsay thatthedifferencesarestark.Nonetheless,asis DORISEA Working Paper, ISSUE 3, 2013, ISSN: 2196-6893 Competence Network DORISEA – Dynamics of Religion in Southeast Asia often the case, the group gets its legitimacy by claimingthatitisclosertoapurerformofBud‐ dhismfromthepastthathasinrecentcenturies beencorruptedbyignoranceandsuperstition. WhileZenhasalonghistoryinVietnam,there has never been a tradition of continuous Zen schools,ZenlineagesorZentransmission.Cuong Tu Nguyen (1995; 1997) expresses scepticism thatithaseverevenhadmuchofaninfluenceon most Vietnamese lay or monastic Buddhists. In‐ stead,hearguesthatthefewextantwritingson ZeninVietnamfromthemedievalperiodrepre‐ sent a rhetorical expression of Vietnamese elite fascinationwithallthingsChinese,andaconcern withappearingequaltotheChinesebymimick‐ ing their Buddhist literary forms, particularly Ch'antransmissionofthelamptexts.Hebluntly states: "For the ordinary Vietnamese Buddhists, Zen was (and probably still is) merely 'a rumor from the monasteries'" (Nguyen 1997, 99). De‐ spitethis,Zenhasbeenassociatedwiththeelite, attractingkingsandscholars.Ithasbeenparticu‐ larly linked with what is considered the golden era of Buddhism in Vietnam, during the Lý and Trần dynasties, before Confucianism took away itscourtlyinfluence. TherootsofthecontemporaryinterestinZen datebacktotheBuddhistReformMovementthat started in the 1920s in Vietnam, but earlier in othercountriesinAsia.Themaincentresofthese internationalAsian reformmovements were Sri Lanka, Japan and China. These revival move‐ ments,whichbecameinternationalizedandcon‐ nectedtosomedegree,soughttoclaimlegitimacy for Buddhism by identifying it as a 'world reli‐ gion', as this category was constructed by the Western academy. This was done as part of a morecomprehensiveefforttogainlegitimacyand tocompetewithChristianmissionaryincursions andhegemoniccolonialpower. TheVietnamese,fortheirpart,weretryingto copewithFrenchcolonialdominationandpres‐ surefromChristianmissionaries,andBuddhism becameoneofthefrontsofnationalculturalre‐ imagining that came about as resistance to French hegemony. In 1932 Trần Văn Giáp, a FrenchtrainedVietnamesescholar,wroteabout thehistoryofearlyVietnameseBuddhism,basing hisworkona'rediscovered'textcalledtheThiền UyểnTậpAnh.VirtuallyeverydescriptionofBud‐ dhism in Vietnam from that point to today has been a reproduction of Trần Văn Giáp's work (Nguyen1997,22).Ithasstronglyinfluencednot only academic descriptions of Buddhism in Vi‐ etnam(mostlybyVietnamesescholars),buthas alsobeentakenupbytheBuddhistinstitutionas aself‐description.TheVietnameseinterestinZen picked up steam in South Vietnam during the 1960s,influencedbytranslationsofD.T.Suzuki's writings. In1997–1998whenIwasdoingmydoctoral fieldworkinHanoi,andwhenIlivedtherefrom 1999until2001Ineverencounteredanyhintsof Zen,otherthanintheformofacademicrhetoric. Architecturally,thepagodasofVietnamlackmed‐ itation halls – a feature that could be said to be essentialforaZenmonastery.NordidIeversee anyone,orhearofanyone,whopracticedmedita‐ tion.Oneoldmanwhotookaleadershiproleata localpagodainHanoioncesaidtomethatthere wasnooneinnorthernVietnam–monasticorlay –whoknewhowtomeditate,andthiswascon‐ firmedbyeverymonkImetinthenorth.While therearebooksonmeditationinthebookstores, itwasproblematictodescribeVietnamashaving muchtodowithZen.InsteadtheBuddhistprac‐ ticerevolvedarounddevotionalism–usuallyla‐ belled as Pure Land Buddhism, and the main practice was chanting sutras (Malarney 1999). Further,mostparticipants–largelyoldwomen– speakoftheirpracticesasbeingcommunalrather than individual, positively affecting the lives of their entire families. In doing so they denied or redefineddoctrinalinterpretationsofkarma.1 However,by2004IstartedtoencounterViet‐ namese Buddhists in Hanoi practicing Zen. Old women who I knew to formerly recite sutras, werenowgoingtotheZencentrementionedear‐ lier, and practicing meditation in a meditation hall. Though it is notably couched in historical tropes of Vietnam's Zen Buddhist legacy, their practice resembles an internationalized version ofZenBuddhismthatwouldbeathomeinMon‐ trealorBerlin. 3. TRÚC LÂM NEO-ZEN This neo‐Zen group was founded by a southern monknamedThíchThanhTừ,whostartedtoset upinthe1970sinsouthernVietnam.Sincethen, he has opened monasteries and nunneries throughoutVietnam,severalintheUnitedStates andAustralia,andoneinCanada.Hehaspurpose‐ fullycalledhisorganisationTrúcLâmZen,evok‐ ingthenameoftheonlyZenschoolsupposedly foundedinVietnam. The Trúc Lâm School has, since the 1930s, particular symbolic capital because it is at once Zen and also Vietnamese. For this reason Trúc 1 3 SeeSoucy2012formoreonthis. DORISEA Working Paper, ISSUE 3, 2013, ISSN: 2196-6893 Competence Network DORISEA – Dynamics of Religion in Southeast Asia LâmhasoftenbeenevokedasthepinnacleofVi‐ etnameseBuddhism.However,itneedstoberec‐ ognisedthatthisisessentiallyaninventedtradi‐ tion,despite–orperhapsbecauseof–itssystem‐ aticevocationofaVietnameseZenpastinaway thatresemblesthemarketingstrategyof'brand‐ ing'. In inventing this new Zen tradition, Thích ThanhTừhasadoptedmuchoftheideologyofthe reformBuddhists.Thismeansthat,ironically,the interpretations of Buddhism, the architecture andiconographyofitsspacesandtheformsofac‐ tivities that are enacted in these spaces, have muchmoreincommonwithwhatwouldbecalled 'GlobalBuddhism'thanthelocalBuddhismthatis still practiced by a majority of Buddhists in Vi‐ etnam.Thereisnotenoughtimehereformeto discussalloftheseaspects,soletmesticktojust two key interpretive difference in the approach thatistakenbyTrúcLâm:theprevalenceofthe historicalBuddhaasacentralunifyingfigure,and the de‐naturalisation of Buddhism, by which I meanthatthereisanotablede‐emphasisonthe impactofthesupernaturalonpeople'slives. The way that Sùng Phúc is constructed and laid out, and the statuary and iconography that are featured in the monastery's spaces are im‐ portant.Theyarepurposefullyindicativeofapar‐ ticularapproachtoBuddhism.Whenseeninjux‐ tapositionwiththelocalformsofBuddhistarchi‐ tectureandiconographythechangesshowacon‐ certedefforttomakeadistinctionbetweentheir practiceandthepracticesofotherBuddhistsboth in the region and in the Vietnamese Buddhist community,nationallyandinternationally. ThedifferencebetweenSùngPhúcandregu‐ larpagodasinHanoiareclearfrombeforeenter‐ ing the compound,and not just becausethe im‐ posingsizeofitscentralbuildings.Thefrontgate alsoisnotablydifferentinthatthecoupletsonthe pillars are written in quốc ngữ – contemporary VietnamesewritingbasedontheRomanalphabet –ratherthaninChinesecharacters,asisthenorm formostpagodasandotherreligioussitesinVi‐ etnam. This same substitution of quốc ngữ for ChinesecharactersisalsopresentatQuánSứPa‐ goda, and points to connections with reformist ideasthatemergedearlyinthetwentiethcentury. AsDavidMarrhasargued,theadoptionofquốc ngữoverChinesecharacterswaspartoftheeffort tomodernizeVietnamaspartoftheoverallstrug‐ gleagainstFrenchcolonialism(Marr1971,183, 214–215;1981,33,137,150). 4. PHYSICAL LAYOUT The newly constructed Sùng Phúc is enormous, relativetotheusualsizeofpagodasandBuddhist compounds in northern Vietnam. EvenQuán Sứ Pagoda, the political centre of the only official Buddhist organisation in Vietnam, the Vietnam‐ eseBuddhistAssociation,isonlyafractionofthe sizeofSùngPhúc.Themainmeditationhalltow‐ ers over the surrounding roofs of the village in whichitislocated.Itisattachedtoanothersetof buildingsdirectlybehindit,andthetwobuildings togetherdominatethecompound.Theyarebuilt ofconcrete,butareinanarchitecturalstylethat is more generically Asian than specifically Viet‐ namese. Quốc ngữ inscription on the front gate of Thiền Vien SùngPhúc; 4 LectureHall Inthefrontsectionofthemainhall,ontheground floor is what is called the Lecture Hall (Giảng Đường),whichalsocontainsanaltarwithastatue ofthebabyBuddhaaswelltwophotographs.The first, in the front and centre of the altar is the founderofSùngPhúc,namedThíchThôngGiác. Thesecondistheteacherofthecurrentabbotof Sùng Phúc, Thích Thiện Hoa. Along the upper walls around the room are tiles with paintings fromthehistoryofCh'anBuddhisminChina.As thisroomisprimarilyusedforpedagogicalrather thanritualpurposes,therearerowsoftablesand chairs,withcapacitytoseatperhaps100people. WhatisunusualabouttheLectureHallisthe dualrolethatitplaysasaplacewherelessonsare givenaswellasprovidinganaltartopayrespects tothemonasticancestors.Inregularpagodasin the norththere is always a room where the pa‐ godaancestor'sareworship,calledanhàtổ.The correspondingroominregularpagodasisgener‐ allysmallandsinglepurpose.Whileincenseislit daily at the ancestor altar and offerings of fruit andflowersmade,thereisusuallylittleotherrit‐ ualactivityinthisroom,exceptontheannualan‐ cestorday(LễGiỗTổ).Insomepagodastheguest DORISEA Working Paper, ISSUE 3, 2013, ISSN: 2196-6893 Competence Network DORISEA – Dynamics of Religion in Southeast Asia receptionarea,comprisedofatableandbenches orchairs,islocatedinfrontofthealtar.Thissetup reflects the arrangement found in traditional houses, in which the reception area – the most prestigiousandimportantpartofthehouse–is locatedinfrontoftheancestoraltar.Therefore,it is a significant divergence that the room that holdsthealtarforthepagoda'sancestorsisalso theonegiven over asa classroom, and isdomi‐ nated byatable placed infront leftofthe altar, wherethemonasticlecturersits;withhisbackto thealtarandfacingtherowsoftablesandchairs where lay and monasticstudentssit to listen to thelectures. AncestorHall Evenmoreunusualiswhatiscalledthe'Ancestor Hall' (Tổ Đường). This room is situated on the second floor of the building behind the Main Shrine,whereancestorshrinesareoftenlocated insomepagodasinnorthernVietnam(including, forexample,QuánSứPagoda).Itisanexpansive spaceandisthereforetheroomwheremostac‐ tivitiestakeplace,includingmeditationandpub‐ lic lectures. The main focal point of the room is the'ancestoraltar'.However,themeaningofthis issomewhatdifferentthanusual:whilethepho‐ tographs of the immediate monastic ancestors are located in the Lecture Hall, the altar in this hallisdedicatedtoBodhidharma(BồĐềĐạtMa), the mythic figure who introduced Zen to China, andthepatriarchsoftheTrúcLâmschool,being EmperorTrầnNhânTông(calledTrúcLâmĐầu Đà),PhápLoaandHuyềnQuang(togethercalled the'ThreeAncestorsofTrúcLâm'–TamTổTrúc Lâm.)Thus,atSùngPhúcthestressisputonthe foundingfiguresattheexpenseofthepagodaan‐ cestors,whoareinsteadrelegatedtotheLecture Hall,whichissmaller,darker,lower,andusually closedtovisitors. "Ancestors in Ancestor Hall f Sùng Phúc, with Bodhi‐ dharmainthebackandthethreepatriarchsofTrúcLâm Zen(fromtheTrầndynasty)inthefront. 5 MainShrine TheMainShrine(calledtheĐạiHùngDảoĐiện, orTheGreatPalace),isalsosignificantlydifferent from the main shrines of regular pagodas in northernVietnam.Normally,altarsarecrowded with members of the Buddhist pantheon, espe‐ cially images of the historical Buddha, Thích Ca Mầu Ni Phật, Amitābha Buddha (A Di Đà Phật), MaitreyaBuddha(DiLạcPhật)andbodhisattvas such as Guanyin Bodhisattva (Quan Thế Âm Bồ Tát) and Kṣitigarbha (Địa Tạng), and they may sometimesalsoholdstatuesthatarenotBuddhist, strictly speaking, such as the Ten Kings of Hell, various goddesses or deified heroes, or even Hindugods(e.g.acentralfeatureofDâuPagoda isthegodShiva).ThemainshrineatSùngPhúc, however,isdedicatedalmostsolelytotheHistor‐ icalBuddha,withalargegoldenstatueofhimin thecentre.Tohisrightisawhitemarblestatueof Mañjuśrī(VănThùSưLợi),abodhisattvarepre‐ sentingtranscendentalwisdomandpersonifying meditation, and Samantabhadra (Phổ Hiền Bồ Tát), who is a bodhisattva associated with Bud‐ dhistpracticeandmeditation.Theaccentonthe historicalBuddhaisfurtherdisplayedbybasre‐ lief panels painted gold and brown and hung aroundtheupperwallssurroundingthehall,de‐ pictingimportantscenesinthelifeoftheBuddha. One scene that stands out as not usually being presentinportrayalsofthelifeoftheBuddhaisa sceneshowingtheBuddha'sflowersermon.This is taken from a Zen myth in which the Buddha holdsupaflowerandonlyhisdisciple,Kāśyapa, understand the significance of the Buddha's ac‐ tion. The story, probably invented by Chinese Ch'anBuddhists,isusedtoshowtheimportance ofdirectexperienceratherthanusingtherational mind, ritual or scholasticism to gain enlighten‐ ment, and also displays the power of mind‐to‐ mindtransmission.Thisdisplayofthelifeofthe Buddhaisnotcommoninpagodasofthenorth, withQuánSứPagoda–thecentreoftheBuddhist Revivalmovementinthefirsthalfofthetwenti‐ ethcentury–beingtheonlyotheronethatIknow. I have never seen a depiction of the flower epi‐ sode anywhere in Vietnam except in Trúc Lâm centres. ThefloorabovetheAncestorAltaristheMed‐ itationHall(ThiềnĐường).Themainaltarofthis largeroomhasalargebrownishgoldstatueofthe historical Buddha seated in meditation with handsfoldedonhislapandholdingastupa.Be‐ hindthestatue,onthewall,isabasreliefofthe Bodhi tree under which he reached enlighten‐ mentthroughmeditation.Onastandinfrontof thealtarisasmallwoodenstatueofMaitreya(Di Lạc) with children climbing over him. The most DORISEA Working Paper, ISSUE 3, 2013, ISSN: 2196-6893 Competence Network DORISEA – Dynamics of Religion in Southeast Asia notableaspectofthisroomisthelargeglasscase infrontofthemainaltar,inthecentreoftheroom, containingsmallglassstupas,eachholdingsup‐ posedrelicsofvariousBuddhistsaintsandofthe historicalBuddha. 5. EMPHASIS ON THE HISTORICAL BUDDHA There are two aspects of the way that these spaceshavebeenrestructuredthatareworthyof notehere.ThefirstisthattheHistoricalBuddha has been elevated above all other buddhas and bodhisattvas,particularlyADiĐàandQuanÂm. TheimportanceofthehistoricalBuddhaisrela‐ tivelyrecent,stemmingfromreformmovements ofthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcentu‐ ries.JudithSnodgrass(2009)arguesthatmuchof theemphasisonthehistoricalBuddha,Siddhār‐ tha Gautama, was produced by the works of a missionary to Ceylon named Reverend Robert SpenceHardy.Hardy'spurposeindoingresearch andwritingaboutBuddhismwassolelytoshow Buddhism to be inadequate as a religion, but in doingsoheproducedanarrativeoftheBuddha thatdidnotexistbeforeinanysingleplace.Con‐ sequently,scholarslikeT.W.RhysDavidslooked toHardy'smaterialbecauseitprovidedaframe‐ work that made Buddhism more easily under‐ stood to Western scholars and the public, who werelookingforsomethingthatresembledChris‐ tianity. In fact, Buddhism never placed so much emphasis on the historical Buddha, but instead viewedhimasoneofmanybuddhasinacyclical process,andasaresultdidnotplacegreatstress on his hagiography. The image of the Buddha gainingenlightenmentundertheBodhiTreedid notexistasacentralsymboloftheBuddhistreli‐ gion.However,onceinplace,thisimagehasbe‐ comeaunifyingsymbolofaglobalBuddhismthat transcends the various traditions. As Donald Lopezwrites,"YetwhatweregardasBuddhism today, especially the common portrayal of the BuddhismoftheBuddha,isinfactacreationof modernBuddhism"(Lopez2002,x).InVietnam, thestressonthehistoricalBuddhawaspresent from the beginning of the Reform Movement in thelate1920sandearly1930s.Recountingatotal 6 storyoftheBuddha'slifewasacentralfeatureof most of the early Buddhist journals associated withtheReformMovement.Forexample,thema‐ jor journal published from Saigon, called Từ‐Bi Âm(TheVoiceofCompassion),featuredaserial biography of Śākyamuni called "Lược Truyện PhậtThích‐Ca‐Mâu‐Ni(SakyaMuni)"[Biograph‐ ical Sketches of Śākyamuni Buddha] (Từ‐Bi Âm 1932, 28–38). The first installmentfeatured the storyoftheBuddha'sbirthandincludedpictures ofQueenMaya'sdreamofthewhiteelephantand thevisittothekingbytheseerAsita,whorecog‐ nized the thirty‐two auspicious markings of a BuddhaandpredictingSiddhārtha'sdestinyasei‐ theragreatkingorsupremereligiousleader.The storytookthirtyoneissues,endinginApril1933. Similarly,ViênÂm,publishedinHuế,includedan explanationofthestoryoftheBuddhainitsvery first issue, called "Sự Tích Đức Phật Thích‐Ca Mâu‐Ni(CakyaMouni)"(ViênÂm1933).InViên ÂmtheBuddha'sstorywasserializedover16is‐ sues,endinginAugust1935.ThemainBuddhist magazine published in the north, Đuốc‐Tuệ, did not start printing a story of the Buddha until somewhat later, in issue 16 (Nguyễn‐Trọng‐ Thuật1936,7–13),anditwasnotserializedand wasmuchshorter.2 Thereareanumberofotherindicationsthat the Buddha increasingly becomes central to the wayBuddhismisconstructedinVietnam.Some‐ time in the mid‐twentieth century monastics starttoadoptthesurnameoftheBuddha,'Thích' (Śākya), as a preface to all monastic names. ThoughitisapracticepeculiartoVietnam,howit comes about is still a mystery to me. At around thesametime,Buddhistpublicationsstarttobe dateddifferently.WeseeintheearliestBuddhist magazinesthattheWesterndatingsystemisused (infact,datesarewrittenentirelyinFrench).By themid‐1940s,however,publicationsstarttobe givenaBuddhistdate.AlthoughIhavenotcome across any explanation, it seems that this date represents the supposed year of the Buddha's birth, and therefore closely mimics the idea be‐ hindtheChristiancalendar.3Itisalsolikelythat what has become a major celebration for Bud‐ dhistsaroundtheworld–theBuddha'sBirthday (Wesak,orPhậtĐảninVietnamese)–alsodidnot 2 Iamnotsurewhythenorthernreformersdidnotplace asmuchprominenceonthehistoricalBuddha.Thearticleit‐ selffollowsthestandardpattern,andlaysoutthelifeofthe Buddhainnine stages.Inissues previoustothisone,other, somewhat briefer articles were dedicated to other buddhas and bodhisattvas: issue 1 features an article on A Di Đà (Amitābha) (Đuốc‐Tuệ 1935); issue 8 features an article on QuanÂm(Guanyin)(Đ.N.T.1936a),and;issue10hasashort essay that describes Địa Tạng (Kṣitigarbha) (Đ.N.T. 1936b). ThisdoesnotmeanthatthehistoricalBuddhawasnotplaced inapositionofimportance,butthataconsolidatedbiograph‐ icalnarrativewasnotgivenuntilitssecondyearofpublica‐ tion.Inthesecondissue,however,thereisastoryofoneofthe arhants, called: "The Story of [Ma‐Đăng‐Già]" [Truyện Ma‐ Đăng‐Già](Chung1935)andinissues5‐6thereisatranscrip‐ tion of a dharma talk given on the subject of the Buddha (Thanh‐Đoan1936). 3 ViênÂmintroducedtheBuddhistyearinissue60,1943 (Buddhayear2507). DORISEA Working Paper, ISSUE 3, 2013, ISSN: 2196-6893 Competence Network DORISEA – Dynamics of Religion in Southeast Asia existatthebeginningofthetwentiethcentury.4 1934 wasthe first year thatPhật Đản was cele‐ bratedinHuế,asthisspeechbyNguyểnKhoaTân, printedinViênÂmmagazine,indicates: Nouspouvonsaffirmersansjactance,maissans risque d'erreur, que dans l'histoire du Boud‐ dhisme en Annam, c'est pour la première fois qu'on enregistre une commémoration collec‐ tive de la Naissance de Çakya Mouni [Śākya‐ muni].Nonpasquelesbonzesaientnégligéjus‐ qu'icidemarquer,pardescérémonies,leretour d'unedatequileurestchère.MaisenAnnam, aucunedecescérémoniesn'aréunijusqu'ici,en des solennités publiques, tous les adeptes du Bouddhaetdonnéunesignificationsocialeàla solidarité de la grande famille bouddhiqe (NguyểnKhoaTân1934,61).5 Alloftheseexamplesillustratehowthehistor‐ ical Buddha, Śākyamuni, became increasingly centraltoBuddhisminVietnam. ThestressonthehistoricalBuddhaassistsin theconstructionofBuddhismasa'worldreligion' that is truly international, and modern in the sensethatitconformstoaWestern(i.e.Christian) view of religion. The reform movement, in at‐ tempting to construct Buddhism in this way, sought commonalitiesofdifferent kindsof Bud‐ dhism.Byandlargethishasledtothephilosoph‐ icalbasicsofBuddhism(especiallyasencodedin the Four Noble Truths) being accentuated; a stressonpractice,especiallymeditationandmor‐ alisticpractices(especiallyasencodedintheNo‐ belEightfoldPathandtheFivePrecepts);andin keysymbolsofBuddhism(especiallyasencoded intheThreeJewels,orThreeRefuges:TheBud‐ dha,The Dharmaand theSangha.) This process has resulted in an accentuation on the Buddha andhislifeandacorrespondingde‐emphasison theMahayanaBuddhistpantheon,andespecially acleansingofnon‐Buddhistelements. Thus, at Sùng Phúc we see that the Main ShrineisdedicatedentirelytothehistoricalBud‐ dha,andthemainstatuesportrayingtheBuddha inthegestureoftheFlowerSermon,andthedis‐ play of illustrations from the story of the Bud‐ dha'slifeinawaythatalwaysremindsmeofsta‐ tionsofthecross.Alongthetopofthewallssur‐ rounding the room are large panels (perhaps threefeetbysixfeet)portrayingkeyeventsfrom 7 thelifeoftheBuddha.Infact,theonlyiconogra‐ phythatdoesnotdirectlyrelatetothehistorical BuddhaarethestatuesofMañjuśrī(VănThùSư Lợi), and Samantabhadra (Phổ Hiền Bồ Tát), on eithersideofthemainstatue.Likewise,themain statueoftheMeditationHallportraysthehistori‐ calBuddha,andhiscentralityisstrikinglyreiter‐ atedbythelargecollectionofsupposedBuddha relicsthatdominatesthecentreoftheroom. StatueofthehistoricalBuddhaandrelicsintheMedita‐ tionHallofSùngPhúc Other activities and practices further evoke the Buddha. Principalamongthese is the useof himasaformofgreeting'MôPhật!',ratherthan thePureLandBuddhistgreetingof'ADiĐàPhật!' that is the norm at regular Buddhist pagodas. Likewise, when people are gathered in aformal setting,theyalwaysevoke'NamMôPhậtBổnSư ThíchCaMâuNi'beforetheystarttospeak.The Buddha'snameischantedbeforelectures,before andaftermealsandatthebeginningandendof themainpenitenceritual.Itisalsoworthnoting thattheorderinwhichitissaidisdifferentthan the norm, with the word for 'Buddha' (Phật) in themiddleofthephraseratherthanattheend. ThiswordorderistheinventionoftheTrúcLâm organisation, used to further create distinction. Thích Thanh Từ's explanation for adopting this wordorderisasfollows: As you remember, in Chinese language, the common noun is always located at the end of the sentence, while the uncommon noun is placed in front. "Bon Su Thich Ca Mau Ni" (Śākyamuni)isauniquenounand"Phat"(Bud‐ dha)isacommonnoun.Forexample,tointro‐ duce a venerable named "Chan Tam," should 4 Eventoday,theritualcalendarsoflocalBuddhistpagodas inHanoidonotstressPhậtĐảnasimportant.Forexample,the ritualcalendaratPhúcLộcPagodadoesnotevenmentionthe Buddha'sbirthday(Soucy2012,53). 5 Alexander Woodside claims that the first celebration in thousandsofresidencehangingoutflags(whichoneIamnot sure,sincetheworldBuddhistflagwouldnotbeadopteduntil 1951)andattendingceremoniesatDiệu ĐếPagoda(Wood‐ side1971,48). Huếwasin1935,describingalargepubliccelebration,with DORISEA Working Paper, ISSUE 3, 2013, ISSN: 2196-6893 Competence Network DORISEA – Dynamics of Religion in Southeast Asia you say "Venerable Chan Tam" or "Chan Tam Venerable?"Ifweusedthesecondone,people willlaughatus.It'sbecause"venerable"isthe common noun and "Chan Tam" is the unique noun.InVietnamese,weshouldsay"Venerable ChanTam."Thus,asVietnamese,weshouldsay itinVietnameselanguage.Whydowehaveto follow the words, grammars, and everything thatChinesepeoplehave?Dowehavethecour‐ age?(ThíchThanhTừ2000,59–60) Forthisreason,ThíchThanhTừdecidedthat hisorganisationwouldusetheVietnameseword orderinordertonotbea'slave'toculturaland linguisticformsborrowedfromChina. Takenasawhole,thewaythatthehistorical Buddha is accentuated at Sùng Phúc, and in the TrúcLâmorganisationasawholeisstriking.Fur‐ thermore, this practice is a peculiarity of the emergingGlobalBuddhism,whichhasitsrootsin the pan‐Asian Buddhist reform movements that tookplaceatthebeginningofthetwentiethcen‐ turyandhasbeenadoptedbyWesternBuddhist practices. 6. RATIONAL BUDDHISM 8 beexcludedasnon‐Buddhist.Thishappenedvery muchatthelevelofelitereformers,butithascre‐ atedadiscoursewhichpermeatesthewayBud‐ dhismhasbeenpracticedeverywhere.Curiously, nowherehasthisnewBuddhistorthodoxybeen more heartily embraced than in the West. As Snodgrass writes: "The image of the Buddha seatedinmeditationbeneathatreeprovidesthe modelformodern Buddhism'sdisproportionate emphasisonmeditation…andthebasisforacer‐ tain arrogance among some Western Buddhists who feel that the Buddhism of their practice is closertoŚākyamuni'steachingsthanthatoftra‐ ditional Asian practitioners" (Snodgrass 2009, 21). This tendency by western practitioners of Buddhismtoseetheirpracticeasbeingstripped ofethnicculturalimpuritiesandtobesomehow ethnically neutral is, of course, a misapprehen‐ sion.AsVictorHoripointsout,theBuddhismthey are practicing is, rather, ethnically Western ra‐ ther than non‐ethnic or ethnically neutral (Hori 2010). However, while the notion of returning to a pureBuddhismthatresemblesascloseaspossi‐ bletheimaginedoriginalintentofthehistorical BuddhaiscentraltoWesternBuddhistpractices, thistendencywasalsoapartoftheBuddhistre‐ formmovementsinAsia.Mostusually,elements that were perceived as non‐Buddhist were deemed'superstition'.Aspartofamodernistdis‐ course,theytendedtobepracticesthatmostre‐ flectedanon‐rationalistviewoftheworldandin‐ volved belief and interaction with an imminent and intimately connected supernatural world. Whilethesepointscanbemadeinageneralway throughout Buddhist Asia, I will write particu‐ larlyabouttheVietnamesecase.WhileBuddhist orthodoxies stressed self‐reliance and the Bud‐ dhaasanexampleratherthananactiveforce,lo‐ calpracticesandbeliefswerecentrallyconcerned with interactions, supplications and manipula‐ tionsoftheseforces.Instancesofthisareperva‐ sive.Someexamplesare:fortunetellingandgeo‐ mancy,wherebysupernaturaltechnologiesseek tonavigatetimeandspaceinsuchawaythatpos‐ itiveinfluencesareenhancedandnegativeones avoided; interactions with spirits through pos‐ sessionrituals,inordertoenlisttheirsupportfor worldly endeavours; or engaging with the dead (ghostsandancestors)toensureprotectionfrom negative elements and promotion of positive ones,andalsotoensurethattheproximatedead (ancestors)receivedeverythingtheyrequiredin the afterlife. Practices that deal with death, of course, were particularly the purview of Bud‐ dhismasitwas,andis,traditionallypracticed.En‐ listing the help of non‐Buddhist spirits through Partoftheprocessofre‐creatingBuddhismtofit intothecategoryof'religion'thathademergedin theWestwasthecreationoforthodoxieswhich definedtheboundariesofthis'new'entity.Tosay thatBuddhismhadtakenonlocalcharacteristics and accretions over time and with its transmis‐ sion from India to other countries in Asia (and eventually elsewhere), somewhat misses the point,thoughthisiswhatreformersandmodern‐ istshaveclaimed(Lopez2002,xxxv).Itdoesso becauseitpresumesthattherewasaninnerker‐ nelorcoreoftrueandpureBuddhismthatcanbe tracedbacktotheBuddhaandhisoriginalteach‐ ings.However,BuddhismatthetimeoftheBud‐ dha was not institutionalized or codified. Even withtheinstitutionalizationofBuddhism,itwas not thought of in terms of orthodoxies until the nineteenthandtwentiethcentury,whenreform‐ ers started to define a core of Buddhism that would give it status as a world religion. In fact, thereisnopurecoreofBuddhism,butitispre‐ ciselythisconstructionthathastakenplaceinthe modernperiodandthenprojectedbackonallof Buddhisthistory. IntheprocessofconstructingacoreBuddhist orthodoxy that could be shared by all forms of Buddhism and thereby unite them into a single entity – a world religion – commonalities were not only sought, but boundaries drawn. Local practicesandbeliefsthathadbeenapartofthe way that Buddhism had been practicedcame to DORISEA Working Paper, ISSUE 3, 2013, ISSN: 2196-6893 Competence Network DORISEA – Dynamics of Religion in Southeast Asia possessionritualscalledlênđồnghasalsobeen, and continues to be, seen as connected to Bud‐ dhism.6 Thepracticesmentionedabove,andahostof others–likeburningspiritmoneyweretargeted byBuddhistreformersinVietnaminthefirstpart ofthetwentiethcenturyandexcludedorde‐em‐ phasizedas'superstition'and'backwardpractic‐ es'. For example, DeVido writes of Trí Hải, the mainBuddhistreformerinthenorth: Trí Hải knew Chinese but realized many Bud‐ dhists, including the monastics, did not; some were illiterate and did not even understand whattheywerechanting,letalonethecontent of Buddhist doctrines. Trí Hải was concerned thatBuddhistswouldonlycarryout"supersti‐ tiouspractices"(burningofpaperritualobjects, spiritmedia[sic]activitiesandworshipoflocal animalcults)andBuddhismwoulddeclineand die. Therefore there must be a revival and it needed a strategy and organisation. (DeVido 2007,266) Concernswith'non‐Buddhist'practiceswere later taken up by the Buddhist institution as a whole and adopted into the new normative un‐ derstandingofBuddhism.Theseviews,basedas theywereonamodern,Western,rationaloutlook, werealsomoreeasilyacceptedbythenewCom‐ munist state in the north, and several decades later in the south. Consequently, the contempo‐ rary state‐sponsored Buddhism, as practiced at itscentralpagodasandpropagatedinwidelycir‐ culatedVietnameseBuddhistmagazines,largely followsthepathsetforwardbythereformersof theearlytwentiethcentury. At Sùng Phúc there is a concerted effort to avoid practice and discourage beliefs that are seen as superstitious. There is a complete ab‐ senceofanyreligiousaspectsthatareassociated withwhatIhavecalledelsewheretheSpiritSide (bênthánh)(Soucy2012),suchasamothergod‐ dessshrine(nhàmẫu),whicharestandardforpa‐ godasinnorthernVietnam,orevenoficonogra‐ phy of any gods or goddesses. In fact, the only non‐Buddhist iconography at Sùng Phúc is lo‐ cated in the communal house which is on the groundsofthemonastery,andasmallstatueof the Earth God (Ông Địa) placed under a bonsai treeneartheguestreceptionroom(whichtheab‐ botofSùngPhúcinsistedtomewasonlydecora‐ tion,andnotforworship).Anotherexampleisthe banningofoneofthemostcommonpracticesat regular pagodas: making offerings of spirit 6 ParticularlyinnorthernVietnam,localBuddhistpagodas usually have shrines dedicated to the mother goddesses (mẫu),andIhaveencounteredonemonkwhoactednotonly 9 money and burning them afterwards to convey theiressenceuptothebuddhas.Thisactivityis entirelyabsentatSùngPhúc,andthereisnoout‐ doorfurnaceinwhichtoburnthemoneyasthere isatallotherpagodasinthenorth. ZenBuddhism,asitispresentedbytheTrúc Lâmorganisation,andatSùngPhúc,isrational‐ ized and de‐supernaturalised. In contrast with Buddhismasitisgenerallypracticedinthenorth, Trúc Lâm stresses the importance of individual actionratherthandivineassistance,andofcom‐ prehension.Untilthelastdecade,effortstoedu‐ catelayBuddhistsinthenorthhavebeensome‐ whatlimited.In1997–1998,whenIfirststarted todoresearchinHanoi,Buddhistlectureswhere onlygivenatQuánSứPagodaandBàĐáPagoda (theheadquartersoftheHanoiBuddhistAssocia‐ tion).Whilecalled'lectures',theyofteninvolved reciting vinaya (monastic rules) rather than teaching, and most attendees were more inter‐ estedingainingmeritfromattendancethangain‐ ingknowledgefromlistening.Theywerealways chanted in Sino‐Vietnamese (Hán‐Việt). Though they were written in quốc Ngữ (the contempo‐ raryRomanizedwritingsystem),thewordsmade it difficult for most practitioners to understand theirmeanings.Bycontrast,allofthesutrasand ritualsatSùngPhúcusecolloquialVietnameseso thateveryonecanunderstandtheircontents.Fur‐ thermore, every opportunity is taken to give teachings on Buddhism through dharma talks, whether it is a Sunday program for youths or a mortuaryritual. However, while rationalising Buddhist prac‐ ticeisaprominentfeatureofSùngPhúc,thereis alsoadistinctivede‐supernalisationtotheprac‐ ticesandteachingsthatareexpoundedthere.The ideathattheBuddhacanassistindailylife,abe‐ lief common in other pagodas, is systematically refuted,asisthenotionthatpeopleengageinre‐ ciprocal relationships with the supernatural. Thus, practices associated with lộc are entirely absent.Thereisnogivingofofferingsandreceiv‐ ing blessings in return. Instead, Trúc Lâm stressesindividualeffortandcultivationwhiledi‐ minishing the possibility for supernatural assis‐ tance.Thus,thecentrelacksafurnaceforburning spirit money and the 1st and 15th of the lunar month, when most Buddhists make offerings at pagodas, is completely ignored. Iconography of spirits that is associated with supplication are resolutelyexcludedfromthearchitecture.Infact theviewofsacredtime,wherebycertainmonths, asamonkbutalsoaspiritmedium(bà/ôngđồng).Formore on the view that sees spirit mediumship as part (or at least complimentary)toBuddhistpractice,seeSoucy(2012,espe‐ ciallychapter1). DORISEA Working Paper, ISSUE 3, 2013, ISSN: 2196-6893 Competence Network DORISEA – Dynamics of Religion in Southeast Asia daysandtimesareseenasmoresupernaturally potent,doesnotfigureintotheactivitiesatSùng Phúc.Instead,theviewispeculiarlymodernistin itsstressofindividualstrivinganddenialofsu‐ pernaturalreciprocity. 10 Consequently, there isa strong effortto include activities and events directed specifically to‐ wardschildrenandyouth.Finally,theseelements are wrapped up and given legitimation by both universalizing and internationalizing Trúc Lâm, whileatthesametimeaccentuatingthenational‐ isticelements. 7. CONCLUSION ThearchitecturallayoutofSùngPhúc,andtheac‐ tivities that take place there, say a great deal abouttheoverallorientationofSùngPhúc.First ofall,theyservetosetSùngPhúc,andtheTrúc Lâmorganisation,asideasdistinctfromthereg‐ ularformofBuddhismthatisfoundthroughout Vietnam.Theprimedistinctionismadebetween ZenandPureLandBuddhism,thoughthisdistinc‐ tionismadewithcare.Amorerigorousdistinc‐ tionismadebetweenZen,asthetrueVietnamese Buddhism, and the practices of Buddhists most commonlyfoundinpagodas,whichThíchThanh Từandhisfollowerscharacterizeascompletely erroneous: However, nowadays it's so pitiful as we have seen at many places and temples, people just have belief, not the wisdom.Theybelieve that offering to the Buddha will gain his blessings and prostrating to him will return merits. Whatevertheydo,theyrelyontheBuddhafor hisblessingsandprotection.Whentheysuffer withthedisturbanceofgreed,hatred,andigno‐ rance,theyvisitthetempleandpraytotheBud‐ dhasothathecouldcleartheirafflictions.They [rely] on the Buddha for everything. They do notpractice,butaskorpraytotheBuddhafor freegiving.Dotheypracticewisdomorbelief? Ifit'sabelief,thenthereisnowisdom.Andifit's notthewisdomthenthere'snoenlightenment" (Thích Thanh Từ [Tu Tam Hoang] 2000, 32– 33). Alexander Soucy is an Associate Professor in the ReligiousStudiesDepartment,atSaintMary'sUni‐ versity(Halifax,Canada).HeistheauthorofThe Buddha Side: Gender, Power, and Buddhist Prac‐ ticeinVietnam(2012)andseveralarticlesonViet‐ namese Buddhism and Gender. He also co‐edited WildGeese:BuddhisminCanada(2010),andhas published several essays on Buddhism in Canada, particularlyrelatingtoVietnameseBuddhism.He has been active in promoting the study of Bud‐ dhism in Canada by organizing conferences and conferencepanelsonthesubject.Hismostrecent workhasbeenlookingattransnationalVietnam‐ ese Buddhism and the rising popularity of Zen in Vietnam. Contact: [email protected] BIBLIOGRAPHY Chung.1935.“TruyệnMa‐Đăng‐Già”[TheStoryof Matanga].InĐuốc‐Tuệ2:18–22. Đ.N.T. 1936a. “Đức Quan‐thế‐âm Bồ‐tát” [The VirtuousGuanyinBodhisattva].InĐuốc‐Tuệ8: 3–5. Đ.N.T. 1936b. “Đức Địa Tạng Bồ‐tát” [The Virtuous Kṣitigarbha Bodhisattva]. In Đuốc‐ Tuệ10:6–8. DeVido, Elise. 2007. “Buddhism for This World: TheBuddhistRevivalinVietnam,1920–1951 and its Legacy.” In Modernity and Re‐ enchantment: Religion in Post‐Revolutionary Vietnam, edited by Philip Taylor. Singapore: InstituteofSoutheastAsianStudies. 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